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1
Actoṅ, T. A. "Russian Minorities in the Former USSR." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 2 (June 1995): 481–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408392.
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In May 1992 an international conference examining the fate of minorities in the former Soviet Union was organized jointly by the Kennan Institute (DC) and Michigan State University. Fourteen speakers were invited from Moscow, St. Petersburgh, the north Caucasus, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Moldova, and Lithuania; among them was Dr Ramazan Abdulatipov, Chairman of the Chamber of Nationalities of the Russian Parliament. The immediate impetus for the conference was a national survey of 6,500 Russians in 16 non-Russian regions of the former Soviet Union. The survey was conducted in August and September of 1991 by the Center of Public Opinion Studies in Moscow on the basis of a program prepared by Vladimir Shlapentokh and Lev Gudkov.
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Kolack, Shirley. "Ethnic minorities in the Soviet Union: The unfinished revolution." Journal of Intercultural Studies 8, no. 1 (January 1987): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1987.9963310.
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Kononenko, Valerii. "National Policy of Ukrainian Soviet State Formations at the Stage of Formation of the Bolshevik Regime (1917–1920)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-42-49.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the state policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations of the period of formation of the Soviet goverment in Ukraine. The author explores the peculiarities of the formation and change of the national policy of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October coup of 1917 and during the functioning of the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets (UPR Soviets) and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR). The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods of scientific research. Using the method of content analysis, the main Bolshevik legal acts of the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime are analyzed, which reflect the basic principles and provisions of the national policy of the first Ukrainian Soviet state formations on the territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author focused on the evolution and functioning of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine depending on internal and external factors that were associated with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime of 1917 – 1920’s. Conclusions. We believe that the policy of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations during the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime towards the national minorities of Ukraine was an indispensable component of the national policy of the Bolsheviks of the RSFSR. The flirtation with the national liberation movements of the former peoples of the Russian Empire through the «right to self-determination» and the «right to national and cultural life» weakened with the stages of Bolshevism in Ukraine, and disappeared altogether with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime. Belief in the rapid and «triumphant» future victory of communism at the initial stage of Soviet rule in Ukraine deprived the Ukrainian Bolsheviks of the opportunity to determine the basic principles and provisions of national and cultural policy toward Ukraine’s ethnic minorities. Preserving the «independent» status of Soviet Ukraine during the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR was nothing more than a tactical step in the process of «convergence» of national Soviet formations in the natural process of victory of communism.
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Popov, Anton, and Igor Kuznetsov. "Ethnic Discrimination and the Discourse of “Indigenization”: The Regional Regime, “Indigenous Majority” and Ethnic Minorities in Krasnodar Krai in Russia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 2 (May 2008): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990801934322.
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To many in both the East and the West it seemed axiomatic that the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was due to “nationality reasons,” which were viewed as a natural process in the last empire's decline. Then, during the democratic reform of a totalitarian state, ethnic minority rights were first spoken of, and the growth of national self-awareness appeared to be an integral part of society's liberalization. Time has since shown that liberal changes in the economy and in the political and social spheres are not always accompanied by the establishment of social justice; indeed, it has frequently been minorities who are among the most unfortunate and marginalized groups in society. Defending the rights of minorities and combating ethnic and racial discrimination remains one of the most relevant issues in practically all post-socialist countries of the former Soviet Union and Eastern and Central Europe.
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Gokmen, Gunes, Elena Nikishina, and Pierre-Louis Vézina. "Ethnic minorities and trade: The Soviet Union as a natural experiment." World Economy 41, no. 7 (April 23, 2018): 1888–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12650.
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "State Strategies in Multi-Ethnic Territories: Explaining Variation in the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (February 12, 2013): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000701.
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After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, its twenty-seven successor states were charged with devising policies with respect to their ethnic minorities. This shock enables an analysis of the conditions that render states more likely to repress, exclude, assimilate or accommodate their minorities. One would anticipate that groups that are most ‘threatening’ to the state's territorial integrity are more likely to experience repression. However the data do not validate this expectation. Instead, the analysis suggests that minority groups’ demographics and states’ coercive capacities better account for variation in ethnic minority policies. While less robust, the findings further indicate the potential importance of lobby states and Soviet multinational legacies in determining minority rights. The results have implications for ethnic politics, human rights, nationalism, democratization and political violence.
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Bianco, Lucien. "The 1958-62 Chinese Famine and Its Impact on Ethnic Minorities." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus644.
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China underwent its most murderous famine between 1958 and 1962. Although a demographic transition from the countryside to the cities was in its early stage and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was among the lowest in the world, objective conditions were far less decisive than Chinese Communist Party (CCP) policies in bringing about the famine. A development strategy copied on the Soviet model favoured quick industrialization at the expense of rural dwellers. Such novelties as people’s communes, communal canteens, and backyard furnaces further aggravated the famine. Though ethnic minorities represented only 6 percent of China’s population, compared to forty-seven percent in the Soviet Union, Soviet nationality policies heavily influenced those of China. Initially mild, especially for Tibetans, Chinese nationality policies became more authoritarian with the advent of the Great Leap Forward in 1958. Qinghai Tibetans resisted the closure of many monasteries; then the same policies, and famine itself, caused a more important rebellion in 1959 in Xizang (Tibet). Repression and the flight of the Dalai Lama to northern India coincided with the end of Tibet’s special status in China.
Internal colonialism did not, however, aggravate the impact of famine on national minorities in China. Their rate of population growth between the first two censuses (1953 and 1982) exceeded that of Han Chinese. Among the provinces most severely affected by famine, only Qinghai was largely inhabited by ethnic minorities. Within Qinghai the same pattern prevailed as in Han populated provinces: the highest toll in famine deaths was concentrated in easily accessible grain surplus areas. The overwhelming majority of victims of the Chinese famine were Han peasants. At most, 5 percent were members of ethnic minorities, compared to eighty percent of victims in the Soviet Union in the period between 1930 and 1933.
