Journal articles on the topic 'Ministère public – France – Histoire'

James D. Herbert, Paris 1937: Worlds on Exhibition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 207 pp., £31.50, ISBN 0-801-43494-7. Andrea Kupfer Schneider, Creating the Musée d'Orsay. The Politics of Culture in France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 150 pp., $25.00, ISBN 0-271-01752-X. Juan Pedro Lorente, Cathedral of Urban Modernity. The First Museums of Contemporary Art, 1800–1930 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), £47.50, ISBN 1-859-28383-7. Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, Direction des Musées de France, Centre national de la Recherche Scientifique, Centre de Sociologie des Organisations, Musée National du Moyen Age, Publics et projets culturels. Un enjeu des musées en Europe. Actes des Journées d'étude 26 et 27 octobre 1998, Paris, Musée national du Moyen Age (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2000), price not given, ISBN 2-738-48645-2. Paul Rasse, Les Musées à la lumière de l'espace public. Histoire, évolution, enjeux (Paris: L'Harmattan, Logiques Sociales, 1999), 238 pp., price not given, ISBN 2-738-47769-0. Selma Reuben Holo, Beyond the Prado. Museums and Identity in Democratic Spain (Liverpool University Press, 1999), 222 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-853-23535-X. Brandon Taylor, Art for the Nation. Exhibitions and the London Public 1747–2001 (Manchester University Press, 1990), 314 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-719-05452-4.

On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.

With the aim of understanding the insertion of higher education into a new context of organization of society and State, which is managed according to the New Public Management, this work presents a comparative historical study of the organization of French and Brazilian higher education. It is concluded that the French adherence to the New Public Management is based on the knowledge economy, while the Brazilian one is based on State size reduction along the lines of the Washington Consensus; in addition, higher education institutions in both countries are organized to participate in competitions: in France, the international competition promoted by rankings, and in Brazil, the market competition.ResumoCom o objetivo de compreender a inserção do ensino superior dentro de um novo contexto de organização da sociedade e do Estado, gerido pela Nova Gestão Pública, o trabalho apresenta um estudo histórico comparativo da organização do ensino superior brasileiro e o francês. Conclui-se que a adesão francesa à Nova Gestão Pública tem como norte a economia do conhecimento, e a brasileira, a redução do Estado nos moldes do Consenso de Washington; e que as instituições de ensino superior nos dois países são organizadas para participarem de concorrências: na França, a internacional promovida pelos ranqueamentos, no Brasil, a mercantil.Palavras-chave: Ensino superior brasileiro, Ensino superior francês, Nova gestão pública, Universidade.Keywords: Brazilian higher education, French higher education, New public management, University.ReferencesAEBISCHER, S. Réinventer l'école, réinventer l'administration. Une loi pédagogique et managériale au prisme de ses producteurs. Politix, n. 98, n.2 p. 57-83 2012/2.AERES. Repères historiques. Agence d’évaluation de la recherche et de l’enseignement supérieur. Disponível em: <www.aeres-evaluation.fr/Agence/Presentation/Reperes-historiques>. Acesso em: 17 nov. 2016.AMARAL, N. C. 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« Les statistiques données par le ministère de l'Intérieur indiquent que 18 millions de Français entre 1880 et 1980 sont des descendants d'immigrants à la première, deuxième ou troisième génération. Plus du tiers de la population française actuelle est donc d'origine non française ». Si l'on ajoute les étrangers vivant aujourd'hui en France (3,5 à 4 millions de personnes), c'est environ 40 % des habitants de ce pays dont l'histoire ne peut être confondue avec celle de la nation française. Avec les États-Unis et le Canada, la France est le pays industrialisé dont la population doit le plus à l'immigration. Mais aussi surprenant que cela puisse paraître dans un pays où la recherche historique tient la place que l'on sait, le sujet n'a guère intéressé les historiens jusqu'à ces dernières années. Il suffit pour s'en convaincre de consulter le ficher central des thèses, les bibliographies annuelles de l'histoire de France ou les tables décennales des grandes revues d'histoire contemporaine. Les nombreuses « Histoire de France » parues récemment et les manuels scolaires des écoles primaires et secondaires n'accordent pratiquement aucune place à ce thème.

