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Journal articles on the topic 'Minority group recognition'
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1
Liu, Amy H., Jennifer Gandhi, and Curtis Bell. "Minority Languages in Dictatorships: A New Measure of Group Recognition." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 4 (2016): 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.1.
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What explains minority language recognition in dictatorships? In this paper, we argue that minority language groups in authoritarian regimes are morelikelyto have their languages recognized when their interests are represented by a party in the legislature. Moreover, thelevelof recognition is greater. We test this argument using original group-level and time-variant measures of minority party in legislatureandminority language policies for all Asian dictatorships from 1980 to 2000. The results are robust even when we shift the analysis to the country level globally and account for possible spurious correlations.
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Hopkins, Nick. "Dual Identities and Their Recognition: Minority Group Members' Perspectives." Political Psychology 32, no. 2 (2011): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00804.x.
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Lu, Chong, Yan Ren, and Liying Han. "Face and Ethnical Group Recognition with Images of Different Resolutions." Archives of Business Research 9, no. 1 (2021): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.91.9612.
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In this paper, a dataset for Xinjiang minority ethnical groups is introduced, and implementation of two dimensional Linear Discriminant Analysis (2DLDA) and two-dimensional Partial Least Squares (2DPLS) is investigated. Two important topics for face recognition and the ethnicity recognition are investigated for database with different image resolutions. Experiments show that 2DLDA performances better than 2DPLS on our face database.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Minority Mobilisation in Greece and Litigation in Strasbourg." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 1 (2008): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138548708x272519.
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AbstractWhy would minorities of Greece bring their case before the European Court of Human Rights? What do the minority groups or individuals belonging to a minority group envisage when they communicate their case to Strasbourg? What are the common patterns of minority mobilisation for rights claims before the Court of Strasbourg? Minority mobilisation and litigation in Strasbourg is related to the formation of the status regarding a minority group, the latter being the product of a complex process of political character, dependent on a continuous, overt or covert struggle for power. The axis of this relation is defined by claims of the minority and their recognition or non-recognition by the state. In other terms, this struggle can be seen as a balance between demand and enjoyment of rights. These claims of minorities aim at improving, correcting or implementing the legal status. Freedom of expression, religion or association constitute the main grounds for allegations of more than 45 cases brought before the Court of Strasbourg so far. It seems that the Greek law-making and policy-implementing mechanisms are reluctant to accommodate a broader conception about membership to the Greek nation/Greek state mainly due to the continuing ideological constraints. Although religious otherness is slowly being acknowledged and institutionalised, the recognition of national otherness is so far not tolerated.
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Saeys, Arne, Nicolas Van Puymbroeck, Ympkje Albeda, Stijn Oosterlynck, and Gert Verschraegen. "From multicultural to diversity policies: Tracing the demise of group representation and recognition in a local urban context." European Urban and Regional Studies 26, no. 3 (2019): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776419854503.
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This article deals with the question of how and why urban governments have implemented diversity policies in the context of a broader backlash against multiculturalism. The starting point of our analysis is the conceptualization of multiculturalism as a set of institutional arrangements for ethnic minority group representation and recognition. While scholars have largely focused on normative critiques of multiculturalism, arguing that it is unable to respond to the super-diversity in contemporary cities, this article focuses on the empirical complexities of diversity policy-making in a local context. More specifically, we investigate the changes in the policy practices and discourses regarding the representation and recognition of ethnic minorities in Antwerp, the largest city of the Flemish Region in Belgium. The minority policies in Antwerp had taken a multicultural turn by the 1990s, most evident in two strategies for group representation and recognition: the establishment of a migrant council to address the interests of ethnic minorities and the recruitment of an ethnically diverse city staff. We analyse how these measures became contested in the context of a wider backlash against multiculturalism. When multicultural policies became diversity policies, the migrant council was disbanded and a dress code prohibited minorities from displaying religious or other symbols in front-office public functions. With these cases, we argue that diversity discourses can be politicized in the governance of cities, with far-reaching consequences, such as the demise of ethnic minority representation and recognition, eventually reinforcing a neo-assimilationist focus urging migrants and their descendants to adapt to the cultural majority.
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Kim, Sunmin. "RETHINKING MODELS OF MINORITY POLITICAL PARTICIPATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 2 (2019): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000201.
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AbstractPolitical science research has repeatedly identified a strong correlation between high socio-economic status and political participation, but this finding has not been as robust for racial and ethnic minorities. As a response, the literature on minority political participation has produced a series of different models for different groups by adding group-specific variables to the standard SES model. In assigning a single model per group, however, the literature tends to overlook intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities, thereby effectively reifying the concept of race and ethnicity. Using survey data from Los Angeles, this article develops a different approach aimed at detecting intra-group differences as well as inter-group commonalities through a recognition of political “styles.” First, using latent class analysis (LCA), I identify a set of recurring configurations of individual dispositions (education, political knowledge…) and political acts (voting, protest…) that define different political styles. Then I examine the distribution of these political styles across racial and ethnic groups. The results reveal three novel findings that were invisible in the previous studies: 1) all groups feature a considerable degree of intra-group difference in political styles; 2) each group retains other political styles that cannot be captured by a single model; and 3) there are commonalities of political styles that cut across racial and ethnic boundaries. Overall, this article presents a model for quantitative analysis of race and ethnicity that simultaneously captures intra-group differences and inter-group commonalities.
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Nærland, Torgeir Uberg. "Altogether now? Symbolic recognition, musical media events and the forging of civic bonds among minority youth in Norway." European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (2017): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549417719013.
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Drawing upon interviews with a group of minority youth in Norway, this study argues that recognition theory offers a valuable yet neglected perspective through which we can identify and understand key social and civic dimensions of minority audiences’ media reception. Empirically, the study concentrates on the reception of musical media events in which hip hop artists and performances were prominent. Through empirical examples, this article illustrates how the reception of these media events for the informants entailed experiences of recognition that in turn engendered feelings of symbolic inclusion. Based on the interview data, this study argues that media events constitute ‘moments of recognition’ where dynamics of recognition are intensified. The study further argues that given the politically charged context, music may function as the expressive raw material for what is termed ‘musically imagined civic communities’.
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Van der Yen, Johannes A. "Multiculturalism in Education: Politics of Recognition." International Journal of Education and Religion 1, no. 1 (2000): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570-0623-90000017.
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One of the aims of education is the integration of students in the culture or cultures of society. However, western society presents a complex, ambiguous picture that is full of paradoxes. Three aspects of western society, the process of modernization, the influence of religion and church in society, and the social integration of minority groups in society illustrate this ambiguity. The politics of recognition implies a right to the preservation of identity. On the basis of the principle of equality, students of minority groups deserve recognition both as individuals on the basis of their human dignity, and as members of a cultural group on the basis of the principle of non-discrimination. Recognition of cultures is based on the principle of distinctiveness, which implies the value of distinct cultural characteristics. The consequences of this politics of recognition for education are discussed. In the context of a discussion of liberalism and communitarianism, a communicative design is developed that avoids the Scylla of educational neglect and the Charybdis of indoctrination and manipulation. Finally, the politics of recognition in Christian education is discussed. Different models of religious education are described and evaluated on the basis of three criteria.