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Mędelska, Jolanta, and Marek Cieszkowski. "Отражение ранних вариантов советских национальных языков в московских русско-иноязычных словарях." Acta Baltico-Slavica 35 (July 28, 2015): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2011.008.
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Reflection of early Soviet dialects of national languages in Russian bilingual dictionaries published in MoscowAfter the October Revolution, over half of the citizens of the new Russian state were non-Russians. The historical homeland of some of them was outside the Soviet Union. The experiences of two largest national minorities: the Germans (1 238 000) and the Poles (782 000) were similar in many respects. Members of both nations were persecuted, suffered massive repression, and were deported to Siberia and Kazakhstan. The new cultural and political reality (separation from the historical homeland and national languages, influence of Russian and other languages of Soviet Union nations, necessity to use new Soviet lexis and technical/scientific terminology on a daily basis) forced changes in German and Polish used in the Soviet Union. Soviet dialects of national languages were reinforced in books, handbooks, the press, and propaganda materials etc. published in German and Polish in huge number of copies. The Soviet dialects of German and Polish were reflected on the right side of Russian-German and Russian-Polish dictionaries published in the 1930s by “Sovetskaya Entsyklopedia”. The analysis and comparison of the language material excerpted from the dictionaries show that Soviet dialects of both languages were characterized by the presence of orientalisms (result of the constant contact with the nations and nationalities of the Soviet Union and their culture) and unique lexis related to the Russian way of life (Russian culinary lexis, names of musical instruments, names of garments) and Sovietisms (i.e. new political terminology and words related to the Soviet way of life). The Germans found it more difficult to adapt their native code to life in the Soviet Union.
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Brown, Kate. "Securing the nuclear nation." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 1 (January 2015): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.977856.
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In 1946, in the Southern Urals, construction of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics first plutonium plant fell to the GULAG-Narodnyi Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del (NKVD). The chief officers in charge of the program – Lavrentii Beria, Sergei Kruglov, and Ivan Tkachenko – had been pivotal figures in the deportation and political and ethnic cleansing of territories retaken from Axis forces during WWII. These men were charged with building a nuclear weapons complex to defend the Soviet Union from the American nuclear monopoly. In part thanks to the criminalization and deportation of ethnic minorities, Gulag territories grew crowded with foreign nationals and ethnic minorities in the postwar years. The NKVD generals were appalled to find that masses of forced laborers employed at the plutonium construction site were members of enemy nations. Beria issued orders to cleanse the ranks of foreign enemies, but construction managers could not spare a single healthy body as they raced to complete their deadlines. To solve this problem, they created two zones: an interior, affluent zone for plutonium workers made up almost exclusively of Russians; and anterior zones of prisoners, soldiers, ex-cons, and local farmers, many of whom were non-Russian. The selective quality of Soviet “nuclearity” meant that many people who were exposed to the plant's secret plutonium disasters were ethnic minorities, people whose exposures went unrecorded or under-recorded because of their invisibility and low social value.
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Humphreys, Brendan. "Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin’s Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research." Scando-Slavica 64, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00806765.2018.1525320.
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Miazhevich, Galina. "Paradoxes of new media: Digital discourses on Eurovision 2014, media flows and post-Soviet nation-building." New Media & Society 19, no. 2 (July 9, 2016): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444815591968.
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This article explores the contradictions inherent in new media representations of sexual minorities in two bordering post-Soviet countries, Belarus and Lithuania. These nations are divided by their non/membership of the European Union and, being at the western periphery of the former Russian imperial centre, remain directly affected by the Russian mediascape and its information flows. While both countries’ state media closely adhere to the Russian establishment’s homophobic discourse, the role of new media remains largely uncharted. This article uses discourse analysis to (a) examine the influence of Russian media on each nation’s digital discussions about sexual minorities and (b) explore new media’s potential to mediate the intersection of sexual minorities and nation-building in two post-Soviet states. The analysis is centred on a set of online media publications (including their ‘comments’ sections), generated by the Eurovision Song Contest 2014 being won by Conchita Wurst, a drag performer with a beard.
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Ishanxodjaeva, Z. R., and R. Makhkamova. "FORCED RELOCATION OF KOREANS TO UZBEKISTAN IN 1937-1938." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 05 (May 1, 2022): 220–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-05-43.
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As a result of the repressive policy pursued by the Soviet authorities, even a small part of the nationalities living in the country were unjustifiably expelled from the territories where they lived. As a result of this policy, it was relocated to Uzbekistan, along with other republics of the former Soviet Union. The mass forced relocation of Koreans to Uzbekistan, along with other minorities, began in 1937-1938. In short, this article discusses the history of the resettlement of Koreans.
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Garczyk, Bartłomiej. "Ethnic Structure of St Petersburg – Petrograd – Leningrad in the Period of 1703-1991." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 31, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2013-0006.
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Abstract This article presents a multinational and multireligious character of St. Petersburg since the founding of the city to the collapse of the Soviet Union. An ethnic and cultural mosaic was also an important feature in other centers of Russia, including Moscow and Odessa, as well as forming part of the national capital of the Russian Empire in Warsaw, Riga and Tallinn. St. Petersburg is a city but of a symbolic and unique character. It is the subject of literary impressions and creative inspiration for generations of artists. In addition, St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad was the capital of a multinational and multireligious Russian Empire, Soviet Russia, and since 1918, it was the second most important city of the Soviet Union. The author’s intention is also to present the history of St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad, as seen through the prism of the history of national minorities living in it.