L’éducation nationale française est fortement centralisée : programmes, horaires et sujets d’examen nationaux, autonomie des établissements quasi nulle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Cette égalité d’objectifs et de moyens est supposée garantir une égalité de résultats ; ainsi, les établissements ne font pas l’objet d’évaluations, et les acquis des élèves n’étaient, jusqu’à une date récente, mesurés de façon systématique qu’à leur entrée dans chaque cycle, à des fins diagnostiques. Dans les classes de collège et de lycée, la note chiffrée synthétique est encore le seul mode d’expression de l’évaluation des élèves ; à l’école primaire, les livrets de compétences mis en place demeurent peu informatifs. Depuis 2005 cependant, de grand textes de cadrage engagent l’école française sur la voie d’une autre culture de l’évaluation : une loi de finance impose au ministère de l’Éducation nationale de rendre annuellement compte des acquis des élèves ; la loi dite « pour l’avenir de l’école » impose à la scolarité obligatoire qu’elle garantisse à chaque élève les moyens nécessaires à l’acquisition d’un socle commun de connaissances et de compétences ; enfin, un cadre européen édicte des objectifs en termes de compétences clés, notamment en langues vivantes. Les conditions d’une évolution des pratiques d’évaluation sont donc réunies, la question reste de savoir si l’école française saura se saisir de cette occasion.

La sociologie des arts et de la culture s'est très tôt développée en France, puisque dès la fin du 19è siècle il y a plusieurs publications. Puis on peut distinguer deux grandes périodes, la première va des années 30 du vingtième siècle à 1985 et voit se développer plusieurs tendances importantes qui continuent à marquer cette sous-discipline; la seconde commence avec les journées Internationales organisées par Mme Raymonde Moulin à Marseille en 1985, c'est le début d'un développement tout à fait spectaculaire sans doute permis par un soutien fort du Ministère de la Culture depuis Jack Lang. L'article cherche à présenter cette histoire et l'état des débats aujourd'hui dans ce secteur dynamique de la sociologie en France.

This paper explores the hitherto overlooked influence of France on the archaeological interests and approach of Harry Longueville Jones (1806–70), whose best-known contributions to archaeology centred on Wales. Focusing mainly on the period down to his co-founding ofArchaeologia Cambrensis(1846) and the Cambrian Archaeological Association (1847), it analyses Jones’s engagement with both archaeological monuments and heritage measures in France. The discussion assesses the significance of his recording of medieval churches in and around Paris while resident in the city 1835–42, including an unpublished report that he submitted to the Minister of Public Instruction in 1840. Attention is also given to his role as one of the corresponding members for England of the French government’s Comité historique des arts et monuments. Lastly, Jones is placed in the context of other British responses to the institutions established by the July Monarchy to study and safeguard historic monuments in France.

One of the Most Remarkable Developments on the French political scene since the Left’s historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.

By 1939 expectations in France of a major colonial contribution to the impending war effort were high. The idea of le salut par l'empire, literally ‘salvation by the empire’, even gained some currency among ministers, officials, and the wider public. This article examines the nature of the economic and military demands imposed on France's major overseas territories in the immediate pre-war years, focusing on the two pre-eminent colonial groupings of the empire: French North Africa and the Indochina federation. It suggests that colonial economies and working populations were poorly placed to meet French expectations of them. The colonies were severely affected by the economic depression of the early 1930s and slower to recover than metropolitan France. Structural economic difficulties imposed limits on the mobilization of colonial resources, a problem made appreciably worse by the earlier disagreements among ministers, colonial officials, and business leaders over the merits of colonial industrialization. The reversal of planned social and constitutional reforms after 1936 added to the political volatility and social divisions of colonial societies as war drew near.

The purpose of the article is to show the nature of the relationship between Emperor Alexander I, professor of the University of Dorpat Georg Friedrich Parrot and members of the Ministry of Public Education in the process of discussing the reform of parish schools in the Dorpat educational district at the beginning of the 19th century. Professor Parrot became the author of a project on the establishment of parish schools in the district, and his close friendship with the king made it possible to hope for the approval of his ideas by the minister. However, having received the initial support of the emperor, the Dorpat professor faced resistance from some members of the Main Directorate of Schools who did not want to amend the decisions which had already been adopted, and then the military conflict with France became a serious obstacle to the implementation of the planned transformations. Over the course of two years, Parrot had made changes to the text of the draft three times, but could not achieve the final consent of Alexander I. The author comes to the conclusion that Parrot’s desire to get special conditions and partial state maintenance for parish schools of the Dorpat district was unfeasible given the context of the protracted war and the worst financial crisis. The article introduces into scholarship an unpublished correspondence between the emperor and the Dorpat professor, which significantly supplements the idea of the reforms of public education in the first decade of the 19th century.

RésuméCet article essaie de tisser des liens entre histoire religieuse et histoire des espaces publics. Il propose de relire la signification historique des controverses doctrinales à partir d’une analyse des rapports entre un régime de publicité et un régime d’ecclésialité. Dans le cas des controverses théologiques françaises de l’âge classique, le recours massif à la publication de lettres signale la force des interrogations autour de la légitimité religieuse des pratiques controversiales et apparaît comme une forme de réponse à la manière dont la dynamique controversiale contribue à l’instabilité de la grammaire des actions de publication. Il témoigne d’un refus religieux de la transformation de l’Église en espace public, mais aussi de l’impossibilité de clore les controverses doctrinales en raison de leur dimension ecclésiale. Le travail réciproque entre publicité et ecclésialité apparaît alors comme un objet d’étude pertinent tant pour l’historien du catholicisme moderne que pour celui de l’espace public.

