Relevant bibliographies by topics / Minority group recognition

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Minority group recognition'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Minority group recognition"

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Liu, Amy H., Jennifer Gandhi, and Curtis Bell. "Minority Languages in Dictatorships: A New Measure of Group Recognition." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 4 (2016): 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.1.

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What explains minority language recognition in dictatorships? In this paper, we argue that minority language groups in authoritarian regimes are morelikelyto have their languages recognized when their interests are represented by a party in the legislature. Moreover, thelevelof recognition is greater. We test this argument using original group-level and time-variant measures of minority party in legislatureandminority language policies for all Asian dictatorships from 1980 to 2000. The results are robust even when we shift the analysis to the country level globally and account for possible spurious correlations.
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Hopkins, Nick. "Dual Identities and Their Recognition: Minority Group Members' Perspectives." Political Psychology 32, no. 2 (2011): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00804.x.

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Lu, Chong, Yan Ren, and Liying Han. "Face and Ethnical Group Recognition with Images of Different Resolutions." Archives of Business Research 9, no. 1 (2021): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.91.9612.

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In this paper, a dataset for Xinjiang minority ethnical groups is introduced, and implementation of two dimensional Linear Discriminant Analysis (2DLDA) and two-dimensional Partial Least Squares (2DPLS) is investigated. Two important topics for face recognition and the ethnicity recognition are investigated for database with different image resolutions. Experiments show that 2DLDA performances better than 2DPLS on our face database.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Minority Mobilisation in Greece and Litigation in Strasbourg." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 1 (2008): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138548708x272519.

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AbstractWhy would minorities of Greece bring their case before the European Court of Human Rights? What do the minority groups or individuals belonging to a minority group envisage when they communicate their case to Strasbourg? What are the common patterns of minority mobilisation for rights claims before the Court of Strasbourg? Minority mobilisation and litigation in Strasbourg is related to the formation of the status regarding a minority group, the latter being the product of a complex process of political character, dependent on a continuous, overt or covert struggle for power. The axis of this relation is defined by claims of the minority and their recognition or non-recognition by the state. In other terms, this struggle can be seen as a balance between demand and enjoyment of rights. These claims of minorities aim at improving, correcting or implementing the legal status. Freedom of expression, religion or association constitute the main grounds for allegations of more than 45 cases brought before the Court of Strasbourg so far. It seems that the Greek law-making and policy-implementing mechanisms are reluctant to accommodate a broader conception about membership to the Greek nation/Greek state mainly due to the continuing ideological constraints. Although religious otherness is slowly being acknowledged and institutionalised, the recognition of national otherness is so far not tolerated.
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Saeys, Arne, Nicolas Van Puymbroeck, Ympkje Albeda, Stijn Oosterlynck, and Gert Verschraegen. "From multicultural to diversity policies: Tracing the demise of group representation and recognition in a local urban context." European Urban and Regional Studies 26, no. 3 (2019): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776419854503.

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This article deals with the question of how and why urban governments have implemented diversity policies in the context of a broader backlash against multiculturalism. The starting point of our analysis is the conceptualization of multiculturalism as a set of institutional arrangements for ethnic minority group representation and recognition. While scholars have largely focused on normative critiques of multiculturalism, arguing that it is unable to respond to the super-diversity in contemporary cities, this article focuses on the empirical complexities of diversity policy-making in a local context. More specifically, we investigate the changes in the policy practices and discourses regarding the representation and recognition of ethnic minorities in Antwerp, the largest city of the Flemish Region in Belgium. The minority policies in Antwerp had taken a multicultural turn by the 1990s, most evident in two strategies for group representation and recognition: the establishment of a migrant council to address the interests of ethnic minorities and the recruitment of an ethnically diverse city staff. We analyse how these measures became contested in the context of a wider backlash against multiculturalism. When multicultural policies became diversity policies, the migrant council was disbanded and a dress code prohibited minorities from displaying religious or other symbols in front-office public functions. With these cases, we argue that diversity discourses can be politicized in the governance of cities, with far-reaching consequences, such as the demise of ethnic minority representation and recognition, eventually reinforcing a neo-assimilationist focus urging migrants and their descendants to adapt to the cultural majority.
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Kim, Sunmin. "RETHINKING MODELS OF MINORITY POLITICAL PARTICIPATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 2 (2019): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000201.