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Galbreath, David J. "From Nationalism to Nation-Building: Latvian Politics and Minority Policy." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (September 2006): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600841918.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of Latvia, a minority group became a majority and a majority group became a minority. This has been the situation for Latvians and Russians after August 1991. The Baltic States led the way towards first autonomy and then independence. The nationalist movement in the Latvian SSR was primarily a minority nationalist movement. Why do minorities mobilise? Gurr finds that minorities rebel for two reasons: relative deprivation and group mobilisation. Relative deprivation answers the question of why and it characterizes the status of the Latvian language and culture vis-à-vis that of Russia during the Soviet period. While relative deprivation has come under considerable criticism because of its inability to explain when a group will mobilise, the notion can be found in the nationalist rhetoric before and since the restoration of Latvian independence. Group mobilisation goes further in explaining when minorities may assert political claims. Considered in terms of changes in the political opportunity structure, the changing politics of glasnost allowed the nationalist movements to mobilise in the Baltic States.
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Bonusiak, Grzegorz. "Ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych w państwach powstałych w zachodniej części byłego Związku Radzieckiego." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 20, no. 4 (November 2022): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.4.
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The aim of the study is to present and compare the level of protection of the rights of national minorities in the states created by the break-up of the Soviet Union, along its former western border. The research covered: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. In pursuit of the stated aim, the processes occurring in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, which resulted in migrations and significant ethnic mixing of the population, are presented. In the next step, the population of ethnic minorities in the countries covered by the study is presented. It is indicated who each of the countries in question recognises as belonging to minority groups, as well as who Russia, as heir to the former empire, recognises as minorities living in the territories in question. In the final step, the principles of protection of the rights of national minorities in the respective states were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the freedom to use and teach the language of minority groups. The research showed that the three Baltic States, after regaining their independence, started to rebuild their national identity at the expense of minority rights. However, by doing so, they are now gradually improving their status. The other three states have followed a different path by specifically trying to protect the largest Russian-speaking language group. Growing pressure from Russia seeking to rebuild its imperial position has exposed the flaws in such an arrangement, and Russian-speaking minorities have become a tool of its efforts. As a result, Belarus is on the road to losing its own distinctiveness and reintegrating, Moldova is trying to balance although gradually strengthening its national identity, while Ukraine has abruptly changed its policy since 2014 and is now diligently building its own identity at the expense, however, of minority rights.
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Pettai, Vello. "National Minorities and Ethnic Relations in the Baltic States." europa ethnica 78, no. 3-4 (2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2021-34-86.
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During the 1990s, the Baltic states were considered a potential hotspot of ethnic tension and possible conflict, primarily because of sizeable Russian-speaking populations that had become minorities after the collapse of the Soviet Union. By the 2000s, some of this friction began to subside, as more integrative policies were adopted and accommodative attitudes developed. Today, the three countries still face some of these core minority challenges, including Lithuania’s notable Polish minority. However, new minority groups have also emerged as a result of European integration and globalization, thus continually changing the majority-minority configuration in these countries.
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Blitstein, Peter A. "Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture: Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 16–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-16-46.
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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. The author situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of diff erentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial diff erentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic diff erentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and diff erentiation.
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Blitstein, Peter A. "Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture: Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context." Slavic Review 65, no. 2 (2006): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148593.
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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. Peter A. Blitstein situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of differentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial differentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic differentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and differentiation
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Vitale, Alessandro. "Ethnopolitics as Co‑operation and Coexistence: The Case‑Study of the Jewish Autonomous Region in Siberia." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.09.
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It would be a mistake to assume that ethnopolitics is only a matter of confrontation between different ethnic groups. On the contrary, there is a range of examples where it is pursued in a spirit of compromise and co‑operation. One of them is the case of the Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan, in Post‑Soviet Russia. Often ethnic groups realize that co‑operation and cultural coexistence are more profitable than conflict. Beginning in 1928 the Soviet Union set aside a territory the size of Belgium for Jewish settlement, located some five thousands miles east of Moscow along the Soviet‑Chinese border. Believing that Soviet Jewish people, like other national minorities, deserved a territorial homeland, the regime decided to settle an enclave that would become the Jewish Autonomous Region in 1934. In fact, the establishment of the JAR was the first instance of an officially acknowledged Jewish national territory since ancient times. But the history of the Region was tragic and the experiment failed dismally. Nevertheless, Birobidzhan’s renewed existence of today is not only a curious legacy of Soviet national policy, but after the break‑up of the Soviet Union and the definite religious rebirth, represents an interesting case‑study in respect to interethnic relations.
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Vitale, Alessandro. "The Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan in Siberia." European Spatial Research and Policy 28, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.08.
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The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. The once famous “Siberian Zion”, at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone’s throw away from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, 9,000 km and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for a settlement for Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that Soviet Jews needed, like other national minorities, a homeland with a territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically fulfilled case of building an officially recognised Jewish national territory since antiquity and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared this experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia has been not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and it is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a special case of “local patriotism”, as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.
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Noyan, Oliver Musa. "Zentrum in der Peripherie. Nationalitätenpolitik in der SSR Georgien." historia.scribere, no. 10 (June 19, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.10.133.
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The following bachelor thesis will deal with the policy of national minorities in the Soviet Republic of Georgia and its impact on the wars of secession in the early 1990s. The analysis will be framed in a center- periphery model to explain the complex struggle between the soviet authorities in Moscow and Tbilisi on the one hand, and Tbilisi and its autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the other hand throughout the 20th century. The paper tries to examine the contemporary ethnic conflicts in Georgia though the lenses of an historical conflict-analysis to show the deeper historical roots of those frozen conflicts and the effects of the policy of nationalities in the Soviet Union on those conflicts.