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Riabova, Margarita S. "THE PROCESS OF RECOGNITION OF THE RUSSIAN ETHNIC GROUP AS A NATIONAL MINORITY IN CHINA." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 406 (May 1, 2016): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/406/22.
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Corenblum, B., R. C. Annis, and J. S. Tanaka. "Influence of Cognitive Development, Self-competency, and Teacher Evaluations on the Development of Children’s Racial Identity." International Journal of Behavioral Development 20, no. 2 (1997): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/016502597385333.
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Levels of cognitive development and perceived self-competencies have been shown to predict attitudes held by children in both minority and majority groups toward own-group members. Teacher appraisals may also influence children’s own-group attitudes by enforcing category-based expectancies and stereotypes about children’s group membership. To test this idea, White and Native Indian children in kindergarten, grades 1 and 2, answered recognition, similarity, and evaluation questions by pointing to pictures of Whites, Natives, and Blacks. Measures of children’s concrete operational thought and self-competency were obtained, as were classroom teacher ratings, of each child’s cognitive ability, peer acceptance, and physical development. Structural equation models indicated that teacher evaluations predicted White children’s, but not Native children’s own-group attitudes. Teacher ratings of Native children’s competencies did not predict minority children’s attitudes about themselves or own-group members. Implications of these findings for teacher expectancy effects and factors influencing teacher’s judgements of majority and minority group children were discussed.
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Kahle, Lena. "Analysing group agency through narrative interviews." Communication & Language at Work 6, no. 1 (2019): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/claw.v6i1.113908.
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The basis of cooperation is recognition and a common agenda. Cooperation is part of the agency of social groups in a professional setting. Working together for a common goal implies a shared concept. Especially in organizations with an educational or social agenda, agency refers to shared knowledge and empowerment.This article focuses on the reflection of societal power structures and the impact of the minority-majority relationship in the analysis of agency. Social conflicts not only play a role in political commitment in general, but are also a constant source of difficulties in a work context in which colleagues are comrades and friends. By analysing narrative interviews with actors in Coexistence Education in Israel this article discusses the premises of group agency.
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Akanji, Olajide. "Group Rights and Conflicts in Africa: A Critical Reflection on Ife-Modakeke, Nigeria." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 16, no. 1 (2009): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181109x394362.
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AbstractThe issue of group rights is indubitably an issue that concerns both minority and majority groups. Notwithstanding, minorities are quicker to claim the rights than the dominant groups. But the fact that group rights are a set of rights, though distinguishable from individual rights, within the general framework of fundamental human rights, shows that both minority and majority groups can exercise and enjoy them. The thrust of this article, however, is to fill the lacuna in extant literature on the need to appraise the role and place of group rights in the generation, transformation and sustenance of conflicts in Nigeria. The paper uses the age-long, protracted Ife-Modakeke conflict as a case study. Nigeria, being a plural society, the paper infers, is indeed susceptible to conflicts that border on issues of the collective rights of ethnic, sub-ethnic and religious groups. The article, nonetheless, argues that it is the non-recognition and respect of the rights of groups, both minority and majority, through the non-provision of adequate and appropriate measures by successive governments, contrary to international standards to which the country is a signatory, that often heightened tension and fractured inter-group relations in the country.
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Malik, Maleiha. "'Progressive Multiculturalism': Minority Women and Cultural Diversity." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 3 (2010): 447–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x512160.
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AbstractRecent criticisms of policies which advocate the public accommodation of cultural and religious difference have focused on the fact that 'multiculturalism is bad for women'. Making more explicit the way in which public accommodations of some minority group 'differences' are a requirement of the liberal commitment to individual autonomy and pluralism allows us to develop a version of 'progressive multiculturalism' which also safeguards the autonomy of minority women. This approach integrates two components both of which are important for minority women's autonomy: first, it gives weight to the importance of 'recognition' of cultural and religious difference in the public sphere; and, second, it facilitates full participation by minority women in mainstream political, social and economic processes.
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Vorster, Nico. "Human Identity, Political Recognition and Social Symbiosis: A Public Theological Perspective." International Journal of Public Theology 12, no. 2 (2018): 260–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341538.
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Abstract Muslim radicalization has forced western states to rethink policies on integrating minority communities into their societies. As a result, some European countries are in the process of replacing the traditional multiculturalist state paradigms with a civic integration model. This article warns against integration policies that: i) create parallel societies; ii). impose the identity of the majority group on minority groups; iii). or impose a difference-blind universal identity on all its citizens. Drawing on the Christian-informed political philosophies of John Althusius and Charles Taylor, the case is made for an inclusionary political mindset that addresses the challenges of globalization and pluralization. The approach proposed is termed symbiotic politics and is based on a common respect for political values such as human dignity, equality and freedom that are essential for human coexistence, a shared commitment to non-aggression and mutual aid, and the political recognition of collective identities.
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Meer, Nasar. "W. E. B. Du Bois, double consciousness and the ‘spirit’ of recognition." Sociological Review 67, no. 1 (2018): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026118765370.
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The purpose of this article is to unpick and explore Du Boisian ideas of minority consciousness and double consciousness, to elaborate why they are of value, and to situate them in relation to the Hegelian phenomenology. The article shows that while an understanding of Hegel’s master–slave dialectic is helpful in grasping how Du Bois conceives of the power held by a dominant group to afford status, Du Bois was keenly aware that no less important was the ability to invoke complicity or use coercion in denying recognition. To this end the article refuses the view that Du Bois straightforwardly adopted a Hegelian approach in a manner that minimises how this aspect of Du Bois’ work also reflected remarkable intellectual originality. The article goes on to demonstrate how Du Bois’ concept presents sociology with something of normative category that captures the dual character of unrecognised minority subjectivities and their transformative potential, alongside the conditions of impaired status that are allocated to racial minorities.
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Bantekas, Ilias. "Gender and Its Inter-Sectional Dimension in International Minority Law." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 3 (2010): 469–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x512179.
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AbstractIntersectional gender discrimination in the field of minority law encompasses discrimination not only in respect of one's minority status, but additionally on account of that person being a woman. Such discrimination many times affects female group members only, as in the case of ethnic cleansing through rape, and is thus inapplicable to men. Although the two forms of discrimination (i.e. minority and gender) are not treated as a single act in the relevant international legal documents, the recent practice of United Nations human rights rapporteurs is to identify a unified violation that is gender-specific. This has not yet trickled down to the domestic level, but I argue that a purposive and evolutionary interpretation of the law should move towards recognition of a single violation.
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Pasieka, Agnieszka. "Making an Ethnic Group: Lemko-Rusyns and the Minority Question in the Second Polish Republic." European History Quarterly 51, no. 3 (2021): 386–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211027121.
