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Journal articles on the topic 'Minstrel shows'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Anderson, Lisa M. "From Blackface to ‘Genuine Negroes’: Nineteenth-Century Minstrelsy and the Icon of the ‘Negro’." Theatre Research International 21, no. 1 (1996): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300012669.

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In 1855, the first ‘coloured’ minstrel troupe, the Mocking Bird Minstrels, appeared on a Philadelphia stage. While this company did not stay together long, it heralded a change in the ‘face’ of minstrelsy in the United States. Many other black minstrel troupes would quickly follow, drawing attention away from the white minstrels who had until then dominated the scene. However, the white minstrel show had already iconized a particular representation of the ‘Negro’, which ultimately paved the way for black anti-minstrel attitudes at the end of the nineteenth century. The minstrel show existed in two guises: the white-in-blackface, and the black-in-blackface. The form and content of the minstrel shows changed over time, as well as audience perception of the two different types of performance. The black minstrel show has come to be regarded as a ‘reclaiming’ of slave dance and performance. It differs from white minstrelsy in that it gave theatrical form to ‘signifyin” on white minstrelsy in the manner in which slaves practised ‘signifyin” on whites in real life.

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2

Mahar, William J. "Ethiopian Skits and Sketches: Contents and Contexts of Blackface Minstrelsy, 1840–1890." Prospects 16 (October 1991): 241–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004543.

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Blackface minstrelsy is a troublesome topic in popular culture studies. Because burn-cork comedy originated and thrived in a racist society, many scholars and most nonscholars believe that minstrelsy's primary purpose was the creation and perpetuation of demeaning caricatures or untruthful portraits of African-Americans. Most studies published since the early 1960s emphasize the negative effects of blackface comedy or focus on the development of the principal stereotypes (the urban dandy and the shiftless plantation hand) rather than on the interpretive significance of blackface comedy within the broader context of American ethnic humor. While it is essential that minstrelsy's negative characteristics be explored and explained as overt manifestations of the racist attitudes many Americans shared, the narrow focus on race and/or racism as the primary feature of blackface entertainment limits the application of the interdisciplinary methods and interpretive strategies needed to understand the content and context of one of the most popular forms of American comedy. The limitations imposed by restrictive methodologies can be removed, however, if historians reconsider a few of the issues that have been bypassed in most recent studies of American minstrelsy, namely, (1) the nonracial contents of blackface comedy; (2) the treatment of nonblack ethnic groups; (3) the socializing and class-defining functions of minstrel show humor; (4) the importance of minstrel shows as evidence of American ideas about politics, work, gender differences, domestic life, courtship, and marriage; (5) the use of the burnt-cork “mask” as a vehicle for reflexive, self-deprecating humor among various social, ethnic, and economic groups; and (6) the relationships between minstrel shows and other forms of American and English theater.

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3

Thompson, Cheryl. "Casting Blackface in Canada: Unmasking the History of ‘White and Black’ Minstrel Shows." Canadian Theatre Review 193 (February 1, 2023): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.193.004.

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Blackface minstrelsy was the dominant form of mass entertainment for over a century, from the 1840s through the 1940s. In Canada, there has been little scholarly research into the topic but for the work of Stephen Johnson and, in recent years, the works I have published on the subject. One of the reasons blackface has been understudied is the dearth of attention paid to histories of slavery. By exploring the history of casting blackface productions, both ‘white’ minstrelsy (white performers blackening up to imitate the song and dance of African-Americans) and ‘Black’ minstrelsy (Black performers in and out of blackface performing caricatures of themselves in front of majority-white audiences), we gain an understanding of how these shows were produced, and what audiences found appealing about them. Canada has produced its own blackface stars, like Colin ‘Cool’ Burgess (1840–1905) and Calixa Lavallée (1842–1891), both of whom toured the United States and Canada in the late nineteenth century and who not only performed in blackface but also produced songs, some of which are still known today, like “O Canada,” the Canadian national anthem, composed by Lavallée in 1880. Additionally, what the history of casting blackface in Canada shows is a long-standing desire among white audiences for depictions of the American Plantation South that often included the participation of local actors like playwright and writer Charles Wesley Handscomb (1867–1906), who moved to Winnipeg in 1879, who were often cast in touring minstrel productions to sing in blackface.

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4

HUSEYNOVA, Zulfiyye. "AZERBAYCAN AŞIK SANATINDA ŞİRVAN AŞIK ORTAMININ ROLÜ THE ROLE OF THE SHIRVAN ASHİK ART IN AZERBAIJAN ASHİK ART." IEDSR Association 6, no. 16 (November 15, 2021): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.408.