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Morozova, T. I. "Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 8 (October 25, 2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.
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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
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Evans, Geoffrey. "Ethnic Schism and the Consolidation of Post-Communist Democracies: The Case of Estonia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00026-3.
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The collapse of the Soviet Empire provides several instances where the presence of Russian-speaking minorities constitute a potential challenge to the consolidation of former Soviet Republics as independent democracies. This paper uses national sample surveys undertaken in 1993 and 1995 to examine ethnic relations in Estonia. Using the framework of exit, voice and loyalty as a basis for interpreting reactions to the choices presented in this context, it is shown that several years after the break-up of the Soviet Union, the two main ethnic groups remained firmly opposed over issues of citizenship and minority rights, an opposition accentuated by their relatively limited degree of internal differentiation. Assimilation of Russian-speaking minorities was not accepted by ethnic Estonians, and was not sort by Russians. For several reasons, however, Russians showed no strong signs of reacting by endorsing either secession or emigration as a solution to the exclusion of many of them from full citizenship. The analysis points to a continuing tension in the position of Russian-speakers within the new state, with the eventual emergence of a mobilized ethnic political voice within Estonia as a likely outcome.
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Helbig, Adriana. "Ukraine (Україна)." Global Hip Hop Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00050_1.
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This article offers an overview of the role of Ukrainian-language hip hop in contemporary Ukrainian politics, namely the 2004 Orange Revolution, the 2014 Revolution of Dignity and Russia’s 2022 war in Ukraine. First, it analyses hip hop’s growth in popularity since Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Second, it argues that hip hop functions genre of resistance against political corruption. Third, it illustrates how hip hop creates spaces for women and ethnic minorities. Lastly, it contextualizes the growth in popularity of Ukrainian-language hip hop against a backdrop of Russian-language music that has dominated Ukraine’s music industries since the Soviet era.
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Huttenbach, Henry R., and Seppo Lallukka. "The East Finnic Minorities in the Soviet Union: An Appraisal of the Erosive Trends." Russian Review 52, no. 1 (January 1993): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130905.
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CORNELL, SVANTE E. "The devaluation of the concept of autonomy: National minorities in the former Soviet Union." Central Asian Survey 18, no. 2 (June 1999): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939995678.
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Kanet, Roger E. "The Rebuilding of “Greater Russia”: From Kievan Rus’ to the Eurasian Union (Note 1)." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n2p22.
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The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies pursued by the tsarist and communist regimes to integrate minority communities into the Russian majority; 3) to examine the impact on Russia of the collapse of the former USSR; and 4) to trace current efforts by the Russian government to reintegrate the disparate parts of the former USSR, including especially regions of other post-Soviet states with a significant ethnic Russian population, into a new “Greater Russia.” Although it will touch on Soviet integration policies that targeted national minorities who, by 1989, represented half of the population, the focus will be on recent and current policies intended to “Greater Russia.”
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Seidametov, Eldar Kh. "Situation of Tatars and other Muslim minorities in communist Bulgaria." Crimean Historical Review, no. 2 (October 28, 2021): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2021.2.20-32.
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The article examines the situation of the Tatars and other Muslim minorities in Bulgaria during the communist period. The policy of the state in relation to Muslim minorities after the proclamation of the People`s Republic of Bulgaria and the establishment of socialism in the state according to the Soviet model, when the political, economic and social models of the USSR were imported and introduced without taking into account the national characteristics of Bulgaria, are analyzed. As in the Soviet Union (especially in the early stage of its formation, religion was banned and this applied to all confessions without exception. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) made every effort eradicate religious identity and, in particular, Islamic identity. It was planned to replace the religious ideological fragment with a socialist one, and then, on its platform, form and stimulate the development of the national, modernist and Soviet identity of Muslims. Moreover, the emphasis was also placed on improving the way of life and the material situation of the Muslim population, which, according to the Marxist theory of culture, should have contributed to a more effective formation of socialist consciousness. The ruling party saw in the Muslim religious consciousness and rudiments of the Ottoman past, an obstacle on the way of socialist progress and formation of socialist consciousness. Emasculating elements of the religious worldview from the mind of people, the BCP set itself the task of creating a modern, secular, socialist personality. To this end, in 1946–1989 the government implemented a number of economic, educational and cultural establishments.
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Yi Meng, Cheng, and Wang Kailong. "Demystifying Soviet Economic Intervention In Xinjiang." Archiv orientální 90, no. 2 (October 27, 2022): 351–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.90.2.351-370.
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This paper will first show how Yang Zengxin, the ruler of Xinjiang from 1911 to 1928, aligned himself with Yuan Shikai, the first President of the Republic of China, instead of the revolutionaries because Yuan accorded more attention to the borderlands and the minorities and appeared willing, at least superficially, to offer aid to Xinjiang. Building on this explanation, the paper will demonstrate how Yang increasingly estranged himself from the Beijing government as he grew disillusioned over the attitude of Yuan’s successors towards him and Xinjiang. It will argue, ultimately, that Yang Zengxin concluded a quid pro quo with the Soviet Union to the effect that he would promote cross-border trade, which led inadvertently to increased Soviet control over the local economy, even as the agreement consolidated Yang’s position as governor of Xinjiang and further estranged him from the ruling elites in Republican China.
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Jokay, Charles Z. "Introduction: Nationality/Ethnic Settlement Patterns and Political Behavior in East Central Europe." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408454.