Abstract This article examines debate about the nature of the French monarchy during the early years of Louis XV’s personal rule. It argues that the king, his ministers and advisers as well as the wider French public were torn between traditional models of monarchy based upon the concept of a ‘roi de guerre’ and the diplomatic and human consequences of military conflict that had caused many to urge a more restrained, pacific projection of French power. In 1748, Louis XV offered a peace that reflected the desire to avoid a repetition of his predecessor’s errors, but France lacked the strength needed to impose a Pax Francia. The subsequent separation between the Bourbon dynasty and active military service did much to undermine the monarchy in the eyes of an increasingly patriotic public opinion.

The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.

The Musée du Quay Branly held an international symposium, “From Anatomic Collections to Objects of Worship: Conservation and Exhibition of Human Remains in Museums,” in Paris on February 22–23, 2008, at the museum's Théatre Claude Levy Strauss. The main purpose of the 2-day conference—opened by the French Ministry of Culture and Communication's Christine Albanel—was to stimulate an international debate on a multidisciplinary basis concerning the roles and responsibilities of museums in the exhibition and repatriation of human remains. The subject turned out to be topical, originating from the case of thetoi moko, the Maori tattooed head belonging to the collection of the Natural History Museum in Rouen, France, since 1875. The restitution of thetoi mokoto the Papa Museum in Wellington, New Zealand, deliberated by the city of Rouen, was recently banned by the Administrative Tribunal of Rouen, on request of the Ministry of Culture at the end of 2007. The head actually belonged to a municipal museum, which was in fact part of the Musées de France, and therefore it was considered part of a public collection. Accordingly, the 2002 French statute providing for the inalienability of state properties was applicable.

After regaining independence from France in 1953, Cambodia was ruled by successive regimes according to specific ideologies which were presented as charters for constructing a modern state. For the past 20 years, however, Cambodian politics has been dominated by the seemingly non-ideological Prime Minister Hun Sen. In his public rhetoric and the stated goals of the current regime, it may be possible to identify if not ideology, then ideas about how the Cambodian people are to be governed in a post-ideological era.

In May 1940, among panic-stricken ministers and politicians, General de Gaulle was virtually alone to reflect and proclaim that France was not vanquished as long as it retained its colonial empire, which would serve as the springboard for France's future liberation and status as a world power. Not many of his contemporaries shared his conviction, and his loneliness testifies to the detachment of public opinion and politicians vis-a-vis an empire which in extent ranked second only to the British. In spite of the headlines, newsreels, slogans, colonial exhibitions and propaganda, most Frenchmen would have probably agreed that, over the years, the mother country had spent more on its colonies than it had received.

AbstractThis article examines Taha Hussein’s (1889-1973) efforts as minister of public instruction to create Egyptian cultural institutes in Europe and North Africa between 1950 and 1952. While scholars have explored the Egyptian interest in the Mashriq before 1952, the details of Hussein’s hitherto unknown conflict with the French authorities over the creation of such institutes in the Maghrib show that Egypt also sought to officially extend its influence to the Maghrib before Nasser came to power. The article explores how Egypt and France articulated their cultural policies in the region as Egypt tried to assert itself as the guardian of Arabic and Islamic studies. Moreover, the article shows that despite Hussein’s ties to France and his controversial claim that culture should transcend politics, his negotiations reveal that the promotion of culture was his political strategy to assert an Egyptian influence, and push back against French colonial policies in North Africa.

Taking an anthropological approach, this article interprets Pagnol's critically acknowledged classic as a reinvention of a carnivalesque ritual practised in France from the late middle ages through the late 1930s, when ethnographers observed its last vestiges. By linking La Femme du boulanger (The baker's wife, 1938) to contemporaneous debates over gender, national decadence, and the definition of French cultural identity, I argue that the film recycles the charivari's long-standing function as a tool of popular protest against social and political practices regarded as detrimental to the welfare of the nation. In the context of the Popular Front, Pagnol's charivari ridiculed divisive partisan politics pitting Left against Right, symbolically purged class conflict from the social body, and created a new form of folklore that served as a focal point for the communitarian ritual of movie-going among the urban working and middle classes. In so doing, the film promoted the ongoing shift in public support away from the Popular Front in favour of a conservative ‘National Union’ government under Prime Minister Edouard Daladier, who in 1938–9 assumed the role of France's newest political patriarch.

