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1

Anderson, Gerald. "Peter Parker and the Introduction of Western Medicine in China Peter Parker et l'introduction de la médecine occidentale en Chine Peter Parker und die Einführung westlicher Medizin in China Peter Parker y la Introducción de Medicina Occidental en China." Mission Studies 23, no. 2 (2006): 203–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338306778985776.

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AbstractIn the context of the life and missionary career of Peter Parker, M.D., a graduate of Yale who went to China in 1834, this article looks first at three issues: Who was the first medical missionary? Who was the first medical missionary in China? Who first introduced Western medicine in China?It also considers the tensions in the emerging understanding of the role of a medical missionary in the mid-nineteenth century, and the problems this caused for Parker, which led to his dismissal by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.It then assesses the role of Parker as an American diplomat, when he became involved, first as a part-time secretary and interpreter, and confidential advisor, for the U.S. Commissioner to China, and helped to negotiate the first treaty between China and the United States in 1844. And later when Parker himself was appointed as the US Commissioner, and proposed aggressive military action against China, which led to his recall by the US State Department.Finally, in retirement for 30 years in Washington, DC, Parker received numerous honors and recognition, including appointment as a corporate member of the American Board, which earlier had terminated him as a missionary. Jetant un regard sur la vie et la carrière missionnaire de Peter Parker, M.D., diplômé de Yale parti en Chine en 1834, cet article pose d'abord trois questions: Qui a été le premier missionnaire médecin? Qui a été le premier missionnaire médecin en Chine? Qui a le premier introduit la médecine occidentale en Chine?Il considère aussi les tensions à l'œuvre dans la conception progressive du rôle d'un missionnaire médecin au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle, et les problèmes que cela a causé à Parker, allant jusqu'à la démission de ses fonctions par le Bureau américain des Missions étrangères.Il évalue ensuite le rôle de Parker comme diplomate américain lorsqu'il entra en scène d'abord comme secrétaire-interprète à temps partiel et conseiller particulier du Haut-commissaire américain pour la Chine, et qu'il aida à négocier le premier traité entre la Chine et les Etats-Unis en 1844. Et plus tard, lorsque Parker fut lui-même nommé Haut-commissaire américain et proposa une action militaire agressive contre la Chine, ce qui conduit à son rappel par le Département d'Etat américain.Finalement, retiré pendant trente ans à Washington, D.C., Parker reçut reconnaissance et de nombreux honneurs, y compris sa nomination au Bureau américain qui l'avait démis comme missionnaire quelques années auparavant. Im Zusammenhang mit dem Leben und der Missionslaufbahn des Arztes Peter Parker, einem Absolventen von Yale, der 1834 nach China ging, beleuchtet dieser Artikel eingangs drei Fragen: Wer war der erste ärztliche Missionar? Wer war der erste ärztliche Missionar in China? Wer hat die westliche Medizin als erster in China eingeführt?Der Artikel behandelt auch die Spannung zwischen dem damals entstehenden Begriff der Aufgabe eines ärztlichen Missionars Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts und den Problemen, die er für Parker bedeutete und die zu seiner Entlassung vom American Board of Commissioners für auswärtige Mission führte.Dann bewertet der Artikel die Rolle Parkers als amerikanischer Diplomat, als er zuerst als Teilzeit Sekretär, Übersetzer und geheimer Berater für den US Commissioner in China arbeitete und ihm half, 1844 den ersten Vertrag zwischen China und den USA auszuhandeln. Und später, als Parker selbst zum US Commissioner bestellt wurde und eine aggressive militärische Vorgangsweise gegen China vorschlug, was zu seiner Abberufung durch das US State Department führte.Schließlich, über 30 Jahre im Ruhestand in Washington D.C., erhielt Parker zahlreiche Ehren und Anerkennung, eingeschlossen seine Berufung als Vollmitglied des American Board, das ihn früher als Missionar abgesetzt hatte. En el contexto de la vida y carrera misionera de Peter Parker, M.D., un graduado de la universidad Yale que fue a China en 1834, este artículo examina primero tres asuntos: ¿Quién era el primero misionero médico? ¿Quién era el primero misionero médico en China? ¿Quién era el primero para introducir medicina Occidental en China?También considera las tensiones en el entendimiento desallorrando del papel de un misionero médico en el siglo medio-decimonono, y los problemas éstas causó para Parker, que llevó a su despido por el Junta Norteamericano de Comisionados de las Misiones Extranjeras.Luego el articulo evalúa el papel de Parker como un diplomático norteamericano, cuando llegó a ser ocupado, primero como una secretaria de la jornada incompleta e intérprete, y consejero confidencial, para el EE.UU. Comisionado a China, y ayudó negociar el primer tratado entre China y los Estados Unidos en 1844. Y más tarde cuando Parker que se fijó como el Comisionado estadounidense, y se propuso acción agresiva militar contra China, que resultó en su revocación por el EE.UU. Departamento Estatal.Finalmente, durante su jubilación de 30 años en Washington, D.C., Parker recibió honores numerosos y reconocimiento, incluso su nombramiento como un miembro corporativo de la Junta Norteamericana, que más temprano lo había terminado como un misionero.
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2

Smalley, Martha Lund. "Missionary museums in china." Material Religion 8, no. 1 (March 2012): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175183412x13286288798097.