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The art of minstrel, whose etymological meaning is "ash", "light", "love", is common in all Turkic peoples, including Azerbaijan, Göyçe, Borchali, Nakhchivan, Yerevan, Ağbaba, Çıldır, Derbent, Karabakh, Ganja, Tovuz, Gazakh, Shamkir, Shamahhi, It was developed in Ismayilli, Agsu, Goychay, Khizi, Guba, Tabriz, Urmia, Khorasan regions. Although the Shirvan minstrel environment has been included in the research of philologists, it has been little studied in musicology. From this point of view, the works of K. Akhundova (Dadaşzade), Ahliman Rahimov, Aliyeva Hanim devoted to examining the Shirvan ash circle are quite remarkable. Shirvan ashik environs have spread over a wide area, including Shamakhi, Ismayilli, Agsu, Goycay, Hızi, Ujar, Gobustan, Mugan region, Salyan, Sabirabad and Belasuvar regions. Shirvan minstrels always responded to cultural events with their art, and took an active role in minstrel congresses and other important state events that played an important role in the development of this art. Shirvan ashik’s have always come to the fore with their musical creations. In Shirvan's minstrel environment, air is played in the accompaniment of various instruments, unlike other regions. It included two balabans, a percussion instrument (double drum) and a ashik singer, including a ashik. In this respect, the group of Shirvan ashik’s can be called a community. One of the characteristic features of the representatives of the environment is that the mugham is performed at the beginning of the air, sometimes between the second and third lines, which shows the skill of the minstrel. Balaban performers also have other responsibilities within the group. It adds color to the general sound of the air accompanied by two bitterns. While one of the balaban players plays a musical theme, the other has a kind of "helper" structure and takes exemplary notes in accordance with the mood and melody of the air. The inclusion of the percussion instrument in the backing demonstrates the uniqueness of this setting not seen in other regions. Although they can be found in other environments such as Güzell?, sikeste, keremi, muhammes, gerayli, they are completely different from Shirvan airs in terms of melody. Peşrov and Shesangi melodies belong only to Shirvan ashik’s and are not performed in other settings. Shirvan ash tunes are also very rich in terms of musical style and contain developed moments, melodies and rhythms.

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5

Longazel, Jamie. "‘Blue Lives Matter’ and the legacy of blackface minstrelsy." Race & Class 63, no. 1 (July 2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211012276.

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This article situates the pro-police countermovement, ‘Blue Lives Matter’, within the legacy of blackface minstrelsy. An analysis of various ‘racial performances’ shows how, like its minstrel forbearers, the rebuttal to Black Lives Matter subscribes to a dual identity: envious, fetishistic ‘love’ of Black people on one hand, visceral contempt accompanied by often-violent fantasies on the other. It is argued that by racialising themselves as ‘blue’, the countermovement seeks to expropriate the virtue associated with racial victimisation and articulate their racial fantasies about how Black folks ought to be. The article concludes by arguing that critical analyses of policing should consider policing performances rather than just policing practices.

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6

Bayne, Clarence S. "The Origins of Black Theatre in Montreal." Canadian Theatre Review 118 (June 2004): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.118.004.

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Montreal’s early experiences of Black theatre go back to the minstrel shows of the 1850s at the Odd Fellow’s Hall and the Garrick Club Theatre. These shows seldom involved Black artists. The companies consisted of white performers, who painted their faces black to adopt the facial traits of the Black performer. These minstrel shows presented caricatures of Blacks, in an extremely racist and demeaning light. In 1851, a Black group, called the Real Ethiopian Serenaders from Philadelphia, added to this buffoonery and the demeaning of Blacks, through its Shaker burlesque act. Garry Collison writes that parodies like the [Real] Ethiopian Serenaders’ “Shaker Burlesque” or the standard comic lecturer who spouted gibberish “played flagrantly to the white racist beliefs in the intellectual inferiority of blacks” (Collison 180). Far from educating its audiences as to the social value of Blacks and Black culture, the shows served to implant images of Blacks as childlike, of low intellectual capacity, and incapable of being assimilated into white society and civilization; as capable merely of a clownish, clumsy imitation of white culture (Collison 180). The minstrel shows continued to be a very popular form of theatrical entertainment throughout the later part of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Their racist social content received very little critical disapproval in the press of the time. In fact, historian Robin Winks considers this to be one of the principal instruments by which Canadians had, by the end of the nineteenth century, learned to be racist in their perception of and attitudes towards Blacks. It took approximately eighty years, after the 1851 appearance of the Ethiopian Serenaders at the Royal Theatre, before we began to see the emergence in Montreal of the social, political and economic conditions from which a theatre movement initiated by Blacks, for Black expression, development and pride could take root.

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7

Romero-Pérez, María Isabel. "Identity as a construct: reading blackness in Eugene O’neill’s the emperor jones." Revista de Estudios Norteamericanos, no. 25 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ren.2021.i25.10.