RésuméQuelle était donc l’efficience du droit public dans l’ancienne France? Cette question opposa, à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale, les tenants d’une histoire pragmatique pratiquée dans les facultés de lettres et ceux d’une histoire du droit qui croyait à la force des idées. L’enjeu était au moins triple: le débat portait sur la « méthode» positiviste et critique; il était secondaire par rapport aux propositions épistémologiques des durkheimiens et, enfin, largement surdéterminé politiquement; mais, alors que le renouvellement le plus profond vint des facultés de droit (avec Ernest Labrousse), il contribuait à structurer le champ des sciences sociales encore hier (et aujourd’hui?).

ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE DEVELOPMENTS ON THE French political scene since the Left's historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.First, it has brought to the fore questions about the nature and perhaps even the very future of the Fifth Republic. The insistent refusal by Barre and his supporters to countenance cohabitation has elevated to the top of the political agenda the perennial issue of constitutional interpretation. What happens when the President of the Republic and the majority in the National Assembly are of opposed political persuasions? This has ceased to be a question of interest only to constitutional scholars but has become a reality after the March 1986 legislative elections resulted in a narrow victory for the RPR-UDF alliance. How Barre and his supporters behave in such a delicate situation is of crucial importance.

À l’heure où l’accès libre et gratuit aux ressources numériques est devenu un enjeu majeur, le but de cette présentation est d’introduire le lecteur à la visite de deux outils informatiques incontournables : la bibliothèque numérique Medica fondée en France dès 2000 et la Medical Heritage Library, premier consortium nord-américain mondial regroupant l’essentiel des ressources en histoire de la médecine tombées dans le domaine public.

It has been famously argued that Tom Paine was not much of an economic thinker. Indeed, in his published work, we see relatively scarce systematic commentary on the subject. But, as befitting his origins in a mercantile family, Paine as a young man had prepared for a career as an excise officer. He later fully participated in a broader Enlightenment conversation about the new world of credit, trade, commercial and monetary policies, among other fiscal issues of early globalization. In particular, Paine formulated a systematic critique of public debt as a compelling way to discuss political sovereignty, the social contract, and the true wealth of nations – among other issues. In 1796, in France, Paine published a critique of wartime funding of the British economy with the publication of The Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance inspired by the title of Gibbon’s The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776). Paine’s denunciation of the economic self-mutilation caused by British wartime expansionism focused on a reform by the Prime Minister, William Pitt the Younger, who partially privatized the public debt of Britain. The British pound sterling was henceforth sustained by mysterious private loans whose very terms were obscured from public opinion. This article argues that the pamphlet had many parallels to David Hume’s 1752 essay Of Public Debt which Hume revised after the Seven Years War with a radical critique of public debt. The Humean origins of many of Paine’s arguments are manifest in the corrupting nature of public debt tied to military expenditure. To Hume and Paine, gimmicky forms of state borrowing in times of war lead to the bankruptcy of expansionist absolutism and to the eventual “decline and fall” of belligerent empires.

The Portes Mordelaises, remnants of the medieval city walls of Rennes, France, has been the subject of several archaeological excavations until 2017. From these excavations, we created a three-dimensional (3D) model of the site reconstructed as it would have appeared during the 15th century, including the surrounding plus the interiors of its famed towers. Once our efforts and results were officially recognised as being of national interest by the French Ministry of Culture and Communication, Department of Heritage and the National Museum Service of France, we presented our virtual model reconstruction in an exhibition curated by the Museum of Bretagne, entitled "Rennes, les vies d'une ville" (Rennes, the Lives of a City). This approach to 3D reconstruction of the site served to further study Rennes’ origins, its construction, organisation, as well as its historic relationship to surrounding territories. The main objective of this work was to investigate, using of a significant and complex archaeological site as proof of concept, how the digitalisation of an existing structure, the modelling of its hypothetical structures, and the interactions with its virtual spaces enabled the general public to provide critical feedback, and enhance archaeological knowledge and evaluation of such sites. This reconstruction was carried out under a West Digital Conservatory of Archaeological Heritage project, whose mission is to support and advise archaeologists in the production and exploration of 3D archaeological datasets using the latest digitisation, modelling, and virtual reality (VR) techniques. Through a complex but repeatable process, using the valuable data provided by various excavations, in addition to new information provided by the 3D digitalisation itself, we produced a 3D model, fully satisfactory to rigorous scientific standards, which was then incorporated into a VR space ready for diffusion to the general public. Furthermore, the fact that 45850 visitors were welcome to experience our 3D model at an exhibition in a city the size of Rennes proved to be a significant success.