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3

Hillier, S. M. "Missionary Medicine in China (Book)." Sociology of Health and Illness 12, no. 2 (June 1990): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.ep11377164.

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4

Ball, Michael. "A MISSIONARY FAMILY IN CHINA." Baptist Quarterly 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2009.43.1.004.

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5

Chen, Peiyao. "The Transformation of Jesuits Strategy for Buddhism Based on the Jesuits Works in Early Modern China." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v4i4.695.

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The Jesuits began their missionary work in Asia in the 16th century. After the missions in India and Japan, they tried to enter China and spread Catholicism at the end of the 16th century (Note 1). Due to the special political and cultural environment of China at that time, the missionary experience of Jesuits in India and Japan did not fully apply to Chinese society, which caused their missionary process to be rocky (Note 2). In order to adapt to the different environment of the Ming dynasty, Jesuits had to actively adjust their missionary strategies. After a period of observation and exploration, Jesuits used a missionary method of preaching through books in Ming and Qing dynasties (Note 3). Therefore, the adjustments of their missionary strategies are also reflected in their Chinese missionary works, including the adjustments of Jesuits’ evaluation of Buddhism in their Chinese missionary works, which is a question worthy of attention and research.
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6

Yanli, Gao. "Judd's China: a missionary congressman and US–China policy." Journal of Modern Chinese History 2, no. 2 (December 2008): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17535650802489500.

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7

Webster, David. "After the Missionaries: Churches and Human Rights NGOs in Canadian relations with China." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003009.

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Canadian relations with China, historically, have been driven by missionary work and the search for expanded trade. Missionary work drew on the search for souls to save, but morphed into development (building schools and hospitals). Trade promotion, meanwhile, drew on age-old tropes of “Oriental riches” and “the China market.” The missionary and merchant impulses have intertwined in Sino-Canadian relations. This article examines the post-missionary engagement of Canadian churches and human rights advocacy of Canadian non-governmental organizations with China since the 1970s. The focus is on two ecumenical coalitions the Canadian churches sponsored: the Canada China Programme and the Canada Asia Working Group. The former emphasized themes of partnership with Chinese Christian networks as the People’s Republic of China began to open up to the world; the latter stressed advocacy for human rights and economic justice. The tensions within these coalitions illustrate the larger tension between engagement and trade on the one hand, and rights advocacy on the other, in Sino-Canadian relations. These case studies also show the importance of non-state actors in trans-Pacific relations.
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8

Hanan, Patrick. "The Missionary Novels of Nineteenth-Century China." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 60, no. 2 (December 2000): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652631.

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9

Whitehead, Raymond L., Suzanne Wilson Barnett, and John King Fairbank. "Christianity in China. Early Protestant Missionary Writings." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 2 (1986): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758956.

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10

Kwong, Luke S. K. "Dr Alexander Maclean Mackay: Profile of a China Medical Missionary." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 415–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014360.

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Compared to missionaries like Timothy Richard (1845–1919) and Hudson Taylor (1832–1905), Dr Alexander Maclean Mackay is a name almost unknown in the annals of Christian evangelism in China. The personnel roster of the London Missionary Society, to which he initially belonged, did boast of such luminaries as Robert Morrison (1782–1834), a pioneering Protestant preacher in early nineteenth-century China and James Legge (1815–1897), a missionary turned Sinologist and Oxford don. But Mackay, as one of the Mission's numerous field workers, is not likely to be found in such distinguished company. In fact, his sojourn in China, in comparison, was relatively brief. It lasted not quite six years, from January 1891 to September 1896, when he died of cholera and was buried in China. In many ways, he was merely another missionary, one of the many men and women, Catholic and Protestant, who had toiled in China, then faded into oblivion, and have since eluded the eye of the historical researcher.
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11

Cheng, W. K. "Constructing Cathay." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2002): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.12.2.05che.