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This paper aims to explore how racialized identities are typified as a modernist construct in Eugene O’Neill’s The Emperor Jones (1920). To this end, the notion of whiteness is identified as a mediated construct and contextualized in the proliferation of American minstrel shows. This popular entertainment projected to white audiences the racial means of differentiation from black caricatures and clichés at the time of segregation. The echoes of minstrel shows and modernists’ instrumentalization of 1920s primitivism serve to initially address the characterization of blackness in Brutus Jones’ identity. Assessed through this in-between construction of symbolic borderlands in which the protagonist is both colonizer and colonized, his blackness becomes a metaphorical mask of otherness while his whiteness shapes the colonial performance of material whiteness. Although he envisions the white ideal in his systematic practices in the Caribbean island, his fragmented identity and his hybridity subject him to a primeval racialized past, to primitivism and atavism.

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8

Jun, Joon-taek. "Reconsidering the History of Minstrel Shows: Before and after Uncle Tom’s Cabin." Journal of Modern English Drama 36, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29163/jmed.2023.12.36.3.117.

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9

Spitzer, John. "Oh! Susanna: Oral Transmission and Tune Transformation." Journal of the American Musicological Society 47, no. 1 (1994): 90–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3128837.

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Early prints of "Oh! Susanna" by Stephen Foster transmit versions of the tune that differ strikingly from one another. It is likely that these variants arose as "Susanna" was orally transmitted among minstrel-show performers. Variant readings are compared in order to establish a stemma that shows not only the filiation of sources, but also the ways in which oral and written aspects were mixed in the transmission of "Susanna." The variants in versions of "Susanna" demonstrate four general tendencies of oral transmission: (1) a tendency to alter rhythms in order to clarify the beat; (2) a tendency to pentatonicize the melody; (3) a tendency for a salient harmony to draw the melody to the chord root; and (4) a tendency to eliminate differences between parallel passages. Analysis reveals that the four tendencies are also present in the transmitted versions of other songs from the repertory of nineteenth-century American minstrelsy.

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10

D’Alessandro, Michael. "Peter P. Reed. Staging Haiti in Nineteenth-Century America: Revolution, Race and Popular Performance." Modern Drama 67, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md-67-1-rev6.

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This book provides a vital study of the assorted theatrical exhibits that emanated from the Haitian Revolution; case studies include refugee dramas, commencement ceremony dialogues, minstrel shows, and abolitionist speeches. Demonstrating how Americans used the theatre to understand an often incomprehensible revolution, Staging Haiti will be invaluable to theatre scholars and historians alike.

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11

Farrior, Christian, and Neal A. Lester. "Digital Blackface: Adultification of Black Children in Memes and Children’s Books." Humanities 13, no. 4 (July 11, 2024): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h13040091.

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The adultification of Black children is a form of anti-Blackness that brings Black children into adult situations. The adultification of Black children can be rooted in early 20th-century children’s books with minstrel imagery showing Black children in perilous situations for adult entertainment and for white children’s learning. This essay puts “digital blackface”—the online cross-racial memes using Black children’s reactions, emotions, and stereotypes as cross-racial humor—in conversation with historical children’s books featuring Black children. Linking digital representations and misrepresentations to children’s picture books demonstrates how Black children in both formats and social spheres are thrust into adult politics at their expense. Adultifying Black children across time in children’s books with minstrel imagery and digital blackface shows how Black children have never been exempt from the anti-Blackness and systemic white supremacy erroneously believed to be an adult issue.

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12

Hunt, Austin. "Derogatory Disguise: A Matter of Identity in the Cinematic Era of Minstrel Shows." Film Matters 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fm.7.1.32_1.

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13

PRUETT, LAURA MOORE. "Porch and Playhouse, Parlor and Performance Hall: Traversing Boundaries in Gottschalk'sThe Banjo." Journal of the Society for American Music 11, no. 2 (May 2017): 155–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196317000050.

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AbstractThis article reconsiders the cultural significance and historical impact of the well-known virtuosic piano compositionThe Banjoby Louis Moreau Gottschalk. Throughout the early nineteenth century, the banjo and the piano inhabited very specific and highly contrasting performance circumstances: black folk entertainment and minstrel shows for the former, white middle- and upper-class parlors and concert halls for the latter. InThe Banjo, Louis Moreau Gottschalk lifted the banjo out of its familiar contexts and placed it in the spaces usually privileged for the piano. Taking its inspiration from both African American and minstrel banjo playing techniques, Gottschalk's composition relaxed and muddled the boundaries among performance spaces, racial and class divisions, and two conspicuously different musical instruments in an egalitarian effort to demonstrate that, contrary to the opinions of some mid-nineteenth-century musical critics and tastemakers, both the piano and the banjo have a place in the shaping of American music culture.