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AbstractPolitical science research has repeatedly identified a strong correlation between high socio-economic status and political participation, but this finding has not been as robust for racial and ethnic minorities. As a response, the literature on minority political participation has produced a series of different models for different groups by adding group-specific variables to the standard SES model. In assigning a single model per group, however, the literature tends to overlook intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities, thereby effectively reifying the concept of race and ethnicity. Using survey data from Los Angeles, this article develops a different approach aimed at detecting intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities through a recognition of political “styles.” First, using latent class analysis (LCA), I identify a set of recurring configurations of individual dispositions (education, political knowledge…) and political acts (voting, protest…) that define different political styles. Then I examine the distribution of these political styles across racial and ethnic groups. The results reveal three novel findings that were invisible in the previous studies: 1) all groups feature a considerable degree of intra-group difference in political styles; 2) each group retains other political styles that cannot be captured by a single model; and 3) there are commonalities of political styles that cut across racial and ethnic boundaries. Overall, this article presents a model for quantitative analysis of race and ethnicity that simultaneously captures intra-group differences and inter-group commonalities.
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Nærland, Torgeir Uberg. "Altogether now? Symbolic recognition, musical media events and the forging of civic bonds among minority youth in Norway." European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (2017): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549417719013.

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Drawing upon interviews with a group of minority youth in Norway, this study argues that recognition theory offers a valuable yet neglected perspective through which we can identify and understand key social and civic dimensions of minority audiences’ media reception. Empirically, the study concentrates on the reception of musical media events in which hip hop artists and performances were prominent. Through empirical examples, this article illustrates how the reception of these media events for the informants entailed experiences of recognition that in turn engendered feelings of symbolic inclusion. Based on the interview data, this study argues that media events constitute ‘moments of recognition’ where dynamics of recognition are intensified. The study further argues that given the politically charged context, music may function as the expressive raw material for what is termed ‘musically imagined civic communities’.
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Van der Yen, Johannes A. "Multiculturalism in Education: Politics of Recognition." International Journal of Education and Religion 1, no. 1 (2000): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570-0623-90000017.

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One of the aims of education is the integration of students in the culture or cultures of society. However, western society presents a complex, ambiguous picture that is full of paradoxes. Three aspects of western society, the process of modernization, the influence of religion and church in society, and the social integration of minority groups in society illustrate this ambiguity. The politics of recognition implies a right to the preservation of identity. On the basis of the principle of equality, students of minority groups deserve recognition both as individuals on the basis of their human dignity, and as members of a cultural group on the basis of the principle of non-discrimination. Recognition of cultures is based on the principle of distinctiveness, which implies the value of distinct cultural characteristics. The consequences of this politics of recognition for education are discussed. In the context of a discussion of liberalism and communitarianism, a communicative design is developed that avoids the Scylla of educational neglect and the Charybdis of indoctrination and manipulation. Finally, the politics of recognition in Christian education is discussed. Different models of religious education are described and evaluated on the basis of three criteria.
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Riabova, Margarita S. "THE PROCESS OF RECOGNITION OF THE RUSSIAN ETHNIC GROUP AS A NATIONAL MINORITY IN CHINA." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 406 (May 1, 2016): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/406/22.

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Corenblum, B., R. C. Annis, and J. S. Tanaka. "Influence of Cognitive Development, Self-competency, and Teacher Evaluations on the Development of Children’s Racial Identity." International Journal of Behavioral Development 20, no. 2 (1997): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/016502597385333.

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Levels of cognitive development and perceived self-competencies have been shown to predict attitudes held by children in both minority and majority groups toward own-group members. Teacher appraisals may also influence children’s own-group attitudes by enforcing category-based expectancies and stereotypes about children’s group membership. To test this idea, White and Native Indian children in kindergarten, grades 1 and 2, answered recognition, similarity, and evaluation questions by pointing to pictures of Whites, Natives, and Blacks. Measures of children’s concrete operational thought and self-competency were obtained, as were classroom teacher ratings, of each child’s cognitive ability, peer acceptance, and physical development. Structural equation models indicated that teacher evaluations predicted White children’s, but not Native children’s own-group attitudes. Teacher ratings of Native children’s competencies did not predict minority children’s attitudes about themselves or own-group members. Implications of these findings for teacher expectancy effects and factors influencing teacher’s judgements of majority and minority group children were discussed.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minority group recognition"

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Norell, Jonas. "To Recognize, or Not to Recognize? : The Impact of Territorial Value on Minority Group Recognition." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-381267.

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Healy, Lynn Marie. "Framing the Victim: Gender, Representation and Recognition in Post-Conflict Peru." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440092938.

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Books on the topic "Minority group recognition"

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King, Elisabeth, and Cyrus Samii. Diversity, Violence, and Recognition. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509456.001.0001.

