Journal articles: 'Missionaries – South Africa'

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Jenkins, Paul. "Swiss Missionaries in South Africa." African Studies 74, no. 3 (July 20, 2015): 470–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2015.1041284.

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Duncan, Graham. "MISSION COUNCILS – A SELF-PERPETUATING ANACHRONISM (1923-1971): A SOUTH AFRICAN CASE STUDY." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (February 7, 2017): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1315.

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If ever mission councils in South Africa had a purpose, they had outlived it by the time of the formation of the Bantu Presbyterian Church of South Africa (BPCSA) in 1923. However, autonomy in this case was relative and the South African Mission Council endured until 1981. It was an anachronism which served little purpose other than the care of missionaries and the control of property and finance. It was obstructive insofar as it hindered communication between the BPCSA and the Church of Scotland and did little to advance God’s mission, especially through the agency of black Christians. During this period blacks were co-opted on to the Church of Scotland South African Joint Council (CoSSAJC) but they had to have proved their worth to the missionaries first by their compliance with missionary views. This article will examine the role of the CoSSAJC in pursuance of its prime aim, “the evangelisation of the Bantu People” (BPCSA 1937, 18), mainly from original sources.

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Gustafson, David M. "Mary Johnson and Ida Anderson." PNEUMA 39, no. 1-2 (2017): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03901002.

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Mary Johnson (1884–1968) and Ida Anderson (1871–1964) are described in pentecostal historiography as the first pentecostal missionaries sent from America. Both of these Swedish-American missionaries experienced baptism of the Spirit, spoke in tongues, and were called as missionaries to Africa by God, whom they expected to speak through them to the native people. They went by faith and completed careers as missionaries to South Africa. But who were these two figures of which relatively little has been written? They were Swedish-American “Free-Free” in the tradition of August Davis and John Thompson of the Scandinavian Mission Society—the first Minnesota district of the Swedish Evangelical Free Mission, known today as the Evangelical Free Church of America. This work examines the lives of these two female missionaries, their work in South Africa, and their relationship with Swedish Evangelical Free churches in America, particularly its pentecostal stream of Free-Free (frifria).

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Mbaya, Henry. "Anne Rebecca Daoma." Exchange 48, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 361–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341540.

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Abstract This article outlines the progressive journey of Anne Rebecca Daoma in the Anglican Mission at the Cape in the years 1863 to 1936. Daoma was the first African woman from Central Africa, to be trained by the Anglican missionaries in South Africa. The article traces the life of Daoma, a Yao, from the moment when the Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) missionaries set her free from the slave trade in Southern Malawi in 1861, and through some phases of her life at the Cape as a missionary and argues that colonial missionary life and culture fashioned her in becoming ‘Anne Rebecca Daoma’.

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Koch, Julia. "South Asian Muslim women on the move: missionaries in South Africa." South Asian Diaspora 9, no. 2 (June 9, 2017): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2017.1335471.

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Gilmour, Rachael. "Missionaries, Colonialism and Language in Nineteenth-Century South Africa." History Compass 5, no. 6 (November 2007): 1761–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00472.x.

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Torp, Claudius. "Missionary Education and Musical Communities in Sub-Saharan Colonial Africa." Itinerario 41, no. 2 (July 31, 2017): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000353.

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This article explores the effects of music education carried out by Protestant missionaries on local forms of sociability in sub-Saharan Africa during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Based on a methodological framework of ideal types of musical communities, the examination focuses on examples of musical encounters between missionaries and the Yoruba in West Africa, the Lobedu in South Africa, and the Nyakyusa in East Africa. A closer look at the kinds of sociability facilitated by missionary music will reveal a colonial dialectic emerging from the contrasting forces of cultural hierarchy and belonging.

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Cooke, Claire. "Capping Power? Clothing and the Female Body in African Methodist Episcopal Mission Photographs." Mission Studies 31, no. 3 (November 19, 2014): 418–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341359.

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In this article, I argue that the introduction of a uniform for female converts was a crucial factor in maintaining power dynamics in African Methodist Episcopal missionary work conducted in South Africa between 1900 and 1940. This relationship, I suggest, is epitomized in photographs from the mission field. Through studying the ways missionaries photographed women, I am able to critique how clothing expressed inherent, imbalanced power relations between missionaries and converts. I thus build on existing literature concerning the relationship between clothing and the indigenous female body, through an examination of clothing as a marker of status within the patriarchal mission family construct.