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Drawing on ethnographic and archival materials, this paper examines the ethnic politics of the Second Polish Republic by taking into account the experiences of the Lemko-Rusyn population, a minority East Slavic group inhabiting the peripheral mountainous area in southern Poland. It illustrates the changing policies towards Lemko-Rusyns and discusses the different responses of the local population to these policies, demonstrating the inadequacy of categories imposed from above as well as manifold motivations behind people's political views, choices of national identification, and religious conversions. In so doing, the article has three main objectives. First, in line with recent critical scholarship on nationalism in the Second Polish Republic, it attempts to problematize the – frequently exaggerated – difference between ‘federational’ and ‘assimilationist’ conceptions, exposing the discriminatory nature of interwar minority politics, as experienced locally. Second, moving beyond the interwar period, the article presents the long-term consequences of the interwar policies and the events of the Second World War, including a series of ethnic cleansings that took place in the aftermath of the war as well as present-day discourses on and policies towards ethnic and national minorities. And third, in discussing state actors' agency in the domain of minority policies, it calls for a more thorough recognition of the agency of the people who are the target of those policies. The article considers all these issues by presenting a history of a Lemko-Rusyn locality and its inhabitants, as recorded in school records, state reports, and oral histories.
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Ashamu, Elizabeth. "Centre for Minority Rights Development (Kenya) and Minority Rights Group International on Behalf of Endorois Welfare Council v Kenya: A Landmark Decision from the African Commission." Journal of African Law 55, no. 2 (2011): 300–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855311000155.
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AbstractThis is the first judgment from the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights to address the rights of indigenous peoples and their claims to land and natural resources. It is also the first ruling by an international tribunal which finds a violation of the right to development. The Commission examined the Kenyan government's eviction of the indigenous Endorois community from their ancestral land around Lake Bogoria to establish a game reserve. Finding violations of the rights of the Endorois to religion, culture, property, natural resources and development, the Commission called for the recognition of Endorois ownership of their ancestral land and its restitution to the community. This case note describes the Commission's legal analysis of the Endorois case and explains how the decision establishes an important precedent for ensuring equity and participation in natural resource management and development on indigenous lands.
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Hosseini, Seyedehbehnaz. "The Kaka‘i: A Religious Minority in Iraq." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 2 (2018): 156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918762200.
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The religion of Kaka‘I has been an under-researched religion in the Middle East but recent interest in Iraq has changed this situation marginally. A new discourse in the contemporary social and political world has brought back the notion of religion and the appropriation of religious thought to the forefront of social polemics. Following continuous murders, displacements and threats by the militant Islamic group, the Islamic State (IS), as well as their marginalization in Iraq, Kaka‘i declared themselves to be Muslims. They sought improvement in the quality of systems existing in region, the creation of democratic secular regimes that believe in democracy and rights of other peoples and religions, as well as the application of human rights principles in the constitutions of states in which they reside. In addition, Kaka‘i are motivated to gain official recognition of their civil statutes and identity and they want to end the situation in which they are considered as a religious minority. Kaka‘i and Islam are incompatible as religions. Such actions bring to mind the historical and modern perspectives that form the basis of religion with regard to the development of this religious minority under the pressure of their environment.
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King, Ronald F., and Cosmin Gabriel Marian. "Minority Representation and Reserved Legislative Seats in Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (2012): 561–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412441493.
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Approximately 32 nations currently use reservation of legislative seats for minority voices, whether by race, ethnicity, language, religion, or territory. Romania has among the most extensive and complicated arrangement of reserved seats, with 18 different ethnic minorities currently provided special parliamentary representation. This paper addresses two key political issues: how is it determined that there exists a valid ethnic minority deserving of recognition with a reserved seat? What are the political consequences from the broad allocation of reserved seats? The paper understands a reserved legislative seat as a distributive good over which rival claimants assert contested title. The state has incentive to avoid controversial choices although this is not always possible. Incumbent interests have incentive to restrict competitive entry without appearing to violate the principles of open inclusion. As seen through the Romanian case, the regime consequence from this dynamic tends to be clientele politics, in which minority organizations emerge segmented, dependent, and relatively powerless, yet simultaneously satisfied that they can guarantee by means of state subsidies the foundations for group identity.
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Vandeginste, Stef. "Political Representation of Minorities as Collateral Damage or Gain: The Batwa in Burundi and Rwanda." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 1 (2014): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900101.
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There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peace-negotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was a foundational moment for the recognition of the political participation rights of the Batwa in Burundi, despite the fact that they were not actively involved in Burundi's armed conflict, or in the peace negotiations. The comparative analysis in this paper offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict.
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Muryanti, Muryanti. "NASIONALISME DALAM PANDANGAN ETNIK MINORITAS DI YOGYAKARTA:." Dialog 37, no. 1 (2014): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v37i1.56.
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The existence of Chinese descendants in Indonesia is obviously the parcel of well-nurtured pluralism and multiculturalism in this country. Chinese group in Indonesia remains minority among the population. However, this group reins around 70-80% Indonesian economic sectors. In terms of the feeling of nationalism, this group express it differently from other Indonesians. They obtained international recognition and yet they still acclaimed themselves as Indonesians. Plural Indonesian people have various responses and attitude towards this claim. Therefore, the main issue is not the type of nationalism, but is in the attitudes as Indonesian nation wherever and whenever it takes. This paper investigates some activities done by Chinese descendants through their organizations called INTI (Indonesian-Tionghoa Association).
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Jabareen, Hassan. "How the Law of Return Creates One Legal Order in Palestine." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (2020): 459–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0021.
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AbstractThe prevailing discourse in Israeli academia on justifying the values of Israel as a “Jewish and democratic state” takes the form of a debate involving questions of group rights of a national minority, as in any liberal democracy. The framework of this discourse relies on three interconnected, hegemonic assertions. These assertions assume the applicability of equal individual rights, put aside the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza as irrelevant for the “Jewishness” of the state as it belongs to a different rule of recognition, and conceptualize the Green Line based on majority-minority relations with Jewish group rights, including the Law of Return, as not leading to discrimination against individuals. I contend that these assertions are invalid and that colonialism is the relevant framework of Israel’s constitutional identity in Palestine (the Green Line, the West Bank including Jerusalem and Gaza). I argue there is one Constitution in Palestine based on one conception of sovereignty, regardless of any rules of recognition where the Law of Return, together with the value of “preserving a Jewish majority,” constitutes its very essence that targets the Palestinians as such. The Article presents a case-law study regarding family life between spouses and their children in Palestine. This case-law reveals an unfamiliar phenomenon. Unlike the plurality of written laws that characterize colonial regimes, the Israeli legal system introduces a unique model in which racial domination is created mostly by decisionism of the Court, out of the written laws and regardless of any rule of recognition.
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Mégret, Frédéric. "Is There Ever a ‘Right to One's Own Law’? An Exploration of Possible Rights Foundations for Legal Pluralism." Israel Law Review 45, no. 1 (2012): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223711000021.