Au début du XXème siècle, le développement du sport moderne lié à la vitesse et à l’exploit laisse peu de place à la lutte « gréco-romaine » qui, trop statique et peu spectaculaire, ne connaît plus les faveurs du public Parisien. Une nouvelle forme de pratique plus attractive se développe, le « catch-as-catch-can » (« attrape comme tu peux »), de culture américaine et proche de plusieurs styles traditionnels anglais et écossais. Cependant, jugée trop dangereuse, elle donne naissance au « free style » ou « lutte libre », activité olympique qui interdit toutes formes de violence. Mais, peu plébiscitée, c’est le « catch », version édulcorée du « catch-as-catch-can », qui s’impose en tant que sport de combat « spectaculaire ». Après une tentative de sportivisation, la pratique mêlée d’extravagances et d’exubérances se tourne alors dans l’entre-deux-guerres vers sa professionnalisation en France. Interdite pour cette raison sous Vichy, et peu envisageable de manière éducative, le catch s’impose après la Seconde Guerre mondiale sous la forme de spectacle théâtralisé assez localisé. L’activité impressionne par les qualités physiques de l’athlète qui s’adjoint aussi les symboles d’une mythologie traditionnelle du héros défenseur du bien. Cependant, les années 1960 se caractérisent par une évolution des pratiques sportives qui, grâce aux techniques de retransmission télévisuelles, peuvent aussi concurrencer le catch sur ce plan. Plus encore, le sport moderne offre une nouvelle mythologie à travers un spectacle qui sollicite une identité politique plus nationale visant à dépasser les oppositions et les divisions. Dès lors, le catch est condamné. La pratique doit alors se transformer pour survivre. Finalement, l’histoire du catch est celle de ses représentations et de sa difficulté à fonctionner comme spectacle réclamant la ferveur du public.

Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.

The case of Richard Simon and the suppression of his book, Histoire critique du Vieux Testament in 1678 stands at a point where the interests of both Church and State in maintaining control of the book trade intersected. As such, the case is of interest in two important areas: first, from the point of view of the social and political history of the ancien régime in France, this case exhibits the intense concern for maintenance or extension of the powers of jurisdiction of the authorities which is so characteristic of the reign of Louis XIV. In some instances this preoccupation with autorité and droit led to an unseemly public jockeying for power, and it is interesting to see how the book trade is seen as a vital element in this struggle.

In 1946 Le Corbusier returned to the United States in conjunction with a French mission to study American architecture, public works, and planning. He traveled with Eugène Claudius-Petit, who would become minister of reconstruction in France. Their principal objective was to visit the Tennessee Valley Authority, considered a model for postwar reconstruction. In Le Corbusier and Postwar America: The TVA and Béton Brut, Mardges Bacon argues that the TVA’s regional planning and societal synthesis served as a model for Le Corbusier’s second-machine-age civilization. The TVA’s reinforced concrete dams employed industrial piping and a new formwork technique. Examining Le Corbusier’s postwar agenda through the prism of the TVA and a collaborative practice, Bacon contends that his work showed greater monumentality and plasticity, the integration of architecture and infrastructure, and an aesthetic treatment of béton brut, which situates his Unité d’Habitation in Marseilles (1945–52) within a transatlantic as well as a Mediterranean culture.

RésuméL’article propose une histoire culturelle du concours academique dans la France du XVIIIesiecle. Il met en avant trois arguments complementaires. Premierement, le concours academique etait une activite litteraire socialement diverse a laquelle participaient des milliers d’ecrivains amateurs ou professionnels, hommes et femmes, riches et pauvres. Deuxiemement, le concours etait peut-etre la pratique intellectuelle la plus democratique, permettant une participation a l’espace public des Lumieres. Enfin, les questions mises au concours par les academies touchaient souvent des sujets sociaux et politiques controverses. Tout compte fait, l’etude du concours academique offre un nouveau regard sur les Lumieres, en revelant une participation nombreuse et relativement egalitaire au debat intellectuel.

Few international agreements have provoked more controversy among historians than that concluded at Dover, on 22 May 1670, by representatives of the English and French Crowns. Its main provisions were for an offensive war against the Dutch republic of the United Provinces, leading to its destruction as a European power, and for the public profession by the English king, Charles II, of the Roman Catholic faith, which had been regarded by most English people for a hundred years as the bitterest enemy of their own church. The existence of this treaty was concealed not only from the other European states and the subjects of the respective monarchs, but from the greater number of their own ministers. The motives of Charles in making this amazing pact have remained a mystery. In the present century, they have been represented by Sir Keith Feiling as an attempt to unite Catholics and Protestant dissenters as a foundation for a stronger monarchy; by Cyril Hartmann, K. H. D. Haley, David Ogg and Lady Antonia Fraser as a decision to hitch England to the fortunes of Europe's strongest state, France; by Sir Arthur Bryant as a wish to ensure his country a share of the Spanish empire and his throne a dependable group of supporters in the form of the Catholics; by Maurice Lee and J. R. Jones as a grand design to make himself independent of his subjects in general and of parliament in particular; and by John Miller as a desire for vengeance upon the Dutch.