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ENGEL, ELISABETH. "Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.

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This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.

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Kapenzi, Geoffrey Z. "African Humanism in South Africa, 1850–1920: The Utopian, Traditionalist, and Colonialist Worlds of the Mission-Educated Elites." Missiology: An International Review 16, no. 2 (April 1988): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968801600206.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the origins, dimensions, and effects of African humanism—here defined as the ideological commitment to individualism, nonracialism, nonviolence, and universalism in the settler environment of South Africa from 1850 to 1920. The article explores the attitudes, goals, and actions of the mission-educated African preachers, teachers, lawyers, doctors, engineers, businessmen, and clerks, in relation to the Utopian world of missionaries, humanitarians, and the traditionalist work of the African masses among whom they lived and worked as well as the colonialist world of racism, exploitation, and oppression.

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Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.

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AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.

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Carman, C. Tineke. "Conversion and the Missionary Vocation: American Board Missionaries in South Africa." Mission Studies 4, no. 1 (1987): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338387x00131.

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Jamieson, Catherine. "Missionary Masculinity, 1870–1930: The Norwegian Missionaries in South-East Africa." Theology & Sexuality 21, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13558358.2015.1215586.

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Saayman, W. A. "Those pietistic missionaries: a time to reconsider?" Verbum et Ecclesia 17, no. 1 (August 2, 1996): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v17i1.1120.

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It is generally recognised that pietistic missionaries made an enormous contribution to Christian mission world-wide. The author analyses the contribution of Afrikaans-speaking pietist missionaries in South Africa, and their social involvement. He concludes that it was exactly their Pietist tradition which led them into meaningful socio-political involvement to change oppressive structures. This should, however, not be taken as a clean bill of health for pietism in general.

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Pierard, Richard V. "Missionaries as Role Models in the Christian Quest for Justice." Missiology: An International Review 21, no. 4 (October 1993): 469–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969302100409.

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Although some fail to understand the Christian commitment to justice, the history of missions is replete with instances of believers who put their faith in action. Where they labored, they challenged existing social customs and even defied European colonial authorities and white settler interests. Examples cited include missionaries who fought inhumane practices such as the caste system, widow burnings, and footbinding. Among those who stood against unjust power structures were John Philip in South Africa, William Knibb in Jamaica, the Rhine Mission workers in Southwest Africa, and Timothy Richard in China. Missionaries are appropriate role models for Christians who are seeking after justice.

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Bank, Leslie. "The failure of ethnic nationalism: land, power and the politics of clanship on the South African high veld 1860–1990." Africa 65, no. 4 (October 1995): 565–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161133.

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AbstractDuring the 1980s a great deal was written about the role of missionaries, anthropologists, colonial officials and intellectuals in the ‘invention’ of ethnic and tribal categories in Africa. Today few scholars would question the complicity of colonial agents in the construction of ethnic or tribal identities. Despite these interventions, however, there is a growing realisation that processes of ethnicity formation are contingent on other factors as well. This article explores this proposition by investigating the role of the sub-ethnic politics of clanship in the north-eastern Orange Free State of South Africa over the past century and its specific contribution to the failure of ethnic nationalism in the region. It concludes that, given the abuse of ethnicity by the South African state, there is an enormous temptation to over-determine the role of the state in ethnic formation in South Africa and to underplay the internal dynamics of ethnicity building.

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Boskovic, Aleksandar, and Ilana van Wyk. "Troubles with Identity." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ayec.2007.160109.

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Anthropology began in South Africa with the work of nineteenth century missionaries like Alexandre Junod (Hammond-Tooke 1997; Thornton 1998) and as such it fits nicely into the cliche´ of a ‘colonial’ science. However, even at its humble beginnings in the former British colony, anthropology was much more than that (Thornton 1983; Cocks 2001); it served as an important field where different points of opinion collided or converged, but also as an important laboratory for different political experiments – some of which had lasting and devastating effects on South African societies.

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Müller, Retief. "Traversing a Tightrope between Ecumenism and Exclusivism: The Intertwined History of South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian in Nyasaland (Malawi)." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 9, 2021): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030176.