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This article explores the possibility of elaborating a strong rights foundation for ‘weak’ legal pluralist arrangements, consisting of the recognition by the state of a degree of autonomy for the legal practices of minorities. It finds unhelpful and reductionist those arguments based merely on whether certain aspects of minority law are in violation of human rights or are more effective at protecting rights than state law. Instead, the article seeks to tackle the central issue of whether there is more generally a human rights case for legal pluralism, despite the modern rights movement's strong historical association with state monism and egalitarian universalism. Traditional rights bases for minority protection, both group and individual based, are envisaged specifically from the point of view of recognition of minority legal traditions. Both are found to raise difficulties that are magnified by the entry into play of legal considerations. When it comes to collective rights, there is a fear that endowing certain communities with legal autonomy will increase their ability to oppress the minority within; when it comes to individual rights, the idea of a ‘right to one's law’ misses the degree to which law is an institutional construct which requires a new division of power within the state that goes far beyond what are generally understood as basic freedoms. Rather than assessing the problem merely from an individual or group point of view, the rights validity of legal pluralist arrangements is seen as dependent on how they relate to society at large. Specifically, a case is made that legal pluralism can be part of a beneficial coming to terms by societies with their diversity, a reinforcement of democratic forms and, in some cases, a type of transitional justice that recognises the extent to which the deprivation of law has been a traditional means of subjugation of minorities. The article concludes with an effort to recast the entire debate from the point of view of international human rights law and to critique its somewhat arbitrary focus on the state as the only locus of significant legal diversity.
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Radzewicz, Edyta. "Irlandzcy Trawelerzy i status mniejszości etnicznej." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 2 (2018): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.2.2.
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The Irish Travellers, a native, traditionally migratory group, were recently accorded formal recognition in the Republic of Ireland, ending more than three decades of political negation of Traveller ethnicity by the Irish authorities. Awarding the Travellers the status of ethnic minority should lead to changes in state policy, which previously perceived the Travellers and their way of life in terms of a social problem; above all, there should now be hope for a new, more equal social position for the Travellers in today’s increasingly diverse Ireland. The author discusses the mobilization of the Irish Travellers and the circumstances of their being awarded ethnic minority status. She also considers the Travellers’ attitudes to the question, on the basis of her own field work conducted among the Traveller community in Galway in western Ireland.
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Langewiesche, Katrin. "Conversion as Negotiation. Converts as Actors of Civil Society." Religions 11, no. 7 (2020): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070322.
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This article focuses on the religious movement of the Ahmadiyya and its civil society organization, Humanity First, in West-Africa and in Europe. Particular attention is paid to the place of converts within these two institutions. Conversions to an Islamic minority and the actions of this minority are studied through the prism of social commitment. I examine the intersections between religious values, the ideas of solidarity in the societies under scrutiny and, the kaleidoscopic range of Muslim charities. The paper investigates conversion as negotiation in regard to gender, social mobility, and power. Conversion is approached here as a matter of social relations and not personal belief. I argue that converts have to use various strategies of recognition, either as individuals or as a group, which places them in a permanent state of negotiation with their entourage.
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Tambar, Kabir. "Brotherhood in Dispossession: State Violence and the Ethics of Expectation in Turkey." Cultural Anthropology 31, no. 1 (2015): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca31.1.03.
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The category of minority has been constitutive of the concept of the people in Turkey, distilling those who do not belong to the history and destiny of the nation from those who do. Minority, in this sense, is not simply a demographic classification, nor merely a matter of legal recognition. It carries the weight of a historical judgment, which scaffolds political community by delineating which populations, languages, and religions remain beyond the framework of collective obligation and responsibility. This essay examines comments delivered by a pro-Kurdish political party and a largely Kurdish mothers-of-the-disappeared group during Turkey’s Gezi Park protests of 2013. These moments of public address participated in the broader spirit of state critique on display during those demonstrations. They were noteworthy, however, for recasting the Gezi events as a late occurrence in a longer history of state violence, prefigured by a century of dispossession experienced by those who have been classed as minorities or threatened with that designation. The essay asks how these invocations of history enabled interventions into imagined futures. The commentaries were not primarily aimed at repudiating the historical judgment of minority as discriminatory or contrary to law, but instead sought to delocalize the judgment vested in the category of minority, to see in that judgment an increasingly generalized economy of state violence, and to view it as prefiguring a political community to come.
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Boran, Idil. "The Challenge of Choice." Theory and Research in Education 1, no. 2 (2003): 228–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878503001002005.
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The notion of freedom of choice has a dual function in liberal theories of minority rights; it has been invoked both to defend group-specific rights and to draw the limits of these rights. This is the cause of a tension. This article explores the implications of this tension for public education in multination states. It is argued that the tension takes a specific form in language rights claims made by national groups that are not illiberal. For even if a linguistic group that lays claims of recognition is liberal, illiberal features may be the by-product of the autonomy sought by the group, which seems prima facie puzzling. The article suggests a possible direction to solve the puzzle through a redistribution of costs and benefits regarding language policy within the state.
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Subramanian, Narendra. "Making Family and Nation: Hindu Marriage Law in Early Postcolonial India." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 3 (2010): 771–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810001476.
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Postcolonial states responded differently to the group-specific personal laws that were recognized in many colonial societies. While some retained most colonial personal laws (e.g., Lebanon) and others introduced major changes (e.g., Tunisia), most introduced modest yet significant changes (e.g., Egypt, India, Indonesia). Indian policy makers retained personal laws specific to religious groups, and did not change the minority laws, although minority recognition did not rule out culturally grounded reform. They changed Hindu law alone based on their values, as they saw Hindu social reform as the key to making nation and citizen. Reform proposals drew from the modern Western valuation of the nuclear family, and from Hindu traditions that were reformed to meet standards of modernity. As Hindu nationalists and other conservatives defended lineage authority, legislators retained much of the lineage control over ancestral property. But they provided limited divorce rights, reduced restrictions on mate choice, and banned bigamy. The visions driving the initial proposals influenced many later changes in India's family laws.
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Aydin, Filiz Tutku, and Fethi Kurtiy Sahin. "The politics of recognition of Crimean Tatar collective rights in the post-Soviet period: With special attention to the Russian annexation of Crimea." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 1 (2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.02.003.
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This paper examines the process of how Crimean Tatars strived to attain group-differentiated rights since they have returned to their homeland in the early 1990s. Whereas the politics of minority rights were viewed through security lens in earlier literature, we emphasize the significance of cultural constructs in influencing the minority policies, based on qualitative content analysis of “speech acts” of elites, and movement and policy documents. Focusing on the interaction of the framing processes of Crimean Tatars with the Crimean regional government, Ukraine, and Russia, we argue that the “neo-Stalinist frame” has played a major role in denying the rights of Crimean Tatars for self-determination and preservation of their ethnic identity in both pre and post annexation Crimea. The Crimean Tatars counter-framed against neo-Stalinist frame both in the pre and post-annexation period by demanding their rights as “indigenous people”. Ukraine experienced a frame transformation after the Euromaidan protests, by shifting from a neo-Stalinist frame into a “multiculturalist frame”, which became evident in recognition of the Crimean Tatar status as indigenous people of Crimea.