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Western experts claim that the end of the Warsaw Pact and the artificial stability it provided, together with what are routinely called “traditional ethnic animosities,” are the causes of continual and inevitable clashes between states in East Central Europe. This area, a triangle formed by the Adriatic, Baltic, and Black Seas, covers the Western border area of the former Soviet Union, and all of Poland, ex-Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, ex-Czechoslovakia and the eastern territories of Germany. This issue of Nationalities Papers is dedicated to the Hungarian ethnic minorities of East Central Europe, in part to examine the validity of the “traditional ethnic animosity” thesis. Spread among seven states, roughly three and a half to four million souls, they constitute the largest diaspora in Europe, and, in relative terms, are more numerous in states around Hungary than the ethnic Russians outside of the Russian Federation on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
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Davis, Sue, and Steven O. Sabol. "The Importance of Being Ethnic: Minorities in Post-Soviet States—The Case of Russians in Kazakstan." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408578.
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IntroductionThe fall of the Soviet Union prompted an outpouring of concern over borders, identity, and stability. Many students of the region predicted that the breakup would lead to violence and instability. Scholars of the Soviet region emphasized cultural pluralism—in particular ethnic and religious pluralism or the “national question”—as the ultimate lesson of the Gorbachev era. In other words, ignore ethnicity at your own peril. To this point, that has not been the case. There have been only a few areas where instability, ethnic strife, and violence have been rampant—the Transdniestr region, Tajikistan, and Chechnia in particular. Why has this been the case? The lack of ethnic violence and severe ethnic tensions in this diverse region should lead one to reconsider the role of ethnicity in politics.
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Trummel, Taylor. "The Creation of a Contemporary Estonian Identity." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 9 (October 1, 2018): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v9i0.4446.
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With the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, and subsequent independence of Estonia, the power-holding ethnic Russians suddenly found themselves as outcast minorities within the borders of this Baltic country. Various legal and social measures taken by Estonia to reassert its cultural history and political power marginalized c in the country. In creating a modern state, Estonia’s interest to identify with the European community prompted its effort to join the European Union. Such motivation pushed the nation toward multilateral negotiations to comply with requirements of international standards for the fair treatment of minorities. In this paper, an analysis of the implications of historical narratives in identity formation and minority marginalization offers a lens to examine the power of multilateral organizations in providing oversight and incentives to newly independent states. This oversight can be perceived to be in humanitarian interest, but should also be considered for its economic and geopolitical interests. Estonia’s citizenship laws, European identity, and stateless persons provide a case study for such historical analysis.
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Kuzub, Halyna. "National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.
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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union.
Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division.
In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas.
Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia
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Gusachenko, Andrejs, and Vineta Kleinberga. "The Emergence and Restoration of the State: Latvia in 1918 and 1990." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0005.
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Abstract On 18 November 1918, the independent Republic of Latvia was declared in an extremely complicated international and domestic environment—the First World War was still going on, empires were collapsing, and ethnically and ideologically diverse military troops were fighting within the boundaries of Latvian territory. Despite the historical context of a previously tense relationship between Latvians and other ethnic groups, representatives of all minorities fought next to Latvians against the enemies of the Latvian state. Up until 11 August 1920, when the Peace Treaty with the Soviet Russia was signed, the prospects of de jure recognition of the newly established state were blurred; yet, the defeat of the White forces in the Russian Civil War opened the long awaited “window of opportunity”, as a result of which Latvia managed to achieve its international recognition on 26 January 1921. More than seventy years later, on 4 May 1990, when the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), the international and domestic situation was no less complicated. Latvia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of it, yet the economic and political deterioration of the Soviet Union, the national awakening in the Baltic States and other Soviet republics alongside the fall of the Berlin Wall gave momentum for the regime to change. On 21 August 1991, after the barricades and bloody clashes with the Soviet Special Purpose Police Units (OMON) in Riga on January and the failed coup d’état in Moscow in August, Latvia’s independence once again became a reality. In the events of the 1990s, the memories of 1918 and Latvia’s independence in the period between the two world wars were crucial. It is manifested by the fact that Latvian statehood in 1991 was not established anew but restored. Acknowledging the importance of history on contemporary identification and policy-making, this article aims to provide an insight into the history of 1917–1922 and its resonance in the contemporary situation. Using the methodology of literature analysis and historical process-tracing it will reveal the complicated process of the state’s formation and recognition in the period of 1917–1922, paying particular attention to the role of the minorities and diplomatic efforts. It will also uncover the resonance of the events of 1918–1922 in the 1990s, when Latvia’s independence from the Soviet Union was declared, focusing in particular on aspects defining the statehood of Latvia and its citizenship. In this part, it will be argued that the history of 1917–1922 was brought back when the statehood of Latvia was concerned, while overshadowed by fifty years of the Soviet occupation, when the citizenship issue was on the agenda. Indeed, not only ethnic Latvians but also minorities living in Latvia played a decisive role in the efforts of restoring Latvia’s independence. However, as a result of the Citizenship Law,1 adopted in 1994, more than one-fourth of the population—in most cases, representatives of the Russian-speaking community—were denied citizenship. This practice contrasts the Act that had been adopted in the interwar period, when Latvian citizenship was granted to all ethnic groups who were living within the borders of the then agreed Latvian territory, notwithstanding their diverse ideological background. Given this fact, the article provides future research opportunities related to perceptions of history in contemporary policy-making.
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Zuenko, I. Y. "Chinese Reaction and Interpretation of 1991 Events in the Soviet Union." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-96-111.