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During the first few decades of the 20th century, the Nkhoma mission of the Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa became involved in an ecumenical venture that was initiated by the Church of Scotland’s Blantyre mission, and the Free Church of Scotland’s Livingstonia mission in central Africa. Geographically sandwiched between these two Scots missions in Nyasaland (presently Malawi) was Nkhoma in the central region of the country. During a period of history when the DRC in South Africa had begun to regressively disengage from ecumenical entanglements in order to focus on its developing discourse of Afrikaner Christian nationalism, this venture in ecumenism by one of its foreign missions was a remarkable anomaly. Yet, as this article illustrates, the ecumenical project as finalized at a conference in 1924 was characterized by controversy and nearly became derailed as a result of the intransigence of white DRC missionaries on the subject of eating together with black colleagues at a communal table. Negotiations proceeded and somehow ended in church unity despite the DRC’s missionaries’ objection to communal eating. After the merger of the synods of Blantyre, Nkhoma and Livingstonia into the unified CCAP, distinct regional differences remained, long after the colonial missionaries departed. In terms of its theological predisposition, especially on the hierarchy of social relations, the Nkhoma synod remains much more conservative than both of its neighboring synods in the CCAP to the south and north. Race is no longer a matter of division. More recently, it has been gender, and especially the issue of women’s ordination to ministry, which has been affirmed by both Blantyre and Livingstonia, but resisted by the Nkhoma synod. Back in South Africa, these events similarly had an impact on church history and theological debate, but in a completely different direction. As the theology of Afrikaner Christian nationalism and eventually apartheid came into positions of power in the 1940s, the DRC’s Nkhoma mission in Malawi found itself in a position of vulnerability and suspicion. The very fact of its participation in an ecumenical project involving ‘liberal’ Scots in the formation of an indigenous black church was an intolerable digression from the normative separatism that was the hallmark of the DRC under apartheid. Hence, this article focuses on the variegated entanglements of Reformed Church history, mission history, theology and politics in two different 20th-century African contexts, Malawi and South Africa.

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Morrow, Seán, and Khayalethu Gxabalashe. "The Records of the University of Fort Hare." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172130.

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Historians, not just of South Africa, but of any part of what was once British Africa up to and including Kenya, will be familiar with the significance of the University of Fort Hare at Alice, in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. The university is built on the site and retains the name of a British fort that was a major base for one of the first and most bitterly-fought, and certainly the longest, of the nineteenth-century southern African wars of conquest. However, in one of the paradoxes in which South Africa abounds, Fort Hare has become a shibboleth of modern African nationalism, priding itself on its illustrious alumni, which include many of the great names of the modern black elite in southern Africa. The paradox to some extent disappears, and the interest and complexity increases, when it is considered that Fort Hare had its origins in the liberal missionary tradition, with all its ambiguities, and that its products included homeland leaders as well as nationalist politicians, and the functionaries of segregationist and colonial states as well as assertively African political and cultural leaders.The vicinity of Fort Hare has long been a center of education in the western tradition. From 1841, in the case of Lovedale, with nearby Healdtown and St. Matthew's following later, the great mission-schools of the Eastern Cape, supported by the Lovedale Press, made the area the cradle of the mission-educated African elite. It was from this context that Fort Hare emerged in 1916, being the creation of an interdenominational group of Protestant missionaries and of African leaders such as John Tengo Jabavu, founder of the newspaper Imvo Zabatsundu.

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Maluleke, T. S. "African culture, African intellectuals and the white academy in South Africa - some implications for Christian theology in Africa." Religion and Theology 3, no. 1 (1996): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430196x00022.

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AbstractAttitudes towards African culture are central to the crisis of African intellectuals. This crisis is manifest in the issues of African identity, black self-love, black poverty, the stranglehold of the Western academy and white racism. For the debilitating aspects of the crisis to be converted to our advantage, African intellectuals must reconnect to African culture. However, such a reconnection must include not only an analysis and problematisation ofwhatAfrican culture is, but also the question of how best to connect to it. The call for African intellectuals to reconnect to African culture is not a call for the resuscitation of romantic views on African culture. Nor is it a call for a rehash of the often strident views of Western missionaries, philosophers and colonialists on African culture. It is also not a call for the self-hating castigation of African culture by Africans themselves. It is rather a call to a mature reappropriation of past and present manifestations of African culture within, because of and in spite of oppressive and racist conditions. This kind of appropriation will help African intellectuals emerge from the crisis. Such a reappropriation has significant implications for the teaching and the shape of Christian theology of Africa. Basic to these implications is the necessity to return to black and African theologies of liberation.