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14

Hamrick, Stephen. "Antiracism in Othello sketch comedy, 1967-1999." European Journal of Humour Research 10, no. 1 (April 14, 2022): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2022.10.1.596.

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Despite Shakespeare’s rejection of comic, racist stereotypes in Othello, minstrel shows offered racist blackface caricatures of slaves and others of African descent that filtered through British Music Hall and Variety to television sketch comedy. Analyses of twenty-five screened appropriations of Othello provide a cultural history of racism for 1967-1999. The article recovers an antiracist tradition overlooked in comedy studies.

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15

Cockrell, Dale. "Of Gospel Hymns, Minstrel Shows, and Jubilee Singers: Toward Some Black South African Musics." American Music 5, no. 4 (1987): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051450.

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16

Recchio, Thomas. "The Serious Play of Gender: Blackface Minstrel Shows by Mary Barnard Home, 1892–1897." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 38, no. 2 (November 2011): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/nctf.38.2.6.

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17

Misina, Guilherme Massao, and Eliana C. M. Guglielmetti Sulpício. "Ragtime: breve história, características e principais compositores." Revista da Tulha 3, no. 1 (October 30, 2017): 30–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2447-7117.rt.2017.117972.

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O Ragtime foi um gênero musical que surgiu nos EUA por volta dos anos de 1890, tendo seu declínio a partir dos anos de 1910. Teve fortes influências da música africana e de gêneros norte-americanos, a exemplo dos Minstrel Shows, Coon Songs, Cakewalks, dentre outros. Serviu como fonte de inspiração a outros gêneros que ganharam destaque futuramente, como o Jazz e o Blues. O presente artigo apresenta uma breve história do Ragtime, suas principais características e principais compositores.

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18

Thompson, Cheryl. "The Show Did Go On." Canadian Theatre Review 187 (July 1, 2021): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.187.027.

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Using examples from Toronto’s newspapers, this article examines the impact of the 1918–19 Spanish flu pandemic on the city's theatre and the changes that followed in the twenties. Like during the COVID-19 pandemic, in 1918 health boards across Ontario ordered all theatres to close. However, after two weeks, theatres opened, and productions from New York City’s Broadway, such as the musical comedy Ask Dad, appeared at the Royal Alexandra Theatre, to rave reviews. Toronto’s stages became more diverse following the Spanish flu, with productions such as Shuffle Along, the first all-Black musical on Broadway, which hit the city’s stages in 1923, and one of the first locally cast shows, Amateur Minstrel Frolics, which appeared in 1924 at the Winter Garden Theatre. This article explores how and why the theatre changed after the last pandemic and what issues, such as those related to race and gender, lingered on.

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19

Pickering, Michael. "John Bull in blackface." Popular Music 16, no. 2 (May 1997): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000000362.

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For a mid-twentieth century historian of the music hall, blackface minstrelsy was the ‘oddest form of entertainment imaginable’. He found it ‘incomprehensible’ why people during the Victorian period had delighted in the ‘extraordinary spectacle of the apparently sane white man blacking his face and hands with burnt cork, painting his lips and eyes to resemble those of an African nigger, and then, to complete the incongruity, attiring himself in English evening dress while he sang ditties allegedly emanating from the cotton plantations of Ole Virginny!’ (Felstead 1946, p. 55). There are a number of things to be said about this evaluation, the first being that its severe disparagement of one of the most popular cultural forms of the Victorian period in Britain was, during that period, exceptionally rare. Indeed, the lack of criticism attests to its enduring popularity. From their first wave of success in the late 1830s and early 1840s, minstrel acts, troupes and shows figured as a staple item of the popular stage throughout the remaining decades of the century. What began with its early boom in the second quarter of the century continued to prove attractive to successive generations across all social classes, and among men and women of the large urban centres, provincial towns and outlying rural areas alike.

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20

Student. "CHOICE AFTER A SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERY." Pediatrics 84, no. 2 (August 1, 1989): A56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.2.a56a.

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Who would want to spend his life dancing a minuet before assembled science reporters? There are still people who do not wish to join the noise boys; they have other concerns. When you start on something new you are all alone and it is terribly dark; and then suddenly, you come face to face with the blinding whiteness of reality. There is nothing more exquisite, nothing rarer in the world. Afterward you have a choice: You stay in the laboratory hoping it will happen again—it seldom does—or you begin to travel through the country giving minstrel shows.

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21

Bourassa, Dominique. "Anthems and Minstrel Shows: The Life and Times of Calixa Lavallée, 1842–1891 by Brian Christopher Thompson." Notes 74, no. 1 (2017): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2017.0091.

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22

Breon, Robin. "Blackface: Thoughts on Racial Masquerade." Canadian Theatre Review 98 (March 1999): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.98.010.