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The article is timed to coincide with two anniversaries: centenary of the Communist Party of China, and thirty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. According to the author’s idea, these two anniversaries correlate: analysis of the reasons and consequences of the USSR dissolution became one of the factors of current policy of Chinese communists. The article brings light to this coherence. A wide range of Chinese sources and literature regarding 1991 events in the USSR was used for the article. Another feature is the attention to historical context of the late 1980s – early 1990s, analysis of which helps to understand domination of conservative view to the USSR dissolution. The article shows how the Chinese state and party interest in the Soviet experience led to creation of a large bulk of works regarding historical, sociological and culturological aspects of the USSR dissolution. The analysis of the most impactful of these works shows a wide range of views regarding certain aspects (fi rst of all, the role of reforms in the fi nal dissolution of the state) and consensus regarding other aspects (negative role of Mikhail Gorbachev, labelling the dissolution of the USSR and the Communist Party as a ‘catastrophe’). Further analysis of the Soviet experience led to such measures by the Chinese leadership like strengthening of partocracy regime, conducting of media-covered anti-smuggling campaigns, establishing of harsh administrative and security control in areas with ethnic minorities, active counterpropaganda and struggling with foreign information infl uence. Appellation to the negative experience of the USSR and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is using by the Chinese leadership in its propaganda as an argument for unacceptability of any political reforms regarding weakening of the party role.
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Buoli, Massimiliano, and Aldo Sabino Giannuli. "The political use of psychiatry: A comparison between totalitarian regimes." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 63, no. 2 (January 15, 2017): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764016688714.
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Background: After the end of Second World War, the recent experience of the Nazi horrors stimulated a debate about the political use of psychiatry. Over the years, the focus shifted on major dictatorships of the time and especially on Soviet Union. Aims: This article aims to provide a critical review of the ways in which psychiatry was used by totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Methods: We summarized relevant literature about political use of psychiatry in totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, with particular focus on Fascism, Nazism, Argentina dictatorship, Soviet Union and China. Results: One of the features that are common to most of the dictatorships is that the use of psychiatry has become more prominent when the regimes have had the need to make more acceptable the imprisonment of enemies in the eyes of the world. This for example happened in the Nazi regime when sterilization and killing of psychiatric patients was explained as a kind of euthanasia, or in the Soviet Union after the formal closure of the corrective labor camps and the slow resumption of relations with the capitalistic world, or in China to justify persecution of religious minorities and preserve economic relations with Western countries. Conclusion: Psychiatry has been variously used by totalitarian regimes as a means of political persecution and especially when it was necessary to make acceptable to public opinion the imprisonment of political opponents.
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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Sliužinskas, Rimantas. "Folklore Life in Multicultural City of Klaipeda (1990-2015)." English version, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 200–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.200.
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The fatal social disasters have taken place in the city of Klaipėda by the end of the Second World War. After 1945, very few local bilingual (Lithuanian and German speaking) people could be found in Klaipėda. Almost all of the survivors had moved to Germany to escape the Soviet occupation. Soviet authorities created favourable social conditions for skilled volunteers, who came to deserted city from other regions of Lithuania, and from all over the Soviet Union, to work in Klaipėda port and to restore the entire marine industry in the 1950s–1960s period. The Russian, Belorussian, German, Jewish, Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, Tartar, Armenian, Azerbaijani, and other national minorities have become an integral part of the social and cultural life in contemporary Klaipėda. In the light of these historical facts, the goal of the article is to discuss the possibilities of the most representative national societies to maintain and promote their ethnic roots, traditions and the authentic folklore in the city at present times.
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Kasekamp, Andres. "Survival against the Odds: The Baltic States at 100." Slavic Review 78, no. 3 (2019): 640–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.225.
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This essay examines how Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have managed to secure their independence and analyzes how they have dealt with the internal and external challenges to their state-building efforts. It compares the first period of statehood between the two world wars with the current period of independence beginning with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Among the critical external tasks they have faced were deterring former imperial powers, fostering regional cooperation and gaining a voice in international organizations. Internally, consolidating democratic systems and integration of ethnic minorities have been the two most significant challenges.
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Walker, Edward W. "Chronology of Events Affecting Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union (4 May 1990–1 May 1991)." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 1 (1991): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408191.
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Siegal, Gil. "Genomic Databases and Biobanks in Israel." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 766–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12318.
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In addressing the creation and regulation of biobanks in different countries, a short descriptive introduction to the social and cultural backgrounds of each country is mandatory. The State of Israel is relatively young (established in 1948), and can be characterized as a multi-religious (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Druz, and others), multi-ethnic (more than 14), multi-cultural (Western “Ashkenazi” Jewry, Oriental “Sfaradi” Jewry, Soviet Jewry, Israeli Arabs, Palestinian Arabs) society, somewhat similar to the American melting pot. The current population is 8.3 million, a sharp rise resulting from a 1.2 million influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Seventyfive percent are Jewish, 20% Arabs (the majority of whom are Muslims), and several other minorities. The birth rate is 3.8 per family, the highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
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Klid, Bohdan. "Empire-Building, Imperial Policies, and Famine in Occupied Territories and Colonies." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus634.
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The introductory article to the special issue “Empire, Colonialism, and Famine in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries” begins by pointing to some recent literature on famine theory, where stress has been made on responses of authorities to famine and on the political nature of modern famines. Literature on the connection between imperial policies, colonial rule, and famines is also briefly discussed. The Soviet Union is treated as an empire in the essay, and some of the literature on this question is also surveyed. The article then offers summaries of and highlights from essays in this volume that resulted from papers presented at two conferences on the theme “Empires and Famines in Comparative Historical Perspective,” held in 2016 in Toronto and in 2017 in Kyiv. These include papers on famine and food policies during World War II in occupied Ukraine and Moldova. Essays on famines in Soviet Ukraine, British-ruled Ireland, and British-ruled Bengal, India, are summarized as well as an essay on Raphaël Lemkin’s views on genocide and famine and an essay that looked at minorities in Mao’s China during the 1958-62 famine. The essay concludes with the observation that the investigation of imperial policies, colonial rule, and famine should be pursued further, especially in the case of the Soviet Union where this line of research is just beginning.