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When considering strategies to address violent conflict, an enduring debate concerns the wisdom of recognizing versus avoiding reference to ethnic identities. This book asks: Under what conditions do governments manage internal violent conflicts by formally recognizing different ethnic identities? Moreover, what are the implications for peace? Introducing the concept of “ethnic recognition,” and building on a theory rooted in ethnic power configurations, the book examines the merits, risks, and trade-offs of publicly recognizing ethnic groups in state institutions as compared to not doing so, in terms of sought-after outcomes such as political inclusiveness, the decline of political violence, economic vitality, and the improvement of democracy. It draws on both global cross-national quantitative analysis of post-conflict constitutions, settlements, and institutions since 1990, as well as in-depth qualitative case studies of Burundi, Rwanda, and Ethiopia. Findings show that recognition is adopted about 40 percent of the time and is much more likely when the leader is from the largest ethnic group, as opposed to an ethnic minority. On average, countries that adopt recognition go on to experience less violence, more economic vitality, and more democratic politics, and countries under plurality ethnic rule drive these effects. These findings should be of great interest to social scientists studying peace, democracy, and development, and of practical relevance to policymakers attempting to make these concepts a reality around the world.
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Zirk-Sadowski, Marek. Towards Recognition of Minority Groups. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315550527.

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Zirk-Sadowski, Marek, Karolina M. Cern, and Bartosz Wojciechowski. Towards Recognition of Minority Groups: Legal and Communication Strategies. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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Le, Huynh-Nhu, Rhonda C. Boyd, and Ma Asunción Lara. Treatment of Depressive Disorders and Comorbidity in Ethnic Minority Groups. Edited by C. Steven Richards and Michael W. O'Hara. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199797004.013.018.

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Depression is comorbid with anxiety, substance use, and medical conditions in majority and ethnic minority populations. Despite recognition of the growing diversity of racial and ethnic minority groups in the United States, there are significant mental health disparities among them. This chapter reviews literature on interventions of depressive disorders and other mental and medical health conditions in ethnic minority groups. It focuses on (1) the adult population, (1) treatment interventions, and (3) ethnic minority groups in the United States. This review illustrates that research on treatment of depression comorbidity is quite limited for ethnic minorities. Therefore this chapter also discusses how cultural adaptations of evidence-based interventions for major depression can further inform the extent to which interventions for depression comorbidity can be adapted for ethnic minority populations. Research gaps, recommendations, future directions, and treatment guidelines for practitioners related to depression comorbidity and ethnic minority groups are discussed.
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Rubio-Marín, Ruth, and Will Kymlicka, eds. Gender Parity and Multicultural Feminism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829621.001.0001.

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Around the world, we see a ‘participatory turn’ in the pursuit of gender equality, exemplified by the adoption of gender quotas in national legislatures to promote women’s role as decision-makers. We also see a ‘pluralism turn’, with increasing legal recognition given to the customary law or religious law of minority groups and indigenous groups. To date, the former trend has primarily benefitted majority women, and the latter has primarily benefitted minority men. Neither has effectively ensured the participation of minority women. In response, multicultural feminists have proposed institutional innovations to strengthen the voice of minority women, both at the state level and in decisions about the interpretation and evolution of cultural and religious practices. This volume explores the connection between gender parity and multicultural feminism, both at the level of theory and in practice. The authors explore a range of cases from Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa, in relation to state law, customary law, religious law, and indigenous law. While many obstacles remain, and many women continue to suffer from the paradox of multicultural vulnerability, these innovations in theory and practice offer new prospects for reconciling gender equality and pluralism.
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Martin, Scheinin, and Åhrén Mattias. Part I The UNDRIP’s Relationship to Existing International Law, Ch.3 Relationship to Human Rights, and Related International Instruments. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199673223.003.0004.

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This chapter analyses how the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) fits within the broader picture of international legal instruments, with specific reference to related human rights norms. In many respects, the general approach the UNDRIP takes towards indigenous rights is natural. Largely from the very day indigenous peoples' representatives started to address the UN in order to claim recognition of and respect for their rights, the focus of such claims has been on allowing indigenous peoples the possibility to preserve, maintain, and develop their own distinct societies, existing side by side with the majority society. In other words, political rights — or sovereign rights — have always been at the forefront of the indigenous rights regime. In that way, indigenous peoples' rights distinguish themselves from those that apply to minority groups that are primarily individual rights. Thus, when placing emphasis on peoples' rights, the UNDRIP follows in the tradition of the indigenous rights discourse in general, as reflected in Article 3 of the Declaration.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology and Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.001.0001.