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Tzfadia, Erez. "Abusing Multiculturalism: The Politics of Recognition and Land Allocation in Israel." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 26, no. 6 (2008): 1115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d6307.
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The logic behind land allocation for residential purposes has undergone a dramatic shift in many states with a colonial legacy in the recent decade, from an ethnonational logic that favors the ethnonational majority to a more liberal-democratic, market-based logic that disregards ethnicity. In Israel, following this shift, a new claim for biased allocation has been voiced by the ethnonational majority, politicians, and administrators, which is based on multiculturalism and recognition. According to this claim, land allocation should serve the communal needs of the majority by limiting the access of minority groups to the majority group's residential areas. In this paper I argue that, despite the decline of ethnonationalism, the discourse of multiculturalism remains a substitute discourse that rationalizes the interests of the majority group, hence contributing to the stratification of societies on the basis of ethnicity. Through an analysis of three case studies of land allocation in Israel, the paper explores the material and cultural weaknesses of a multiculturalism that has been imported from societies with a strong liberal-democratic tradition into societies with a profound ethnonational legacy.
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Curchin, Katherine. "Testing the limits of the politics of recognition: Fox hunters in the United Kingdom." International Political Science Review 39, no. 4 (2017): 503–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117696417.
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Research into the rights of minority groups to preserve their culture and identity has tended to focus on claims for cultural recognition made by indigenous peoples or other socio-economically disadvantaged groups. By contrast, this article examines the political appeals to culture and identity made by campaigners in the United Kingdom seeking to defend the sport of hunting with hounds in the lead up to the creation of the Hunting Act (2004). Opponents of the hunting ban consciously echoed arguments about cultural survival and cultural diversity made by indigenous hunters with the goal of fighting animal welfare legislation. These cultural arguments had little persuasive force when deployed by this relatively powerful and affluent group. I argue that the moral force of appeals to culture derive not from a vital human need for cultural recognition but from the imperative of redressing longstanding patterns of social, economic and political disadvantage.
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Cervantes, Raymundo, Daniel W. Lopez-Hernandez, Winter Olmos, et al. "A-105 Perceived Workload and Depression on the Rey 15-Item Recall and Recognition Test: The Impact of Ethnicity and Brain Injury." Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology 36, no. 6 (2021): 1154. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arclin/acab062.123.
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Abstract Introduction We examined the impact of perceived workload and depressive symptoms on Rey-15 plus recognition (RMT) in ethnic minority participants with traumatic brain injury (TBI). Methods The sample consisted of 63 healthy comparison [HC: 38 with ethnic minority status (EM) & 25 non-ethnic minority Caucasian (NEM)] participants and 40 persons with TBI (18 EM; 22 NEM). The Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale to measure depressive symptoms (HADS-D) and the NASA-Task Load Index (NASA TLX) to measure perceived workload. Results ANCOVAs revealed that NEM outperformed EM on the RMT, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.37. TBI survivors reported higher levels of HADS-D compared to HC participants, p = 0.018, ηp2 = 0.06. Additionally, the EM group reported higher levels of frustration on the RMT compared to NEMs, p = 0.033, ηp2 = 0.05. Interactions emerged for physical demand where NEM participant’s with TBI had higher ratings than EM participants with TBI. For HCs, the EM participants provided higher physical demand ratings than their NEM counterparts, p = 0.029, ηp2 = 0.05. Additionally, a significant relationship between HADS-D and RMT was observed in the healthy NEM participants (r = −0.558, p = 0.004) and NEM participants with TBI (r = −0.288, p = 0.080). Finally, significant relationships between HADS-D and mental demand, physical demand, temporal demand, frustration, and overall subjective workload were observed in healthy EM participants, r = 0.342–0.431, p < 0.05. Conclusion Consistent with previous research, TBI survivors reported higher levels of depressive symptoms, which were associated with RMT performances. Overall, our data suggest the relationship between perceived workload, depression, and performance is complex and that investigators should interpret performance validity scores in person with TBI, depression, and/or EM status with great care.
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Batyanova, E. P. "The Teleuts: from non-Russians to Indigenous Minority of the North’." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 3 (50) (August 28, 2020): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-50-3-14.
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This paper concerns the study of the specifics of self-consciousness and self-identity of one of the indige-nous minorities of Siberia — the Teleuts, in different periods of their ethnic history from the mid. 18th century until the present time. Main forms of Teleuts’ identity are considered: national; class; ethnic; ancestral and local. The instances of using various ethnonyms, genonymums and class attributes by Teleuts are analyzed. Identity multi-variance is considered as a mechanism of minority self-preservation and adaptation to the continuous assimilative influence of the nonethnic majority. The paper is based on the archival sources and field materials of the author collected during the expeditions to Teleuts in 1978–2014. The field materials include samples of the folklore, writ-ten folk literature, records of biographies, family chronicles and narratives about other societies recorded by the author. It has been shown how Teleuts ideas about other societies adjusted in the course of their adaptation to the new social and cultural environment within the Russian state. The attention has been drawn to how the ethnic consolidation of the Teleuts in the 19th–20th cc. transformed the local self-consciousness and self-identity. The names associated with small territorial communities often acquired derogatory sense and transferred from endo- to exo-type. It has been deduced how the legal status of the ethnic group within the state influences development of their ethnic culture. Notably, the non-Russians status of the Teleuts brought to them some rights and privileges in terms of the land tenure, taxes and exemption from the compulsory military service. On one hand, this has been helping to strengthen the national identity of the Teleuts, but on the other hand, it facilitates their ethnic self-affirmation. Teleuts have always been proud with their non-Russians status within the Russian state. The ethnic status of the Teleuts in the post-Soviet period is protected by their official recognition in 1989 as a separate ethnic group and subsequent affiliation with the indigenous minorities of the North.
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LORENTZ, CACILDA NACUR, ALEXANDRE DE PÁDUA CARRIERI, ANTONIO DEL MAESTRO FILHO, and LUIZ CLÁUDIO DE LIMA. "DIVERSITY: RECOGNITION OF THE DIFFÉRANCE OR TOLERATED DIFFERENCE? A STUDY ON THE PERCEPTION OF MINING AND STEEL PROFESSIONALS." RAM. Revista de Administração Mackenzie 17, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-69712016/administracao.v17n4p38-60.