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Solihu, Abdul Kabir Hussain. "The Earliest Yoruba Translation of the Qur'an: Missionary Engagement with Islam in Yorubaland." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 17, no. 3 (October 2015): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2015.0210.

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This study analyses the first translation of the meaning of the Qur'an into Yoruba, a language spoken mainly in south-western Nigeria in West Africa. Yorubaland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was a theatre of serious engagement between Muslims and Christian missionaries, during which a proliferation of translations of religious texts played a major role. Long before the translation of the Qur'an was accepted by most Muslims in Africa, Christian missionaries had taken the initiative in rendering the Qur'an into local African languages. The first known translation of the Qur'an into any African language was Reverend M.S. Cole's Yoruba translation, which was first published in 1906, and republished in 1924 in Lagos, Nigeria. This ground breaking work, written primarily for a Christian audience, was not widely circulated among Yoruba scholarly circles and thus did not generate significant scholarly discourse, either at the time or since. This study, which is primarily based on the 1924 edition of Reverend Cole's translation, but also takes into account other materials dealing with the Muslim-Christian engagement in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Yorubaland, examines the historical background, motives, and semantic structure of the earliest Christian missionary-translated Yoruba Qur'an.

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Engel, Elisabeth. "The ecumenical origins of pan-Africanism: Africa and the ‘Southern Negro’ in the International Missionary Council’s global vision of Christian indigenization in the 1920s." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000050.

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AbstractThis article explores the attitudes and policies of the International Missionary Council (IMC) concerning Africa and African Americans. It aims to revise historical scholarship that views the ecumenical missionary movement as originating in white Western missions and guided by the goals of post-war internationalism. It argues that the IMC, founded in 1921 as the central institution for coordinating Protestant missions around the world, developed an ecumenical definition of pan-Africanism. This definition cast African Americans from the US south in the role of ‘native’ leaders in the formation of indigenous churches in Africa. With this racialized version of Christian indigenization, the IMC excluded African Christian groups that sought to form their own churches. It promoted, instead, European colonial projects and missionary societies that aimed to use African American missionaries to counter the incendiary ideas of pan-Africanism.

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Müller, Retief. "Mission and Colonialism." Social Sciences and Missions 30, no. 3-4 (2017): 254–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03003006.

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This article focuses on two British colonial territories in southern and central Africa, Mashonaland and Nyasaland in the late 19th to early 20th centuries. It concerns the history of Afrikaner missionaries from South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), and their relationships with opposing interest groups. The period in question saw some inter-ethnic conflict among indigenous peoples, which included an underground slave trade, as well as much colonial-indigenous strife. The article particularly considers the balancing act missionaries sought to achieve in terms of their paternalistic, yet interdependent relationships with indigenous rulers over against their equally ambiguous relationships with the colonial authorities. As such this article presents a novel way of looking at Afrikaner missionaries and their entanglements with indigenous leaders.

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Rosnes, Ellen Vea. "Negotiating Norwegian Mission Education in Zululand and Natal during World War II." Mission Studies 38, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341773.

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Abstract Missionaries from the Lutheran Norwegian Mission Society (NMS) came to South Africa from the 1840s. By 1940, more than 6000 pupils were attending NMS-owned schools in Zululand and Natal. World War II brought about different forms of negotiations between the missionaries and other actors. The War resulted in the missionaries losing contact with their central board in Norway and the provincial authorities of the Union were among those bodies who came to rescue them financially. Local congregations took over more of the mission responsibilities and the nature and forms of cooperation with other Lutheran missions changed. Added to these changes was the growing aspiration among Zulu pastors for more independence that also manifested itself in the management of schools. This paper presents an analysis of the ways in which the Norwegian missionaries negotiated their educational work in Zululand and Natal during the World War II period.

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Malisa and Missedja. "Schooled for Servitude: The Education of African Children in British Colonies, 1910–1990." Genealogy 3, no. 3 (July 11, 2019): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3030040.