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Khodchenko, Olena, and Natalia Venger. "The activity of the “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” through the prism of official documents (1922-1927)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.65-78.
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The purpose of the study is to show how the activities of the Mennonite closed cooperative “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” (UDD) were refl ected in the offi cial reports of Soviet offi cials; to analyze the importance of the organization for the consolidation of the ethno-confessional community of Mennonites in Ukraine. The research methodology: the general scientifi c (method of system analysis) and special historical (historical-comparative, historical-genetic, problem-chronological) methods are used. Scientifi c novelty: the study notes the importance of the “Union of the Descendants of the Dutch” in reviving and preserving the moral and ethical principles of the ethno-confessional group, and shows the organization’s infl uence on protecting the rights of national minorities in the Soviet state. Conclusions. In the conditions of the early Soviet rule, the economic decline of the region, the location of the Mennonite colonies, and the demoralization of the ethno-confessional community, the “Union” served to coordinate the life and preserve the traditions of the Mennonite communities. The fact that the organization was built on ethnic principles, existed with the help of foreign Mennonite centres (Germany, the Netherlands, the United States, Canada), and abandoned atheistic principles, caused great concern on the part of party, and administrative authorities. Feeling unable to adapt to new political conditions, the UDD led the Mennonite emigration movement of 1923–1926, which gained international notoriety and created a negative image of the Soviet state. The activities of the “Union” were under the supervision of the authorities since 1924. As the totalitarian systemin the USSR and increasing pressure on dissent, the authorities found an offi cial reason for the dissolution of the organization, which took place even in the policy of indigenization. As a result of the liquidation of the organization, the Mennonite population of the USSR found itself vulnerable to pressure from the authorities and shared the fate of the entire Ukrainian peasantry.
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Lemon, Alaina. "Roma (Gypsies) in the Soviet Union and the Moscow Teatr ‘Romen’." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408208.
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The Moscow Teatr “Romen,” dating back to 1931, is famous throughout the Soviet Union, and its performers have been some of the country's best-known. The Teatr “Romen” connects Roma from all over the country, and many who work there are related; three generations of a family may appear on the stage at one time. These families, along with Roma working as professionals, make up an lite within the Romani community in Moscow. They are the most outwardly assimilated (wearing European dress, etc.), most fluent and literate in Russian as well as Romani. These families usually move in different spheres than do Roma who live in villages around Moscow and work in cooperatives or as independent merchants, although extended family networks may include Roma of all spheres. Most studies of Gypsies (including those of non-Roma, such as Irish Travellers in the United Kingdom) assume a certain homogeneity of culture and of class: The refusal to acknowledge Gypsy upward mobility in the context of a dominant society has also prevented research of class difference within Gypsy groups and created a sense of marginalized homogeneity that does not reflect reality.The Teatr “Romen” is a case that demands such acknowledgment. Yet, in a sense, these élite performers are doubly marginal, both as performers and as ethnic outsiders who “threaten the rhetoric and narratives of nationalism.” Currently in the USSR, such narratives are in flux, as many national minorities demand greater cultural and political autonomy. Roma, however, are not demanding their own republic, and requests for schools and radio shows are often tempered by the assertion that, “this country has been kind to Gypsies.” Roma élites are also in a peculiar position: charged with representing Roma to outsiders, they are also concerned about maintaining the integrity of the urban community as Roma. Because of this, they must negotiate the interstitial area between cultures.
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Kiss, Nadiya, and Monika Wingender. "Contested Language Diversity in Contemporary Russia and Ukraine." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 20, no. 1 (November 6, 2021): 32–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-02001003.
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The various phases of dealing with minority/ national languages in the Soviet Union and in its successor states evidently reveal the polarising effects that language diversity can have in multinational societies. This article aims to analyse the area of tension between minority language legislation and minority activism in Russia and Ukraine during the last decade. Both countries are intensely engaged in language-dominated processes of identity-building. However, both are dealing differently with the Soviet legacy in language policy. Accordingly, the article not only examines the top-down perspective of changes in language legislation in both countries, but also sheds light on the bottom-up minority language activism that appears as a reaction to the latest decisions of the governments in the language sphere. On the basis of interviews with respondents from two language minorities (Kalmyks in Russia and Hungarians in Ukraine) this article highlights various aspects of minority communities – from different experiences with Soviet language policy to current developments of language and identity, language use in education, language attitudes, and reactions to state language policy.
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Harrington, Keith. "Responses to the Challenges of Perestroika and the Collapse of the Soviet Union in Moldova’s Russian-Speaking Cities." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 10, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_6.
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Much of the academic discussion surrounding experiences of minorities during the collapse of Soviet power in Moldova centres around Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, a significant portion of Moldova’s Russian-speaking population lived outside these regions. There is yet to be a study that addresses how Russian speakers from outside Transnistria and Gagauzia responded to the challenges of perestroika. This article shows that the Russian-speakers in three towns, Bălți, Ocnița and Basarabeasca, held similar opinions to those in Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, I argue that conflict was avoided in Bălți, Ocnița, and Basarabeasca due to proactive measures taken by local elites, who worked hard to placate citizens in their respective towns.
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Cieszkowski, Marek, and Jolanta Mędelska. "O potrzebie podjęcia badań nad radziecką wersją języków mniejszości narodowych byłego Związku Radzieckiego." Acta Baltico-Slavica 34 (August 31, 2015): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2010.008.