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ABSTRACT Purpose: To comprehend diversity on the organizational context. Originality/gap/relevance/implications: There are few critical studies on the subject, here grounded on the ideas of Derrida (2002) and on the theory of recognition of Honneth (2003). The comprehension of diversity is related to the construction of identity among individuals and refers to the concept of tolerance, enabling a discussion about recognition (or not) of differences. Key methodological aspects: Qualitative research, performed in organizations on the segments of mining and steel mill. Data were collected by focal groups submitted to discourse analysis. Summary of key results: It was found difficult to live with people of different groups. Diversity was also associated to difference and the topic recognition. It was evident that diversity should be managed in the organizational context, but the diversity that comes on the agenda of companies analyzed, including the HR practices, is the tolerable diversity. Key considerations/conclusions: Minority groups still lack of recognition, prevailing the valorization of a group over the others. To recognize differences is a challenging matter, considering the distance established between reflexive processes and the corporate practice. Finally, it is pointed out the need to promote actions that aim the equality of opportunities of treatment to the several groups present in the organization.
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Harisah, Akramun Nisa. "Pesantren Multikultural: Alternatif Pendidikan di Era Milenial." AL-FIKR: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 4, no. 2 (2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/alfikr.v4i2.28.
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The track record of the schools showed that schools have a role and contribute to the social dynamics it means that life need change. Related to social change, the Indonesian people are faced with multicultural discourse , the emergence of nuanced conflicts and acts of racial violence in the name of religion by a religious group , at least it shows that the Indonesian people are religious diversity has not been able to resolve with the other in a conducive and constructive environment. Religion in relation to multicultural education indicates a doctrine of relationship between Islam as a religion with education and also to multiculturalism. The essence of multicultural schools is the students will foster cultural sensitivity pluralistic society, and emphasized a caring attitude and are willing to accept the difference or the politics of recognition, that means recognition of the existence of people from minority groups in every way in order to reach unity in diversity, without reducing the original ethnicity as students.
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Belényi, Emese. "At the Crossroad of Cultures: Education and Identity of Hungarian Deaf Learners in Romania." Central European Journal of Educational Research 1, no. 1 (2019): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37441/cejer/2019/1/1/3344.
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Deaf people living in ethnic-national minority situation form a social group whose members have multiple cultural backgrounds. Starting from interpretations which are viewing the deaf child as a member of a distinct cultural and linguistic minority, I studied the education of Hungarian deaf pupils in Romania graduating from the Hungarian Special School in Cluj/Kolozsvár/Klausenburg, with particular regard to the relationship between formal and informal language use in school, communication culture and identity. Methodologically the research is based on life path interviews with Hungarian Deaf Special School graduates, family case studies of two or three generation deaf families and structured interviews with experienced educators. The research results reveal that the educational practice of the concerned educational institution strengthens the pupils' identity awareness and sense of belonging to the Hungarian nation in two distinct, still interconnected ways: on the one hand, through oral language acquisition, nursing the oral Hungarian language skills, and on the other hand through cultivating the Hungarian Sign Language embedded in the deaf culture within the learner community. Nowadays, the conditions and modalities of exercising this role are changing in several respects. The positive educational effects achieved so far can be reinforced and strengthened by educational policies based on the recognition and cultivation of cultural diversity, in all its complex and multifaceted manifestations, including the peculiar needs of ethnic minority deaf learners.
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Bell, Catherine, Suzanne Rogers, Julie Taylor, and Debbie Busby. "Improving the Recognition of Equine Affective States." Animals 9, no. 12 (2019): 1124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani9121124.
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A key welfare problem for horses is that people commonly fail to recognise, and consequently neglect to resolve, equine behavioural signs of distress, worsening the welfare of the horse and potentially putting the safety of the handler at risk as a result. Members of equestrian Facebook groups were asked to view six videos and assess the horse’s behaviour in each; the authors selected the videos and considered each video to demonstrate behaviour associated with negative affective states. An additional six equine behaviourists also completed the survey as an “expert comparison group” from whom we could define “correct” answers; their responses were consistent with each other and the views of the authors. Although the majority of respondents successfully recognised behaviour indicative of distress in some instances, behaviour associated with negative affective states was commonly missed; videos featuring natural horsemanship and bridle-less riding were particularly interpreted incorrectly to be positive experiences for the horses. Binary logistic regression analysis (72.1% success rate) confirmed that the different video types (ridden dressage, natural horsemanship, in-hand dressage, bridle-less riding, Western reining and behavioural rehabilitation) were strong predictors for obtaining a correct answer (p < 0.01) but that experience of equine-ownership was not. Of the equestrian activities preferred by participants, only proponents of clicker training showed an increased likelihood of obtaining the correct answer (p = 0.05). Even when behavioural signs suggestive of negative affective states were recognised, a minority of respondents stated that they would be happy for their horse to be treated similarly. In conclusion, behavioural signs of equine distress are poorly recognised; they therefore warrant an increased prominence in education and the outreach activity of welfare organisations, in order to reduce equine suffering.
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OKEKE, THEODORA A. "IMPROVING MALARIA RECOGNITION, TREATMENT AND REFERRAL PRACTICES BY TRAINING CARETAKERS IN RURAL NIGERIA." Journal of Biosocial Science 42, no. 3 (2009): 325–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932009990484.
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SummaryA caretaker training programme was carried out in Ugwuogo-Nike, a rural area in south-east Nigeria, based on formative research within the community. A training of trainers workshop was organized for 30 leaders of women groups who subsequently trained other mothers in their group. Community information activities, which lasted for a period of eight months, included the use of posters, drama group and jingles. The programme was evaluated using the quantitative and qualitative methods that were employed at baseline, which included community survey and focus group discussions (FGDs). For the community survey, households with children under five years of age were identified and provided the sampling frame, from which 300 households were chosen using the systematic sampling method. The target population for the FGDs were caretakers of children under five years. Post-intervention evaluation of the programme showed significant (p<0.05) improvements in knowledge, home management of malaria and referral practices for severe malaria. Those who correctly reported that mosquitoes were the cause of malaria rose markedly from 39.7% to 88.7%. Knowledge of symptoms of mild and severe malaria also increased significantly. Only 1.5% of caretakers were aware of the correct dose of anti-malarial before intervention, but this increased to 41.5%. The impact of intervention brought about a dramatic change in the practice of taking severely ill children, especially those with convulsion, to a traditional healer. A minority (6.7%) of caretakers took a severely ill child to a traditional healer as against 60% pre-intervention. There was also a significant increase in use of formal health facilities for the treatment of severely ill children. The study findings support the view that training of mothers to recognize, treat appropriately and refer severe cases of malaria is feasible and may lead to a reduction in the incidence of severe disease.
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Wang, Xuan, and Sjaak Kroon. "The chronotopes of authenticity." AILA Review 30 (December 31, 2017): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.00004.wan.