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Our paper examines the education of African children in countries that were colonized by Britain, including Ghana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. We show how education plays an important role in shaping and transforming cultures and societies. Although the colonies received education, schools were segregated according to race and ethnicity, and were designed to produce racially stratified societies, while loyalty and allegiance to Britain were encouraged so that all felt they belonged to the British Empire or the Commonwealth. In writing about the education of African children in British colonies, the intention is not to convey the impression that education in Africa began with the arrival of the colonizers. Africans had their own system and history of education, but this changed with the incursion by missionaries, educators as well as conquest and colonialism.

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Ranger, Terence. "Butterflies and Barbarians: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South-East Africa." Social Sciences and Missions 21, no. 2 (2008): 279–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489408x342318.

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Mgadla, Part Themba. "The Equality of Believers: Protestant Missionaries and the Racial Politics of South Africa." African Historical Review 46, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2014.911458.

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WELLS, JULIA C. "The Suppression of Mixed Marriages among LMS Missionaries in South Africa before 1820." South African Historical Journal 44, no. 1 (May 2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470108671386.

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Schwarzenbach, A. "Butterflies and Barbarian: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South-East Africa." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 514 (May 17, 2010): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq148.

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Comaroff, Jean. "Missionaries and Mechanical Clocks: An Essay on Religion and History in South Africa." Journal of Religion 71, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488536.

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Glaser, Clive. "Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition to Bantu Education in South Africa." South African Historical Journal 71, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1568538.

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Landau, Paul S. ":Butterflies and Barbarians: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South‐East Africa." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.423.

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Beck, Roger B. "Bibles and Beads: Missionaries as Traders in Southern Africa in the Early Nineteenth Century." Journal of African History 30, no. 2 (July 1989): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024105.

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Trade across the Cape frontier in the first three decades of the nineteenth century, and government attempts to regulate that trade, cannot be understood without first considering the role of Protestant missionaries as traders and bearers of European manufactured goods in the South African interior. From their arrival in 1799, missionaries of the London Missionary Society carried on a daily trade beyond the northern and eastern boundaries of the Cape Colony that was forbidden by law to the colonists. When missionaries of the Methodist Missionary Society arrived in the mid-1810s they too carried beads as well as Bibles to their mission stations outside the colony. Most missionaries were initially troubled by having to mix commercial activities with their religious duties. They were forced, however, to rely on trade in order to support themselves and their families because of the meagre material and monetary assistance they received from their societies. They introduced European goods among African societies beyond the Cape frontiers earlier and in greater quantities than any other enterprise until the commencement of the Fort Willshire fairs in 1824. Most importantly, they helped to bring about a transition from trade in beads, buttons and other traditional exchange items to a desire among many of the peoples with whom they came into contact for blankets, European clothing and metal tools and utensils, thus creating a growing dependency on European material goods that would eventually bring about a total transformation of these African societies.

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Mollett, Margaret. "Apocalypticism and Popular Culture in South Africa: An Overview and Update." Religion & Theology 19, no. 3-4 (2012): 219–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-12341240.

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Abstract Apocalypticism, in the form of premillennial dispensationalism, based on foundational texts in Daniel, 2 Thessalonians and the book of Revelation, took root in South Africa through missionaries from the United States in the late 19th and early 20th century. At first associated with Pentecostal churches and splinter groups from traditional churches belief in an imminent rapture followed by the tribulation, the millennium and final white throne judgment characterise an ever-widening circle of so-called charismatic groups. This heightening of expectation can mainly be ascribed to the influence of Hal Lindsey during the 70s and 80s and Tim LaHaye during the first decade of the 21st century. Rapid growth in media technology and the popularity of religious fiction has resulted in a merging of apocalyptic expectation with popular culture. This article probes the nature of “popular culture” and its relation to religion in South African context, and indicates a route for further enquiry and research. It concludes with the question, “What obligation does this lay on the scholarly guild?”

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Draper, Jonathan A. "African Contextual Hermeneutics." Religion & Theology 22, no. 1-2 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02201005.

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The role of the missionaries and their widespread dissemination of the Bible in the process of colonisation of Africa problematized the interpretation of its text, particularly in South Africa, where it was used both to legitimate apartheid and in the struggle for liberation. This paper documents the emergence of the “Tri-polar Model” (Grenholm and Patte, as modified by Draper) in African Contextual Hermeneutics, and problematises it in terms of the hegemonic role of the reader’s “ideo-theological orientation” (West). A new way forward is sought through emphasising this role of the reader, but also the possibility of a “willing suspension of disbelief” (Coleridge) in the construction of the “othered self” through “conversation” with the text (Gadamer) and the role of “reading communities” (Fish) in demanding accountability from reader(s).