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This book challenges the view that party politics and elections in India are far removed from ideas. It claims that a dominant intellectual paradigm of what constitutes an ideology is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In these more diverse states, the most important ideological debates center on statism—the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property, and on recognition—whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. Using survey data from the Indian National Election Studies (NES) and survey experiments from smaller but more focused studies, and evidence drawn from the Constituent Assembly debates, it shows that Indian electoral politics, as represented by political parties, their members, and their voters, is in fact marked by deep ideological cleavages, with parties, party members, and voters taking distinct positions on statism and recognition. This ideological divide can account for the replacement of the one-party-dominant system by a party system in which regional parties have become far more important and a right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had spectacular success in the 2014 national elections. The focus on ideology also explains why leadership is so important in contemporary Indian politics as well as the limited influence of patronage politics. The book shows how education, the media, and religious practice transmit the competing ideas that lie at the heart of the ideological debates in India.
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Morales, Harold D. Latino and Muslim in America. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190852603.001.0001.

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Even as many people view Latinos and Muslims as growing threats in US discourse, Latino Muslims celebrate their intersecting identities in their daily lives and in their mediated representations. The story of Latinos embracing Islam is set in an American religious landscape that is characteristically “diverse and fluid.” It follows distinctive immigration patterns and laws, metropolitan spaces, and new media technologies that have increasingly brought Latinos and Muslims into contact with one another. It is part of the mass exodus out of the Catholic Church, the digitization of religion, and the growth of Islam. It is set in a national context dominated by particular media politics, information economies, and the hyper-racialization of its inhabitants and their religious identities. The historically specific character of groups like Latino Muslims increasingly compels scholars to approach the categories of race, religion, and media as inextricably intertwined. This monograph therefore draws on and engages central categories, theories, and issues in the fields of religious, ethnic, and media studies. By carefully attending to the stories that Latino Muslims tell about themselves, the work examines the racialization of religion, the narrating of religious conversion experiences, the dissemination of post-colonial histories, and the development of Latino Muslim networks across the United States. This study of how being Latino and Muslim in America becomes mediated is a cautionary analysis of how so-called minority groups are made in the United States and how they become fragmented and nevertheless struggle for recognition in a “diverse and fluid” landscape.
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Book chapters on the topic "Minority group recognition"

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Michna, Ewa. "The Silesian Struggle for Recognition. Emancipation Strategies of Silesian Ethnic Leaders." In Identity Strategies of Stateless Ethnic Minority Groups in Contemporary Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41575-4_7.

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Michna, Ewa. "Between Recognition and the Struggle for Survival. Lemkos at the Beginning of the Twenty-First Century." In Identity Strategies of Stateless Ethnic Minority Groups in Contemporary Poland. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41575-4_3.

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Patten, Alan. "Immigrants, National Minorities, and Minority Rights." In Equal Recognition. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159379.003.0008.

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This chapter examines a more general problem that arises with respect to minority cultural rights, including both language and self-government rights. The problem arises from the fact that most states are home to dozens, even hundreds, of cultural groups. Their members speak different languages, have different practices and traditions that they want to maintain, and, in some cases, would like for their group to enjoy some autonomy over its own affairs. To extend a full set of language rights or self-government rights to every group that claims them may cripple the liberal state's ability to pursue its legitimate objectives. In these cases, some principle is required for deciding which cultures ought to enjoy a full set of strong cultural rights and which should not. The chapter considers two different approaches to this problem. The first attaches categorical significance to the distinction between “national” and “immigrant” groups. The second answer proposes that one or more general principles be made the basis for determining the allocation of cultural rights.
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King, Elisabeth. "To Recognize or Not?" In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509456.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter presents the book’s driving questions, introduces the term “ethnic recognition,” explains the book’s focus on institutions in post-conflict contexts, and lays out the plan of the rest of the book. The book asks: Under what conditions do governments manage internal violent conflicts by formally recognizing different ethnic identities? Moreover, what are the implications for peace? This introduction reviews the book’s theoretical arguments in brief, motivating a focus on ethnic power configurations and especially leaders’ status as minority or non-minority group members as a key condition for both the adoption and effects of recognition. It introduces our mixed-methods approach, then reviews the key findings. Recognition is adopted about 40 percent of the time; it is much more likely when the leader is from the largest ethnic group, as opposed to an ethnic minority; and it generally promotes peace better than non-recognition under plurality leadership.
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"Chapter 2. Recognition." In Minority Groups and Judicial Discourse in International Law. Brill | Nijhoff, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004176720.i-278.12.

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King, Elisabeth. "Under What Conditions Is Recognition Adopted?" In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509456.003.0004.