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This paper examines the ways in which the ethnic minority group the Tujia in Enshi, China, engages with heritage tourism, as a complex project of designing authenticity. Authenticity is taken as part of the chronotopic phenomena of identity making: the complex interplay of multiple, nonrandom timespace frames of discourses and semiotic performances which condition and offer new potentials to the meanings of authenticity. We show ethnographically the chronotopic nature of the local production of “authentic” heritage for tourism in Enshi. This leads to a historical grounding of the Tujia in China’s nation-building and state politics of multiculturalism, which uncovers the anxiety of inauthenticity experienced by the Tujia in Enshi with their own minority status and cultural heritage, as well as their strategic chronotopic incorporation of both “authentic” and “inauthentic” aspects of local identity practices into a new order of authenticity afforded by heritage tourism as a form of new economy. Through such practices, we argue, the Tujia in Enshi chronotopically shift away from the periphery towards a new and reconfigured center of meaning-making, although this reappropriation of authenticity still must be understood within the “cunning of recognition” scheme, i.e. within the constraints of late modernity.
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Gierczak, Dariusz. "Contested minorities – the case of Upper Silesia." Environmental & Socio-economic Studies 3, no. 2 (2015): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/environ-2015-0061.
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AbstractUpper Silesia in terms of ethnicity is a typical example of a historical region in Europe, but in fact, one of the few exceptions in contemporary Poland, where its mixed ethnic and religious structures have at least partly survived until today. While their existence had been denied by Nazi Germany (1933-1945) as well as by the Polish People's Republic (1945-1989), the emancipation of the German and Silesian minorities after the democratic changes of 1989 have evoked strong emotions in the ethnically almost uniform country. Nonetheless, the recent situation of minorities has improved as never before. Minority organisations has been officially recognized and German finally has become the second language in some municipalities of Upper Silesia, but the largest ethnic group in the whole country, the Silesians, have still experienced no formal recognition as a national minority. This article deals with the demographic aspects of the ethnic groups in Upper Silesia since the 19th century until recent times. The census results concerning the ethnic minorities or languages in Upper Silesia have been contested since the first records of that kind have been taken. The outcomes of the both last censuses of 2002 and 2011 concerning the minority question reflected for the first time a much more realistic picture of the status quo. Furthermore, they showed that the idea of Silesian identification found an unexpected high number of supporters. This fact indicates an emerging meaning of regional identification amid significant changes of cultural values in Polish society.
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Stomberski, Colin T., Hua-Lin Zhou, Liwen Wang, Focco van den Akker, and Jonathan S. Stamler. "Molecular recognition of S-nitrosothiol substrate by its cognate protein denitrosylase." Journal of Biological Chemistry 294, no. 5 (2018): 1568–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1074/jbc.ra118.004947.
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Protein S-nitrosylation mediates a large part of nitric oxide's influence on cellular function by providing a fundamental mechanism to control protein function across different species and cell types. At steady state, cellular S-nitrosylation reflects dynamic equilibria between S-nitrosothiols (SNOs) in proteins and small molecules (low-molecular-weight SNOs) whose levels are regulated by dedicated S-nitrosylases and denitrosylases. S-Nitroso-CoA (SNO-CoA) and its cognate denitrosylases, SNO-CoA reductases (SCoRs), are newly identified determinants of protein S-nitrosylation in both yeast and mammals. Because SNO-CoA is a minority species among potentially thousands of cellular SNOs, SCoRs must preferentially recognize this SNO substrate. However, little is known about the molecular mechanism by which cellular SNOs are recognized by their cognate enzymes. Using mammalian cells, molecular modeling, substrate-capture assays, and mutagenic analyses, we identified a single conserved surface Lys (Lys-127) residue as well as active-site interactions of the SNO group that mediate recognition of SNO-CoA by SCoR. Comparing SCoRK127Aversus SCoRWT HEK293 cells, we identified a SNO-CoA–dependent nitrosoproteome, including numerous metabolic protein substrates. Finally, we discovered that the SNO-CoA/SCoR system has a role in mitochondrial metabolism. Collectively, our findings provide molecular insights into the basis of specificity in SNO-CoA–mediated metabolic signaling and suggest a role for SCoR-regulated S-nitrosylation in multiple metabolic processes.
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Nicholson, Cathy. "Working together, living together: Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel crossing imagined group boundaries." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 2 (2019): 959–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.852.
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This paper explores the permeability of imagined boundaries between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel who work together as medics in Israel. The medics’ shared work environment, based on medical ethics and inclusiveness across staff and patient populations, was effective in providing a safe, equal and satisfactory professional work setting. This contrasted with the external non-working environment where structural asymmetry placed the minority group in a position of perceived inequality and non-recognition. A sense of threat related to the Jewish Israeli narratives, highlighted by the war in Gaza in 2014, led to intergroup tensions that seeped into the work environment. This took the form of a justification of the state to deal with the conflict, juxtaposed with the Palestinian Israelis conflicted loyalties between their Israeli citizenship and their Palestinian heritage. The role of contact research is discussed to argue how intergroup tensions can be played out across different social and political contexts. The theoretical concept of themata, defined as a foundation for developing social representations around dialogical constructed boundaries, was integral to map and explore group positioning through a qualitative methodology This approach was found to be useful in exploring an environment in a natural setting, set within a context of structural asymmetry and ongoing conflict. These findings contribute to existing research on interpretations of contact theory, intergroup boundaries and possibilities of reconciliation.
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Smith, David J. "Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diverse Political Communities: Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (2020): 224–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.94.
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Numerous contemporary examples attest to the continued political salience of ethnic identification. This is the case even in multi-ethnic societies bound together by a strong overarching sense of patriotism, but it is most especially so in contexts where ethnicity has historically functioned as the building block of modern nations (Rudolph 2006). Since today’s world contains many more ethnoculturally defined nations than it does states, a tension persists between the principle of self-determination of peoples and the principle of territorial integrity of existing polities (Dembinska, Máracz, and Tonk 2014). The almost invariable overlapping of different ethno-national populations within the same territorial space renders the nation-state concept inherently problematic as a modality for ethnically based self-determination, for while all nation-state projects dictate cultural uniformity, all must contend with differing degrees of pluralism. Within the nation-state frame, those who do not profess belonging to the dominant ethnocultural community are consigned to the category of “national minority” and thereby deemed an anomaly and a barrier to the creation of a “good political order.”1 In this context, claims by minority national and ethnic communities for recognition of collective rights can be easily construed as a threat to the security of the state and its dominant ethno-national group, leading to situations of tension and—in the worst case—open conflict.
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Ilunga Tshiswaka, Daudet, Jeanne Teresi, Joseph P. Eimicke, et al. "Analysis of self-efficacy for stroke recognition and action from a cluster randomised trial evaluating the effects of stroke education pamphlets versus a 12-minute culturally tailored stroke film among Black and Hispanic churchgoers in New York." Health Education Journal 80, no. 7 (2021): 844–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00178969211002871.