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Kritzinger, JJ. "Review: The Equality of Believers. Protestant Missionaries and the Racial Politics of South Africa." Acta Theologica 33, no. 2 (January 14, 2014): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/actat.v33i2.16.

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Harries, Patrick. "Missionaries, Marxists and Magic: Power and the Politics of Literacy in South-East Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2001): 405–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13632430120074518.

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Peterson, Derek R. "Kristin Fjelde Tjelle. Missionary Masculinity, 1870–1930: The Norwegian Missionaries in South-East Africa." American Historical Review 120, no. 2 (April 2015): 755–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.2.755.

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Cobley, Alan Gregor. "The ‘African National Church’: Self-Determination and Political Struggle Among Black Christians in South Africa to 1948." Church History 60, no. 3 (September 1991): 356–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167472.

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The first generations of black Christians in Southern Africa went through a painful process of critical examination and experiment as they struggled to assimilate new economic, social, and religious values. These values were presented to them mainly by white missionaries and were based largely on European models. It was as part of this dialectical process that an independent black churches movement—quickly labeled by friends and foes the “Ethiopian Movement”—had emerged at the end of the nineteenth century. The independent black churches spread and multiplied rapidly in South Africa. By 1919 there were seventy-six recognized sects; however, there were many more which were not officially recognized. A black newspaper reported in 1921 that there were “at least one thousand natives within the municipal boundary of Johannesburg who call themselves ministers, but who are unattached to any recognised chuch, and who live on the offerings of their respective flocks.” Although many members of these churches were active politically, the most pervasive influence of the movement was on the ideology of African nationalism, as the role of the church became a recurring theme in debates on the development of an African national identity.

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Vähäkangas, Auli. "African Feminist Contributions to Missiological Anthropology." Mission Studies 28, no. 2 (2011): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338311x605665.

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Abstract Missiology has mainly been the interest of white expatriate missionaries. In the context of the growing focus of Christianity on the global South, this article looks into African feminist theology. Using theologians of the “Circle of the Concerned Women Theologians in Africa,” this article analyses some central contributions made by members of this Circle in the field of missiology. The most interesting feminist contribution to missiological anthropology is the search for a new cultural identity by modern African Christians. This search for identity includes a critical and positive view of African traditional practices. This contextualization process includes both the continuation and reconstruction of some of the practices which the Circle theologians have identified as not being oppressive. The African missiologists need in-depth anthropological and theological analyses to understand the variety of cultures in their societies and to contextualize the Gospel.

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Haddad, Beverley. "Church Uniforms as an Indigenous Form of Anglicanism: A South African Case Study." Journal of Anglican Studies 14, no. 2 (February 9, 2016): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355315000224.

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AbstractAfrican women members of the Mothers’ Union in South Africa have forged a neo-indigenous expression of Christianity best expressed in the characteristics of the manyano movement (women’s prayer groups) which include extempore prayer and preaching, extensive fundraising, and the wearing of a church uniform. These women had to resist the restrictions placed upon them by women missionaries and church leadership from England, which included the abolishment of the church uniform during the 1950s. The article traces their struggle of resistance during this period and shows how they fought to wear a uniform and so identified themselves with the movement of women’s prayer unions existing in other churches. It also addresses the significance of the uniform as identified by elderly women from Vulindlela, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa and suggests some of the existing ambiguities of the church uniform in the current church context.

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Henningsen, Anne Folke. "Contesting Promised Land: Moravian Mission Land Conflict in South Africa around 1900." Social Sciences and Missions 23, no. 2 (2010): 254–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489410x511560.

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AbstractAt the Moravian mission station Goshen in South Africa's Eastern Cape, conflicts over land rights between missionaries and dissenting congregants around the turn of the twentieth century, led to court cases between the two parties. Through a case study of such a conflict with ensuing court cases, the strategies and practices of the parties involved are analysed and the impact of the civil disobedience of the dissenting congregants is shown. La station missionnaire morave de Goshen, à l'est du Cap en Afrique du Sud, vit émerger au tournant du vingtième siècle des conflits entre missionnaires et croyants dissidents autour des droits sur la terre, conflits qui entrainèrent les deux parties devant la justice. En étudiant ces conflits et les aff aires judiciaires qui s'ensuivirent, ce texte analyse les stratégies et les pratiques des parties impliquées ainsi que l'impact de la désobéissance civile des croyants dissidents.