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This chapter tests a theory that emphasizes ethnic power configurations to explain the adoption or non-adoption of ethnic recognition in conflict-affected countries from 1990 to 2012. The analysis focuses on the adoption of ethnic recognition in constitutions or comprehensive political settlements. The main finding is that minority ethnic rule strongly predicts non-adoption. When a country is under minority rule, recognition is adopted only 24 percent of the time, as compared to plurality rule, under which recognition is adopted 60 percent of the time. This relationship is robust to controlling for a large number of potential confounding factors related to both domestic and international conditions. The relationship is strongest in countries where ethnic fractionalization is low, in which case minority groups differ most in their demographic share from plurality groups. The findings support the idea that ethnic power configurations are crucial for understanding the adoption of ethnic recognition.
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King, Elisabeth. "Ethnic Recognition Under Minority Rule in Ethiopia." In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509456.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the adoption and effects on peace of past non-recognition and contemporary ethnic recognition under minority rule in Ethiopia. On the question of adopting ethnic federalism, it shows that the ruling Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) had a keen understanding of its minority position and appreciated the assuring benefits of recognition. While the TPLF acknowledged the mobilization risks of recognition, the nature of Ethiopia’s war-to-peace transition made it such that the new minority leadership needed to recognize ethnic groups in order to win power. On the question of effects on peace, the chapter assesses the assuring effects of ethnic federalism, the authoritarian strategies that the minority-led regime used to compensate against the mobilization risks, and the mixed implications for peace. The chapter concludes by considering future prospects after the 2018 change in leadership to a plurality Oromo leader for the first time in Ethiopian history.
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Pallot, Judith, and Tat'yana Nefedova. "Ethno-cultural Differentiation in Household Production." In Russia's Unknown Agriculture. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199227419.003.0013.

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Russia is a multi-ethnic country with more than two hundred different ‘officially recognized’ ethnic groups. Of these, twenty-seven have been given administrative recognition in the form of national republics, which together with non-ethnically based oblasts and krais (regions and territories) make up the Russian Federation. The Great Russians are numerically the most dominant group accounting for 80 per cent of the population. Next come the Tatars at 5.5 million, or 4 per cent of the total, and then Ukrainians, Bashkirs, Chuvashes, Chechens, Armenians, and other much less numerous groups. Soviet nationality policy did much to preserve ethnic identities in Russia, even though these were supposed to be transcended by a higher ‘Soviet socialist’ identity. When the USSR collapsed it did so along ethnic lines, and the post-Soviet Russian government was forced to accept ethnoterritorialism as an organizing principle of the new federal state (Smith, 1990, 1999). The major nationalities are not spatially discrete; many members of the most numerous nationalities live outside their republic and in only a minority of the national republics is the titular ethnic group the majority population. However, at lower scales, the picture is different and spatial segregation along ethnic lines can be marked, especially in rural areas. The southern steppe, describing an arc stretching from the Ukrainian border in the west to the regions beyond the River Volga in the east is, in fact, a veritable ethnic mosaic. Travellers who visited the southern and eastern steppe of European Russia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries commented upon the variety of national and religious groups of different descent settled in the area. Apart from the Russians who had come south during the protracted conquest of the steppe, people were to be found there of German, Swedish, Armenian, Bulgarian, Serbian,Walachian, Moldavian, Polish, Jewish, and Greek origin together with the descendants of the traditional steppe dwellers, the Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashes, Kirghiz, Kalmyks, and Mordvinians. The ethnic diversity of the settlers in the steppe was matched by the diversity of their cultural mores and religions.
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Temperman, Jeroen. "Recognition, Registration and Autonomy of Religious Groups: European Approaches and their Human rights Implications." In State Responses to Minority Religions. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315242446-15.

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Reports on the topic "Minority group recognition"

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Carter, Becky. Strengthening Gender Equality in Decision-making in Somaliland. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.078.

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This rapid review searched for literature on how and why women continue to struggle in Somaliland to achieve formal political representation and to take on informal decision-making roles on local peace and political matters, from community to national levels. Women’s participation in peacebuilding and political decision-making in Somaliland is very limited. A key barrier is the clan system underpinning Somaliland’s political settlement. Entrenched and politicised, patriarchal clans exclude women (and other minority groups) from formal and customary leadership and decision-making roles. Other contributing factors are conservative religious attitudes and traditional gender norms. Structural inequalities – such as low levels of education, lack of funds, and high levels of violence towards women and girls – impede women’s participation. Some women are more disempowered than others, such as women from minority clans and internally displaced women. However, there is increasing disillusionment with clan politicisation and a growing recognition of women’s value. There are opportunities for framing gender equality in local cultural and religious terms and supporting grassroots activism.
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