During the 1790s, political speech in London's public spaces and commercial sites of leisure came under intense governmental surveillance. Fearing revolutionary infection from across the channel in France, the Pitt ministry sent spies into popular organizations such as the London Corresponding Society and turned more attention to other sites as well, including coffeehouses, taverns, debating-club rooms, and the street. Recently, historians too have explored the ways in which radicals manipulated the ludic vocabularies of urban sociability to critique the regime, protest persecution, and argue for reform. In this article I address a site that figured prominently as a place for radical speech in the 1790s: the Theatre Royal at Covent Garden. Although it was a site whose content was strictly regulated by the state through the office of the Examiner of Plays, the royal theater was, like other eighteenth-century theaters, a place where performances multiplied: viewers watched the play, but in the well-lit and noisy pit, boxes, and galleries, they watched other viewers intently. All were engaged in a complex process of performance, reception, and counterperformance. Indeed, as scholars have shown, theater audiences in late Georgian London were highly skilled at appropriating a theatrical grammar by which to demand their perceived rights as English subjects. Such strategies revealed the potency of theatrical representation in a society where, as Gillian Russell notes, “performance, display and spectatorship were essential components of the social mechanism.”

La généalogie, passion partagée par de nombreux adeptes, a parfois reçu mauvaise presse. Un débat public a récemment opposé l’historien journaliste Jean-François Nadeau du Devoir à une quarantaine de spécialistes en histoire ou en généalogie. La position nuancée d’André Burguière, éclaire le débat : la généalogie n’est pas indispensable à l’historien, mais elle est utile à la science historique, dont elle partage les préoccupations de méthode. Au cours des années 1960, le généalogiste Raymond Dubé a recueilli une mine d’informations sur les Dubé d’Amérique et de France. Avec bonheur nous avons découvert sa correspondance avec Luc Lacoucière et, avec étonnement, nous avons appris que José Dubé des Anciens Canadiens de Philippe-Aubert de Gaspé est plus qu’un personnage de légende : c’est un être bien réel. La recherche généalogique confirme qu’il est un descendant de Marie Campion et de Mathurin Dubé, les ancêtres de la lignée des Dubé d’Amérique.

Dans cet article, j’examine les nombreuses dédicaces offertes à Anne de Bretagne à la fin du xve et au début du xvie siècle. Le corpus des 22 dédicaces qui sert de base à cette étude nous donne un aperçu de la nature des oeuvres dans sa bibliothèque, la motivation des auteurs qui lui ont présenté leurs livres, l’image de la reine qu’ils y ont construite, et la culture livresque de l’époque. C’est grâce en partie aux hommes écrivains engagés par Anne de Bretagne, ou attirés par la possibilité de son mécénat, que la littérature à la louange et à la défense des femmes a été promue à la cour de France, ainsi qu’auprès d’un public plus large, puisque leur stratégie consistait à portraire la reine sous un jour très positif et à faire des choix littéraires qu’elle préférait, y compris des oeuvres au sujet des femmes et leurs vertus. La plupart de ces auteurs de dédicaces s’adressaient à Anne de Bretagne sous forme manuscrite. Lorsque ces dédicaces à la reine de France précédaient des textes imprimés, elles visaient un autre public. Pour le libraire ou l’imprimeur, il s’agissait d’attirer des acheteurs bourgeois en soulignant l’association directe entre l’auteur et Anne de Bretagne. Dans l’Appendice I, je fournis une liste des 21 oeuvres contenant les 22 dédicaces adressées à Anne de Bretagne. Dans l’Appendice II, j’édite sept des dédicaces qui n’ont jamais été publiées, tirées des oeuvres suivantes : Robert du Herlin, L’Acort des mesdisans et bien disans ; Alberto Cattaneo, [Histoire des rois de France, en latin] ; Pierre Le Baud, Le liure des Cronicques des roys, ducs et princes de Bretaigne ; Antoine Dufour, Les epîtres de saint Jérôme ; Germain de Brie, Chordigerae nauis conflagratio ; Pierre Choque, L’incendie de la Cordelière ; Maximien, La Vie de Sainte Anne.