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Stuart, J. "RICHARD ELPHICK. The Equality of Believers: Protestant Missionaries and the Racial Politics of South Africa." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1291.

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Staples, Russell. "Book Review: Butterflies & Barbarians: Swiss Missionaries and Systems of Knowledge in South-East Africa." Missiology: An International Review 36, no. 4 (October 2008): 525–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960803600413.

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Swartz, Rebecca. "Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition from Mission to Bantu Education in South Africa." Paedagogica Historica 56, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2019): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2019.1590426.

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Hofmeyr, J. W. (Hoffie). "Book Review: The Equality of Believers: Protestant Missionaries and the Racial Politics of South Africa." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 37, no. 1 (January 2013): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931303700116.

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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.

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Danieluk, Robert. "Maksymilian Ryłło SJ (1802-1848) and the Beginnings of the New Catholic Mission in Africa in Nineteenth Century." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 23 (January 5, 2019): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2018.23.1.

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The Polish Jesuit Maksymilian Ryłło (1802-1848) participated in several missionary endeavors undertaken by the Church in nineteenth century and entrusted to the Society of Jesus. Besides his missions in Middle East in 1836-1837 and 1839-1841, he was also one of the protagonists of an exploratory trip to North East Africa started in 1847 from Egypt and directed south. Arrived to Khartum and established there for a few months, Ryłło died in that city, while a few years later other missionaries took over the work of evangelization started by him and his companions. The present article introduces this Jesuit and focuses on the “African chapter” of his life – all as an attempt of filling the historiographical gap consisting in the fact that the English literature about Ryłło is almost inexistent.

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Oosthuizen, George C. "Interpretation of Demonic Powers in Southern African Independent Churches." Missiology: An International Review 16, no. 1 (January 1988): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968801600101.

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African Independent Churches (AIC) have grown especially in South Africa at a tremendous pace—from thirty-two denominations in 1913 and hardly one percent of the African population to over three thousand denominations in 1980 and nearly 30 percent of the African population. Various reasons account for this tremendous growth such as several major emphases: Africanization of the church, socioeconomic deprivation, the adaptation process from the microcosmic to the macrocosmic world, and a holistic approach to healing which takes note of the indigenous cosmology. The latter aspect is a central issue. There are two types of diseases—natural, behind which are no malicious external forces, and those which are understood only within the context of African cosmology such as witchcraft, sorcery, ancestor wrath, spirit-possession. The missionaries ignored these forces and the problems Africans encountered with them. To these malicious forces the AIC give attention and their handling of them makes a decisive impact. This is the main theme of the article.

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Weld, Emma L. "‘Walking in the light’: the Liturgy of Fellowship in the Early Years of the East African Revival." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014182.

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During a Christmas convention at Gahini mission station in Rwanda in 1933, a large number of people publicly confessed their sins, resolved to turn from their present beliefs and embraced the Christian Faith. From then on, missionaries of the Ruanda Mission wrote enthusiastically to their supporters in Britain of people flocking into churches in South-West Uganda and Rwanda, of ‘changed lives’, of emotional confessions followed by ‘tremendous joy’, and of the spontaneous forming of fellowship groups and mission teams. Ugandans working at Gahini saw an opportunity for ‘waking’ the sleeping Anglican Church in Buganda and elsewhere which had, they believed, lost its fervour. Following in the tradition of the evangelists of the 1880s and 1890s they travelled vast distances to share their message of repentance and forgiveness with others. This was the beginning of the East African Revival, long prayed for by Ruanda missionaries and the Ugandans who worked alongside them. Max Warren, General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, writing in 1954 when the Revival was still pulsating through East Africa, perceived the revival phenomenon as ‘a reaffirmation of theology, a resuscitation of worship and a reviving of conscience … for the church’. All three were in evidence from the early years of the East African Revival, but perhaps the most dramatic change was the form taken by the ‘resuscitation of worship’.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Missionaries – South Africa'

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