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The image of the entertainer in blackface is one that is central to the iconography of North American popular culture. From the early days of nineteenth-century minstrel shows, through vaudeville and burlesque to countless films featuring Al Jolson, Eddie Cantor, Bing Crosby and numerous others, the imitations and parodies of blackface are a permanent fixture on our cultural landscape. Stage presentation was, of course, the origin of blackface, and curiously, it is the stage to which it has recently returned – or not returned as the case may be. Over the past few years, the creators of several productions playing in Toronto have had to choose whether “to do” or “not to do” blackface. Their answers have been as different as black and white.

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23

Sebryuk, Anna. "Modern incarnations of blackface and minstrel shows in American culture: the representation of African-American women in gangsta rap." USA & Canada: Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 9 (2019): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032120680006301-5.

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24

Hulsether, Lucia. "Family Corporation v. Minstrel Feminism: Reproducing Religious Freedom from Hobby Lobby to Notorious R.B.G." differences 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-10713819.

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This article interrogates feminist frameworks for understanding the racial and sexual politics of United States secularism. It theorizes the history of religious freedom law as a history of racial performance. Reading the aesthetic practices surrounding the Burwell v. Hobby Lobby case and the subsequent consumer culture flurry around Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and building on accounts of religious freedom law as a vehicle for launching competing rights-based claims, the author shows the processes through which Hobby Lobby’s Christian family secured its religious exemption by conjuring ghosts of settler dispossession of indigenous people, even as an elderly Jewish justice was made to refuse submissive white femininity in the likeness of rapper Biggie Smalls. Circulated as competing minstrel brands, both performances consolidate the anti-Black and settler colonial grounds on which religious freedom laws—as well as some forms of mainstream protest against them—have flourished under neoliberal capitalism.

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25

McAndrew, Malia. "Japanese American Beauty Pageants and Minstrel Shows: The Performance of Gender and Race by Nisei Youth during World War II." Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 7, no. 1 (2014): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2014.0010.

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26

Bessen, Mark. "Drag Brunch." After Dinner Conversation 4, no. 11 (2023): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/adc2023411103.

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Are drags shows modern minstrel shows for straight party girls? Can defense of values be compromised for special occasions? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Hannah is getting married and off to Miami for a girl’s weekend bachelorette party. Her longtime gay friend Kyle, is not invited. Hannah’s mother has budgeted $100,000 for the wedding and bachelorette party on the condition Kyle not be invited. Hannah’s wedding is her special day, the money will make it perfect, so she has her bridesmaid (who should have been Kyle!) message Kyle, last minute, to uninvite him. Of course, she supports, gay rights, but not at the cost of her special day. While in Miami the over-the-top bachelorette group goes to a gay night club, then for mimosa and a drag show the next morning to recover. Kyle tried to contact Hannah to talk to her about her reasoning, but she refuses to pick up the phone, so he flies to Miami and confronts her at the drag show about being a fair-weather liberal, in spectacular fashion.

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27

Veblen, Kari. "Anthems and Minstrel Shows: The Life and Times of Calixa Lavallée, 1842–1891by Brian Christopher ThompsonAnthems and Minstrel Shows: The Life and Times of Calixa Lavallée, 1842–1891. Brian Christopher Thompson. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2015. Pp. xxviii+522, $49.95 cloth, $39.95 ebook." Canadian Historical Review 97, no. 3 (September 2016): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.97.3.br06.

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28

Parsonage, Catherine. "A critical reassessment of the reception of early jazz in Britain." Popular Music 22, no. 3 (October 2003): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143003003210.

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The Original Dixieland Jazz Band's visit in 1919–1920 has been well documented as the beginning of jazz in Britain. This article illuminates a more complex evolution of the image and presence of jazz in Britain through consideration of the cultural and musical antecedents of the genre, including minstrel shows and black musical theatre, within the context of musical life in Britain in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. The processes through which this evolution took place are considered with reference to the ways in which jazz was introduced to Britain through imported revue shows and sheet music.It is an extremely significant but often neglected fact that another group of American musicians, Will Marion Cook's Southern Syncopated Orchestra, also came to Britain in 1919. Remarkably, extensive comparisons of the respective performances and reception of the ODJB and the SSO have not been made in the available literature on jazz. Examination of the situation of one white and one black group of American musicians performing contemporaneously in London is extremely informative, as it evidences the continuing influence of the antecedents of jazz and the importance of both groups in shaping perceptions of jazz in Britain.

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Dauterive, Jessica, Matthew B. Karush, and Michael O’Malley. "Hearing the Americas: Understanding the Early Recording Industry with Digital Tools." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 4 (October 2023): 427–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781423000178.