Dimitrije Matic (1821-1884) was a philosopher, jurist, professor of public law at the Belgrade Lyceum and politician. He served as Serbia?s Minister of Education and Church Affairs, acting Foreign Minister, Speaker of the Parliament, and member of the State Council. He was president of the Serbian Society of Letters and member of the Serbian Learned Society. Matic belonged to Serbian liberal-minded intellectual circles. He believed that the rule of force was unacceptable and that governments should promote and support popular education. Matic studied philosophy and law in Serbia (Kragujevac, Belgrade), Germany (Berlin, Heidelberg) and France (Paris), and received his doctorial degree in philosophy in Leipzig. In Berlin Matic embraced Hegel?s speculative philosophy and theory of state (philosophy of law). Among his professors were Georg Andreas Gabler (Hegel`s immediate successor), Otto Friedrich Gruppe, Wilhelm Vatke etc. In Halle he listened to another Hegelian, Johann Eduard Erdmann. He had the opportunity to attend Friedrich Schelling?s lectures on the philosophy of mythology. If the Right Hegelians developed Hegel?s philosophy along the lines they considered to be in accordance with Christian theology, and the Left Hegelians laid the emphasis on the anti-Christian tendencies of Hegel?s system and pushed it in the direction of materialism and socialism, Matic would be closer to the first. Actually, he was mostly influenced by his professor Karl Ludwig Michelet, with whom he established a lifelong friendship. Matic?s doctorial thesis (Dissertatio de via qua Fichtii, Schellingii, Hegeliique philosophia e speculativa investigatione Kantiana exculta sit) addressed the question of how the philosophy of Fichte, Schelling and Hegel developed from Kantian speculative thought. The paper deals with the question whether Matic took a shift from Hegelianism to Positivism (Naturalism) in the 1860s, which is a claim that was taken for granted in the Yugoslav (Serbian) Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy after the Second World War and Communist revolution. In fact, it is rooted in Milan Kujundzic-Aberdar?s (1842-1893) periodization of the Serbian philosophical literature. Kujundzic, professor of Philosophy at the Belgrade Great School, classified Matic?s Science of Education into the latest period of natural philosophy. In order to answer the question, the paper looks into the evolution of Matic?s philosophical, legal and political views. Matic followed Hegelian philosophy in his: Short Review (according to Hegel?s ? Psychology in Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences); Principles of Rational [Vernunftrecht] State Law [Staatslehre] according to Heinrich Zepfel?s book on the philosophy of law (Grunds?tze des allgemeinen und des konstitutionell-monarchischen Staatsrechts and Hegel?s Philosophy of Law) and History of Philosophy (according to Albert Schwegler?s History of Philosophy). There is nothing in Matic?s Science of Education that would corroborate the claim that he shifted from Hegelianism to Positivism. Though he had to attune his views to the changed, anti- Hegelian, intellectual climate and influences on academic life, he remained a Hegelian. The paper deals with the reasons why the Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy insisted on his alleged conversion.

Étant donné l’image d’auteur engagé contre toute forme de pensée réactionnaire dont bénéficie Édouard Louis dans le champ littéraire et l’espace public français depuis la sortie évènementielle de son premier roman En finir avec Eddy Bellegueule (2014), la teneur du discours proposé par l’écrivain lors de la publication de son second livre, Histoire de la violence (2016), était remarquable. Louis n’a eu de cesse, sachant que l’agression autour de laquelle s’articule le récit implique un homme d’origine kabyle, d’insister sur la peur qu’il avait éprouvée de voir son texte faire l’objet d’une appropriation qui le transformerait en un “objet raciste,” et a systématiquement insisté sur sa volonté de faire du roman, au vu de la nature sensible des thèmes abordés, “un livre profondément antiraciste.” Il s’agira dans cet essai d’interroger les implications de cette angoisse littéraire à travers une réflexion sur la place ambiguë occupée par le facteur racial dans un dispositif narratif qui oscille entre d’un côté le besoin de s’assurer que “la lecture raciste devien[ne] comme impossible,” et de l’autre le souci d’inscrire l’expérience de la violence dans un contexte postcolonial. Histoire de la violence constitue selon nous un cas privilégié permettant de réfléchir à la question de la responsabilité et ce que nous appelons “l’éthique d’engagement des écrivains blancs” dans le contexte de la France contemporaine marqué à la fois par la montée en puissance du discours réactionnaire, et un intérêt croissant pour les récits mettant en scène des personnages postcoloniaux.

À la demande du ministère français de la Transition écologique et solidaire (MTES) et de l’Agence française pour la biodiversité (AFB) pour contribuer à la conduite des politiques publiques de l’eau, l’Institut national de recherche pour l’agriculture, l’alimentation et l’environnement (Inrae) a mené une étude pour mettre en place un dispositif national de connaissance du patrimoine des réseaux d’eau potable à l’échelle des agences de l’eau. La méthode mise en oeuvre repose sur la construction de modèles statistiques qui relient les caractéristiques des réseaux, collectées pour un échantillon de services, à des données géographiques et démographiques disponibles à l’échelle communale de façon exhaustive sur le territoire français. La base de données Sispea (Système d’information des services publics d’eau et d’assainissement) et les données SIG (système d’information géographique) recueillies auprès d’un échantillon de services qui représentent environ la moitié du réseau français, ont été utilisées pour caler des modèles multilinéaires des longueurs de canalisation par diamètre, période de pose et matériau. Ils permettent d’estimer la longueur des canalisations d’eau potable de la France métropolitaine à 875000 km, dont moins de 40% ont été posées avant 1970. 70% des conduites sont d’un diamètre au plus égal à 100 mm et les canalisations en PVC sont très majoritaires dans les bassins Loire-Bretagne et Adour-Garonne tandis que celles en fonte dominent dans les autres bassins.