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Background: Because early recognition of symptoms and timely treatment of stroke can reduce mortality and the long-term effects of such events, efforts to make many people both aware of these symptoms and knowledgeable about what to do when recognising them are critical for reducing impacts from stroke. Objectives: To assess the impact of a stroke preparedness film (intervention) and stroke preparedness pamphlets (usual care) on self-efficacy for stroke recognition and action. Design: Two-arm cluster randomised trial conducted between July 2013 and August 2018. Setting: A total of 13 church sites located in economically disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods in New York. Of the 883 churchgoers approached, 503 expressed interest, 375 completed eligibility screening and 312 were randomised. Participant inclusion criteria were Black or Hispanic churchgoers, aged 34 years or older, without stroke history, but at a high risk for stroke. The intervention consisted of two 12-minute stroke films: Gospel of Stroke, in English for Black participants, and Derrame Cerebral, in Spanish for Hispanic participants. Method: Participants were pre–post-tested (at baseline, 6-month follow-up and 12-month follow-up) for self-efficacy. Descriptive analysis, a linear mixed model and t tests were used to assess the effects of a stroke preparedness film and stroke preparedness pamphlets on self-efficacy. Results: Findings are based on intention-to-treat analysis. A total of 310 participants completed the study (99% retention rate). About half (53.8%) of participants were Black and 46.2% Hispanic in the intervention group; 48.3% were Black and 51.7% were Hispanic in the usual care group. Overall, both groups evidenced higher self-efficacy (i.e. lower predicted means) over time ( p < .0001), although a significant benefit was not observed for the intervention relative to usual care. Conclusion: Both stroke preparedness films and stroke preparedness pamphlets improved self-efficacy with respect to stroke recognition and action among minority churchgoers.
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Ilott, Irene, and Elizabeth White. "Research and Development Board: The Research Assessment Exercise — Implications for the Future of Occupational Therapy." British Journal of Occupational Therapy 63, no. 4 (2000): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030802260006300405.
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The Research Assessment Exercise (RAE) is one of the most important policies that determine public expenditure of nearly one billion pounds in higher education. Although a minority of occupational therapy personnel are involved, all have an investment in the outcomes which support evidence-based services. This report outlines the Research and Development Board's responses to the Higher Education Funding Council's consultation exercises since 1997. The aim is to highlight the implications of this policy for supporting a research-active community, able to contribute to the development of the profession. Particular attention is given to the collaborative approach taken as a member of the Joint Therapies Research Group. A longer-term, pragmatic strategy is described as part of the preparation for the next RAE in 2001 and beyond. This fits with the current fundamental review of research funding and policy and the recognition of the damage inflicted upon emergent disciplines and health service research by previous RAEs.
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Branney, Peter, and Alan White. "Big boys don't cry: depression and men." Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 14, no. 4 (2008): 256–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.bp.106.003467.
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Men are a numerical minority group receiving a diagnosis of, and treatment for, depression. However, community surveys of men and of their mental health issues (e.g. suicide and alcoholism) have led some to suggest that many more men have depression than are currently seen in healthcare services. This article explores current approaches to men and depression, which draw on theories of sex differences, gender roles and hegemonic masculinity. The sex differences approach has the potential to provide diagnostic tools for (male) depression; gender role theory could be used to redesign health services so that they target individuals who have a masculine, problem-focused coping style; and hegemonic masculinity highlights how gender is enacted through depression and that men's depression may be visible in abusive, aggressive and violent practices. Depression in men is receiving growing recognition, and recent policy changes in the UK may mean that health services are obliged to incorporate services that meet the needs of men with depression.
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Gershon, Richard C., Rina S. Fox, Jennifer J. Manly, et al. "The NIH Toolbox: Overview of Development for Use with Hispanic Populations." Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society 26, no. 6 (2020): 567–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355617720000028.
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AbstractObjective:Hispanics/Latinos are the largest and fastest-growing minority population in the United States. To facilitate appropriate outcome assessment of this expanding population, the NIH Toolbox for Assessment of Neurological and Behavioral Function® (NIH Toolbox®) was developed with particular attention paid to the cultural and linguistic needs of English- and Spanish-speaking Hispanics/Latinos.Methods:A Cultural Working Group ensured that all included measures were appropriate for use with Hispanics/Latinos in both English and Spanish. In addition, a Spanish Language Working Group assessed all English-language NIH Toolbox measures for translatability.Results:Measures were translated following the Functional Assessment of Chronic Illness Therapy (FACIT) translation methodology for instances where language interpretation could impact scores, or a modified version thereof for more simplified translations. The Spanish versions of the NIH Toolbox Cognition Battery language measures (i.e., Picture Vocabulary Test, Oral Reading Recognition Test) were developed independently of their English counterparts.Conclusions:The Spanish-language version of the NIH Toolbox provides a much-needed set of tools that can be selected as appropriate to complement existing protocols being conducted with the growing Hispanic/Latino population in the United States.
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Vasilev, George. "Multiculturalism in Post-Ohrid Macedonia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (2013): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484924.
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The Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) was supposed to herald a new era of multicultural coexistence in Macedonia following a short-lived civil war. However, antipathies between the Albanian minority and Macedonian majority run as deep as ever, frequently erupting into rioting which threatens the fragile peace on which coexistence is forged. This state of affairs appears to affirm at least one commonly voiced criticism against the OFA, namely, that the pluralisation of public life it set in place would further fragment, rather than unite, Macedonia’s diverse citizenry. This article sheds light on the persistence of volatile ethnic relations in Macedonia despite more than a decade of multiethnic democracy. It argues explanations blaming the OFA are misplaced, and that the source of Macedonia’s fraying ethnic relations lies with each community’s ongoing struggle for recognition. Under this account, conflicts are the outcome not simply of each community’s incompatible wants around access to sovereign power, prized employment, and other distributable resources but unredeemed idealisations of how they would like to be respected and esteemed by others. The article contends that such struggles for recognition are bringing Macedonians and Albanians to interact in a manner that stimulates a sense of profound wrong-doing at the hands of the other, which, in turn, serves to fuel interethnic antagonisms and widen the social distance between each group.
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Katan, David. "Occupation or profession." Translation and Interpreting Studies 4, no. 2 (2009): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.4.2.04kat.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of this paper is to report on an online questionnaire which focused on translator and interpreter perception of their working world, their mindset or Weltanshauung, and the impact of Translation Studies and university training on that world. Questions, both closed and open-ended, addressed academic/professional training, present role(s) and attitudes and beliefs about ‘the profession’ itself. Nearly 1000 respondents replied to the questionnaire worldwide. Particular questions focused on how translation should be taught, the role and status of the profession (ideally and in practice), and on personal satisfaction. The results show that university training has had little impact, and that this group of respondents have relatively little interest in the university itself in comparison with lifelong learning, with most emphasis placed on practice and self-development. Members of the group feel themselves to be ‘professional’ due to their specialized knowledge and abilities. However, their professionalism is mainly limited to their responsibilities to the text itself, and there is relatively little interest in the wider context. They are acutely aware of the lack of public recognition, and both the interpreters and the translators agree that translators in particular suffer from a markedly lower social status. However, only a minority of the respondents feel the need to change the status quo and satisfy trait theory criteria regarding professional recognition, possibly because the vast majority of respondents are more than satisfied with their job. In conclusion, it appears that translation can still only be categorized as an occupation rather than as a profession, and it is suggested that a new role be created with its own university course to cater to the professional language provider.