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AbstractThis article describes the methods and arguments of Hearing the Americas, a digital public history project that illuminates the history of popular music and the recording industry from 1890 to 1925. We argue that the use of digital tools allows the website to integrate sound directly into writing on music and thereby explicate a series of historical arguments. The article examines three arguments advanced by Hearing the Americas, showing in each case how digital tools generate new insights. The first case uses mapping to reveal some of the specific ways in which the economic and social context of Jim Crow shaped the experiences of Black performers; the second integrates sound and text to reveal the origins of certain blues conventions in the racist stereotypes of minstrel shows; and the final case uses digital tools to argue that the marketing strategies of the recording industry throughout the Americas helped produce a key shift in patterns of globalization.

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30

Benskin, Michael. "The Narrative Structure of the Finnsburh Episode in Beowulf." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 77, no. 1-2 (June 9, 2017): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340066.

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The Finnsburh Episode inBeowulfis a story within a story, the re-enactment of a lay sung by Hroðgar’s minstrel in Heorot. It concerns events seemingly of the mid-fifth century, beyond living memory for the imagined listeners. For them, the story could have been kept alive only as oral tradition, and must have been so for centuries by the timeBeowulfwas composed. Accordingly, scholars have been apt to treat the Episode as a report of a lay or lays, and in some respects archaic. The view that it is summary or otherwise defective has been encouraged by its textual difficulties, and until recently its internal structure has been little regarded by mainstream commentaries. The present analysis shows the Episode to be internally coherent, an intricately wrought composition in Biblical style; its form and implicit values are those of a culture which can reflect on Finnsburh and Heorot, but is not condemned to relive their experience. The Episode is theBeowulf-poet’s making throughout, and here (as not for the first time) it is held to be integral to the form and meaning ofBeowulf.

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Sae, Kitamura. "How Should You Perform and Watch Othello and Hairspray in a Country Where You Could Never Hire Black Actors? Shakespeare and Casting in Japan." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 22, no. 37 (December 30, 2020): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.22.06.

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This paper discusses how Japanese theatres have handled race in a country where hiring black actors to perform Shakespeare’s plays is not an option. In English-speaking regions, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, it is common to hire a black actor for Othello’s title role. Blackface is increasingly unacceptable because it reminds viewers of derogatory stereotypes in minstrel shows, and it deprives black actors of employment opportunities. However, the situation is different in regions where viewers are unfamiliar with this Anglo-US trend. In Japan, a country regarded as so homogeneous that its census does not have any questions about ethnicity, it is almost impossible to hire a skilled black actor to play a title role in a Shakespearean play, and few theatre companies would consider such an idea. In this cultural context, there is an underlying question of how Japanese-speaking theatre should present plays dealing with racial or cultural differences. This paper seeks to understand the recent approaches that Japanese theatre has adopted to address race in Shakespearean plays by analysing several productions of Othello and comparing them with other major non-Shakespearean productions.

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Olesiejko, Jacek. "Wealhtheow’s Peace-Weaving: Diegesis and Genealogy of Gender in Beowulf." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2014-0005.

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ABSTRACT This article uses Charles S. Peirce’s concept of icon and Judith Butler’s idea of genealogy of gender to study levels of fictionality in the Old English poem Beowulf. It shows that Wealhtheow, the principal female character in the epic, operates as a diegetic reader in the poem. Her speeches, in which she addresses her husband King Hrothgar and Beowulf contain implicit references to the Lay of Finn, which has been sung by Hrothgar’s minstrel at the feast celebrating Beowulf’s victory. It is argued here that Wealhtheow represents herself as an icon of peace-weaving, as she casts herself as a figuration of Hildeburh, the female protagonist of the Lay of Finn. Hildeburh is the sister of Hnæf, the leader of the Danes, and is given by her brother to Finn the Frisian in a marriage alliance. In her role as a peace-weaver, the queen is to weave peace between tribes by giving birth to heirs of the crown. After the courtly minster’s performance of the Lay, Wealhtheow warns her husband against establishing political alliances with the foreigner Beowulf at the expense of his intratribal obligation to his cousin Hrothulf, who is to become king after Hrothgar’s death.

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Grandy, Christine. "“The Show Is Not about Race’”: Custom, Screen Culture, and the Black and White Minstrel Show." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 4 (October 2020): 857–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.125.

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AbstractIn 1967, when the BBC was faced with a petition by the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination requesting an end to the televised variety program the Black and White Minstrel Show (1958–1978), producers at the BBC, the press, and audience members collectively argued that the historic presence of minstrelsy in Britain rendered the practice of blacking up harmless. This article uses critical race theory as a useful framework for unpacking defenses that hinged on both the color blindness of white British audiences and the simultaneous existence of wider customs of blacking up within British television and film. I examine a range of “screen culture” from the 1920s to the 1970s, including feature films, home movies, newsreels, and television, that provide evidence of the existence of blackface as a type of racialized custom in British entertainment throughout this period. Efforts by organizations such as the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, black press publications like Flamingo, and audiences of color to name blacking up and minstrelsy as racist in the late 1960s were met by fierce resistance from majority white audiences and producers, who denied their authority to do so. Concepts of color blindness or “racial innocence” thus become a useful means of examining, first, the wide-ranging existence of blacking-up practices within British screen culture; second, a broad reluctance by producers and the majority of audiences to identify this as racist; and third, the exceptional role that race played in characterizations of white audiences that were otherwise seen as historically fragile and impressionable in the face of screen content.