Bien qu'étant une activité quasi quotidienne sous l'Ancien Régime, emprunter n'était pas ce que les rois de France faisaient le mieux. Le problème chronique et tenace était celui de la confiance du public. Connaissant la longue histoire de banqueroutes, partielles ou totales, de la monarchie, les prêteurs se montraient réticents à avancer de l'argent directement au roi, ce qui se comprend, et ils ne le faisaient que si leur risque était compensé par un rapport élevé. Pour l'État, ces taux d'intérêt onéreux avaient pour conséquence d'alourdir encore le fardeau de la dette, ce qui aggravait les déficits budgétaires et conduisait à de nouveaux emprunts. A partir du milieu du XVIe siècle, au moins, se sont succédé des périodes de soixante à soixante-dix ans durant lesquelles le poids total du service de la dette s'accroissait inexorablement, pour en arriver à absorber jusqu'à 65 à 70 % des revenus royaux, entraînant régulièrement à ce stade une nouvelle grande banqueroute. Rétrospectivement, les problèmes du crédit de l'État apparaissent structurels, circulaires et répétitifs.

Abstract World history of the Netherlands and Flanders: about the (im)possibility of an open, global, and non-nationalist history for a wider audienceFollowing the success of the Histoire mondiale de la France, 2018 saw the publication of the World history of the Netherlands and World history of Flanders. After the French example both volumes have three goals: to bring history to a wider audience; to give a global reading to the national past; and to offer a non-nationalist and non-teleological perspective. Eminently readable, both books succeed in their first goal. The second ambition is fulfilled by the World history of the Netherlands, but in the World history of Flanders the global dimension is underdeveloped. The verdict on their third aim is double-edged. Both volumes explicitly claim to be open-ended and reject traditional nationalist tropes, but several Dutch and ‐ to a lesser extent ‐ Flemish chapters have a subtext of banal nationalism. The genre of public history seems to be particularly susceptible to this type of teleology.

Prvá etapa verejného pôsobenia Bélu Grünwalda, obdobie pôsobenia vo funk- cii hlavného notára (1867–1871) a prvé podžupanské obdobie (1871–1874), je za- streté rovnako ako jeho mladosť. Ak však chceme pochopiť slovensko-maďarské národné konflikty po roku 1874, ktorých hlavnou postavou sa stal, musíme odkryť aj túto etapu jeho života, keďže jeho stanoviská k národnostným otázkam sa kryš- talizovali práve v týchto rokoch.The first era of Béla Grünwald’s (Szentantal, Hungary, 1839 – Courbevoie, France, 1891) public career, his life stage as notary (1867–1871) and as subcounty governor (1871–1874) in Zvolen County are almost unknown. However, if we want to understand the Slovak– Hungarian national conflicts after 1874, of which he became the main character, we must also reveal this stage of his life, as his views on national struggle crystallized in those years. Based on a note from Zvolen County dated 4 July 1867, the Minister of Culture József Eötvös removed the “Pan-Slavic” teachers from the grammar schools in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s biography highlights the central role of the new notary in this matter. Never- theless, this conflict did not provoke Grünwald’s struggle with the “Pan-Slavs” but was part of the power conflicts between the “Hungarian” and “Slovakian”, Catholic and Lutheran elites of Zvolen County. At the end of 1865, it was even one of the most important “battle- fields” where the local Hungarian and Slovak networks represented by Antal Radvánszkyand Štefan Moyses met.In April 1873, the first issue of the periodical Svornosť, Grünwald’s personal project, was published in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s primary goal was to push Slovak enthusiast periodicals from the Slovak public sphere. Therefore, after 1873, Grünwald became the number one enemy of the Slovak national movement and at the same time its target.At the end of 1873, the leader of the Slovak national movement Viliam Pauliny-Tóth published a text mocking Grünwald in the political newspaper of the Slovak national move- ment Národné noviny. Though Grünwald was represented by a pseudonym, it was easily recognizable to anyone. The attack and scandal had very serious effects not only on Grün- wald’s dislike of the Slovaks but also of his entire life. Pauliny-Tóth exposed Grünwald’s private life and love affairs to the public, destroying Grünwald’s social prestige down to the ground. Grünwald gave a political response to the attack: not long after, he managed to get the Hungarian government to close the three Slovak grammar schools and the Matica slovenská.