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About the need to take up research concerning the Russian version of former Soviet Union’s national minorities’ languagesResearch on the so-called Polish Russian language of the interwar period, i.e. specific type of contemporary Polish used within the territory of the Russian empire in post-war twenties, has been successfully developing for 10 years. There were numerous articles published on this topic and recently the first two-volume monography came out.According to the authors of this article, it is worth using the experience of persons researching the Polish Russian language and taking up studies on Russian types of many other languages that were used in the Soviet Union during the early post-revolutionary period. It is in particular about languages of those national minorities that had their own countries outside the Soviet Union (for instance the Germans, French, Greek, Latvians and Finns). Thanks to the so-called Lenin’s national politics, introduced at the beginning of the twenties in relation to all nationalities residing in the Soviet Union, there was mass production of various documents, propagandist materials, books, school books with the mother tongue as the lecture language, didactic materials for institutions fighting illiteracy of adults etc. published in their mother tongue. Nowadays this entire publishing production is a great source reflecting the state of national languages of those days – languages that were impregnated with various Russian and Soviet idioms, abounding in strange new-coined words. Some of the above changes are presented by the authors on the example of the German Russian language of the post‑revolutionary period. O необходимости исследования советских вариантов языков национальных меньшинств в бывшем Советском СоюзеУже лет 10 успешно развиваются исследования т. н. советского польского языка межвоенного периода, т. е. особого варианта современного польского языка, употреблявшегося на территории советской империи в послереволюционный период. По этой теме опубликованы несколько десятков научных статей, в 2009 г. появилась первая (двухтомная) монография.Согласно мнению авторов настоящей статьи, необходимо использовать накопившийся уже опыт исследователей советского польского языка и начать изучение советских вариантов многих других языков, употреблявшихся в СССР в ранний послереволюционный период. Это касается прежде всего тех национальных меньшинств, у которых были собственные государства вне СССР (напр. немцы, французы, греки, латыши, финны). Благодаря т. н. ленинской национальной политике, реализованной советскими властями в начале 20-х гг. ХХ в., для всех народностей, проживавших в Советском Союзе, массово издавались на их национальных языках различные документы, всяческие пропагандистские материалы, книги, учебники для школ, в которых велось обучение на родных языках, методические материалы, предназначавшиеся для пунктов ликвидации безграмотности взрослого населения, и т.п. В наши дни вся тогдашняя издательская продукция – это бесценный источник, отразивший состояние национальных языков в раннее послереволюционное время, напр. их насыщенность диковинными новообразованиями. Часть языковых изменений этого рода авторы статьи показывают на примере советского немецкого языка послереволюционного периода.
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Suchomłynow, Lech Aleksy. "Zniekształcone tożsamości wieloetnicznej Ukrainy." Edukacja Międzykulturowa 1, no. 3 (June 30, 2014): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/em.2014.04.
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Currently, multiethnic Ukraine is inhabited by over 110 nationalities, assimilated to various extents and mostly russianized, particularly in the south-eastern territories. In the area of the former Soviet Union, the self-identification Post Homo Sovieticus is strictly related to the issue of multiculturalism and the conscious choice of ethnic belonging. Despite the few legal acts of Ukraine which guarantee ”the rights of national-cultural autonomy to all national minorities”, the processes of rebirth and development of ethnic groups’ identities are hindered by the specificity of the collective consciousness Post Homo Sovieticus, which – to a large extent – indicates the socio-cultural system of this country situated at the crossroads.
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Malets, Natalija, and Oleksandr Malets. "Dynamics of Cultural and Educational Processes of National Minorities of Transcarpathia of the Second Half of the 20th Century." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 232–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.14.
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The article analyses the dynamics of ethnic composition and ethnic processes in Transcarpathia in the second half of the 20th century, as well as ethno-cultural processes of national consolidation of Ukrainians of the region as part of the Ukrainian nation. The paper evaluates the practice of the Soviet state and the ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to determine the nature, content and directions of all ethno-national and ethno-cultural policies in Transcarpathia. While researching the consolidation processes of Transcarpathian Ukrainians as part of the Ukrainian nation, the authors showed that the development of the traditions of Ukrainian national culture was seen in the environment of the creative intelligentsia and the majority of the people as an alternative to ideological communication. It is justified that the main goal of the communist authorities in Transcarpathia in 1945-1991 was to establish socialist, economic, political and ideological regime in the region. In order to accelerate this process, a Russian (Russian-speaking) national minority was hastily created in the region by the state authorities, which, having occupied leading political, ideological and economic positions, became a reliable support for the new communist regime. The article analyses the dynamics of ethnic composition and ethnic processes in Transcarpathia in the second half of the 20th century, as well as ethno-cultural processes of national consolidation of Ukrainians of the region as part of the Ukrainian nation. The paper evaluates the practice of the Soviet state and the ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to determine the nature, content and directions of all ethno-national and ethno-cultural policies in Transcarpathia. While researching the consolidation processes of Transcarpathian Ukrainians as part of the Ukrainian nation, the authors showed that the development of the traditions of Ukrainian national culture was seen in the environment of the creative intelligentsia and the majority of the people as an alternative to ideological communication. It is justified that the main goal of the communist authorities in Transcarpathia in 1945-1991 was to establish socialist, economic, political and ideological regime in the region. In order to accelerate this process, a Russian (Russian-speaking) national minority was hastily created in the region by the state authorities, which, having occupied leading political, ideological and economic positions, became a reliable support for the new communist regime.
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Heijs, Duco. "The Gardening States: Comparing State Repression of Ethnic Minorities in the Soviet Union and Turkey, 1908-1945." Genocide Studies and Prevention 12, no. 1 (June 2018): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.1.1579.
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