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Reed-Maxfield, Kathryn, David Van Keersbilck, Peter DiSante, Brian Mark, Roger Smith, Vincent Tufo, Percy Danforth, and Matthew Heumann. "The Early Minstrel Show." American Music 6, no. 1 (1988): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3448358.

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Lornell, Kip, Robert Winans, and James Spencer. "The Early Minstrel Show." Ethnomusicology 37, no. 2 (1993): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/852429.

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36

Mahar, William J. "Black English in Early Blackface Minstrelsy: A New Interpretation of the Sources of Minstrel Show Dialect." American Quarterly 37, no. 2 (1985): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712901.

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37

Matthew Lawrence Daley and Scott L. Stabler. "“The World's Greatest Minstrel Show Under the Stars”: Blackface Minstrels, Community Identity, and the Lowell Showboat, 1932–1977." Michigan Historical Review 44, no. 2 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5342/michhistrevi.44.2.0001.

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Matthew Lawrence Daley and Scott L. Stabler. "“The World's Greatest Minstrel Show Under the Stars”: Blackface Minstrels, Community Identity, and the Lowell Showboat, 1932–1977." Michigan Historical Review 44, no. 2 (2018): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mhr.2018.0026.

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Bagneris, Mia L. "The Great Colonial Minstrel Show." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2017, no. 41 (November 1, 2017): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-4271619.

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40

Waterhouse, Richard. "The Minstrel Show and Australian Culture." Journal of Popular Culture XXIV, no. 3 (December 1990): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1990.2403_147.x.

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41

Barrière, Mireille. "Brian Christopher Thompson, Anthems and Minstrel Shows: The Life and Times of Calixa Lavallée, 1842-1891, Montréal-Kingston, McGill/ Queen’s University Press, 2015, 522 p. ISBN 978-0-7735-4555-7." Les Cahiers de la Société québécoise de recherche en musique 16, no. 1-2 (2015): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1039623ar.

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Kanicki, Witold. "Blackfaced white: rasowe przypadki negatywu." Artium Quaestiones, no. 28 (May 22, 2018): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2017.28.5.

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In her essay on the involvement of photography in the system of racial division, Tanya Sheehan (“Comical Conflations: Racial Identity and Science of Photography,” Photography & Culture, vol. 4, no. 2, 2011: 133-156) focused her attention on common comparisons of the photographic negative to the Negroid race. Such a tendency may imply a claim that the negative is racist; once connected, just as African Americans, with pejorative features. The negative picture, different from reality as such but above all negating a realistic (positive) tradition in art, because of being different (other) can be considered wrong or inferior to the positive so that it must be hidden or even destroyed. In such a context, the present paper focuses on the relationship between the photographic negative and the question of race. Although apparently the reversal of the color of skin might result in a racial transformation of the photographed whites, the artistic practice of the 20th and 21st centuries demonstrates that quite often the reversed color does not necessarily mean a change of race. What is more, the negative has been used to oppose by artistic means the simplifying polarization of society. Such avant-garde photographers as Hans Bellmer, Man Ray, and Alexandr Rodchenko used the inversion of tone in their works critiquing colonial and racist stereotypes. Contemporary artists use the negative convention to subvert the dominant positive, realism, light, day, the white male, and other concepts associated with one of the poles constituting the binary value system. Painting one’s face black, in the 19th century used in evidently racist performances called “minstrel shows,” may now convey a positive message.

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Gramit, David. "Brian Christopher Thompson. 2015. Anthems and Minstrel Shows: The Life and Times of Calixa Lavallée, 1842–1891. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. xxviii, 522 pp. ISBN 978-0-7735-4555-7." Intersections: Canadian Journal of Music 35, no. 1 (2015): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038951ar.

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Chinn, Sarah E. "“No Heart for Human Pity”: The U.S.–Mexican War, Depersonalization, and Power in E. D. E. N. Southworth and María Amparo Ruiz de Burton." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002076.

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Despite its Current Obscurity today, overshadowed by higher-voltage conflicts such as the Civil War and World War II, the U.S.–Mexican War was an almost unqualified triumph for the United States. In terms of military and geopolitical goals, the United States far exceeded even its own expectations. As well as scoring some pretty impressive victories, up to and including storming Mexico City, the United States succeeded in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which concluded the war, to annex huge tracts of land from Mexico for what was even then a bargain-basement price: more than half of Mexico's territory (including Texas, California, New Mexico, Arizona, and significant chunks of Colorado, Nevada, and Utah) for only fifteen million dollars. The advantage of this deal to the newly expanded United States became clearer as only a year after the treaty was signed gold was discovered in California and, within two decades, there was also a thriving silver-mining industry in Nevada.At the time, of course, the war was huge news. The U.S.–Mexican War generated innumerable items of propaganda and related material. As Ronnie C. Tyler has shown, a huge market in chromolithographs of the war emerged, representing “bravery, nobility, and patriotism” (2). The leading lithographers of the day, such as Nathaniel Currier, Carl Nebel, and James Baillie, sold thousands of oversized lithographs of battle scenes, war heroes, and sentimental themes (Baillie's Soldier's Adieu and Currier's The Sailor's Return were particular favorites). Even more numerous were written and performed reports of the war, from the hundreds of newspaper reports from the front to dime novels, songs, poems, broadsheets, plays, and minstrel shows, as well as the typical 19th-century round of essays, sermons, and oratory.

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Thelwell, Chinua. "“The young men must blacken their faces”: The Blackface Minstrel Show in Preindustrial South Africa." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (June 2013): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00261.

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The blackface minstrel troupes who toured preindustrial South Africa contributed to the preservation of both the boundaries of racial difference in the British colonies of that country and the racial hierarchies of the Cape and Natal colonies.

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46

Morrison, Margaret. "Tap and Teeth: Virtuosity and the Smile in the Films of Bill Robinson and Eleanor Powell." Dance Research Journal 46, no. 2 (August 2014): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767714000266.

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Several films of 1935 catapulted tap dancers Bill “Bojangles” Robinson and Eleanor Powell to movie stardom. Robinson'sThe Littlest Rebeland Powell'sBroadway Melody of 1936utilize a cinematic formula that intercuts the virtuosic footwork of the tap artists with giant close-ups of their toothy grins. The experience for contemporary spectators can be unnerving, as magnified lips, teeth, and eyes dominate the screen and interrupt the pleasure of watching expert tap. While the close-up smile and the choreography of the camera helped the film industry reproduce the excitement of live performance, these dance scenes also mobilize constructions of black masculinity and white femininity, through editing techniques that create multilayered narratives of power, intimacy, and submission. Robinson's close-up can be read as a depiction of racial subservience, as audiences are confronted with the smiling minstrel mask and the perpetuation of the legacy of minstrelsy in Hollywood. Powell's smile in close-up emphasizes her feminine sexual availability and evokes the voyeuristic camera shots of beaming, passive showgirls. The interplay in these two movies between the extremes of the tap dancer's body, the smile and feet, offers an opportunity to examine tap virtuosity within Hollywood's rigid system of racial and gender stereotypes.

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Polovinkina, Olga I. "The “Montage of Attractions” in T.S. Eliot’s The Waste Land." Literature of the Americas, no. 13 (2022): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2022-13-207-223.

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The article deals with the importance of the music hall for The Waste Land by T.S. Eliot. This form of entertainment art, at first glance, does not fit well with the deep religious and philosophical message that is traditionally seen in the poem, but it is attracting more and more attention from researchers. The term “music hall” in the article refers to a type of theater that was represented by the English music hall, the American minstrel shows, vaudeville and musical comedy of Eliot's youth, the Parisian variety theater which he came to know intimately in the early 1910s, and revue. The English music hall was chosen to refer to the phenomenon because it was the one that occupied Eliot's imagination at the time when The Waste Land was being written. The article describes T.S. Eliot as a music hall habitué in the 1910s — early 1920s, his essays on the music hall in the magazines Dial and Tyro are analyzed. The author proves that the importance of the music hall song for The Waste Land is not limited to the usage of the rhythm and any kind of musical technique. The songs are not important in themselves, but as part of the performance. The fragment that opens the first version of the poem is a striking revelation of the music hall. The fragment is read as representing the music hall performance, starting with the motive of a “hot night” and ending with quotes from various music hall songs. From the same point of view, the original title of the poem is analysed. The presence of the music hall in the final version of The Waste Land is shown in connection with the characters from the working class and the image of Tiresias. The general principle on which the artistic whole is built in The Waste Land is presented as reproducing the structure of a music hall performance; the author takes the name “montage of attractions” for it from S. Eisenstein.

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Filewod, Alan. "A Confederation Minstrel Show: The Centennial Play of 1967." Canadian Theatre Review 174 (April 2018): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.174.009.

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Dash, Gerda Bendliss. "La fiesta del Minstrel Show en Laguna de Perlas." Wani 66 (November 1, 2012): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/wani.v66i0.897.

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Costonis, Maureen Needham. "Martha Graham's American Document: A Minstrel Show in Modern Dance Dress." American Music 9, no. 3 (1991): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051433.

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