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As relation between China and the West changed precipitately in the middle of the nineteenth century, there was a heightened demand in the West for knowledge about the “Flowery Kingdom”. But until well into the twentieth century, virtually the only direct source of information about China and the Chinese came from missionaries, in which respect they were often lauded as “cultural brokers”. As missionary communication of their experience provided Western readers with a vicarious experience of China, their cultural brokerage inexorably shaped Western popular perceptions of China and the Chinese in the West. These perceptions, when channeled politically, often had a defining effect on the nature and manner of the Western presence in China. This essay examines the China writing of John Macgowan, a veteran missionary from the London Missionary Society. What is interesting about Macgowan’s cultural brokerage is that unlike other missionaries (e.g., Arthur Smith) who often struggled with the difficulties between the missionary enterprise and Western expansionism, Macgowan uninhibitedly affirmed the intimacy between Mission and Empire. His writings on China and Chinese life — their social behavior and habits of thought, their relation with the living environment, the religious and cultural values by which they ordered their lives — therefore gave strong credence not only to the necessity, viability, and nobility of the christianizing project but ultimately to the sanctity of Western presence in China. In other words, Macgowan’s brokerage of his China knowledge exemplified the processes in which knowledge was legislated and communicated to establish the ideological conditions of the Western expansionism in China.
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12

Nagy, Dorottya. "Envisioning Change in China." Social Sciences and Missions 27, no. 1 (2014): 86–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02701005.

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The present article examines the case of the Freundenkreis für Mission unter Chinesen in Deutschland (Friends of Mission to Chinese in Germany, FMCD) and its Chinesische Leihbücherei (Chinese Lending Library, CLL) to describe and analyze aspects of the complex question of the mission for China and Chinese people, with particular focus on mission work among Chinese students. By presenting the ministry of a German missionary couple, the article argues that the FMCD was one of the first, if not the first network organization after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that envisioned Christian PRC students as important agents in shaping Christianity and generating societal transformations within and beyond China. The case of the FMCD also provides an opportunity to reflect on intercultural encounters enabled by missionary work. The article uses data collected through interviews and participant observation in 2009, 2010 and 2013.
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13

Gregersen, Malin. "Weaving Relationships." Social Sciences and Missions 30, no. 1-2 (2017): 74–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03001013.

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Swedish missionary Ingeborg Wikander (1882–1941) arrived in China in 1916 and worked for the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) in Changsha between 1917 and 1927. During her first years in China, in the process of becoming established in the new country, Wikander moved within several transnational missionary contexts, and she established relationships and networks crucial for her future work. Through the personal example of a Swedish YWCA secretary, this article draws attention to the building of personal relationships within the larger transnational missionary communities of China of the early 20th century. It discusses how such relationships could be interpreted in gendered, national and denominational terms and show how the local, the national and the transnational were entangled in everyday encounters and experiences of individual mission workers like Ingeborg Wikander.
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14

Renshaw, Michelle. "Saving Missionary Skins Saves Patients’ Lives." Social Sciences and Missions 27, no. 1 (2014): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02701003.

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When the first American medical missionary to China established the first western-style hospital in Guangzhou in 1834 the political and legal environment was hostile to foreigners and to missionaries in particular but, in some respects, it was conducive to safe medical practice. Given that the early nineteenth-century hospital in the West was a very dangerous place it was important to limit risk in the hospital if the evangelical mission was to survive. An analysis of Peter Parker’s (1804–1888) reports and case studies reveals not only his superior skill and patient outcomes but also the medical and administrative strategies he employed to minimize risk. The study places Parker’s medical work in a comparative frame; moving away from a mission-centric focus to draw China medical missions into a larger narrative of the history of modern medicine.
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15

Cheung, Yuet-Wah, and Peter Kong-Ming New. "Missionary doctors vs Chinese patients: Credibility of missionary health care in early twentieth century China." Social Science & Medicine 21, no. 3 (January 1985): 309–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(85)90107-8.

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16

Gewurtz, Margo S. "Transnationalism in Missionary Medicine." Social Sciences and Missions 30, no. 1-2 (2017): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03001001.

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Kala-azar is a parasitic disease that was endemic in India, parts of Africa and China. During the first half of the twentieth century, developing means of treatment and identification of the host and transmission vectors for this deadly disease would be the subject of transnational research and controversy. In the formative period for this research, two Canadian Medical missionaries, Drs. Jean Dow and Ernest Struthers, pioneered work on Kala-azar in the North Henan Mission. The great international prestige of the London School of Tropical Medicine and the Indian Medical Service would stand against recognition of the clinical discoveries of missionary doctors in remote North Henan. It was only after Struthers forged personal relations with Dr. Lionel. E. Napier and his colleagues at the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine that there was a meeting of minds to promote the hypothesis that the sand fly was the transmission vector.
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17

Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei. "Watchman Nee and the Little Flock Movement in Maoist China." Church History 74, no. 1 (March 2005): 68–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700109667.

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The experience of Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng) and the Christian Assembly (Jidutu juhuichu or Jidutu juhuisuo) in Mainland China after the Communist Revolution of 1949 reveals the complexity of church and state relations in the early 1950s. Widely known in the West as the Little Flock (Xiaoqun), the Christian Assembly, founded by Watchman Nee, was one of the fastest growing native Protestant movements in China during the early twentieth century. It was not created by a foreign missionary enterprise. Nor was it based on the Anglo-American Protestant denominational model. And its rapid development fitted well with an indigenous development called the Three-Self Movement, in which Chinese Christians created self-supporting, selfgoverning, and self-propagating churches. But it did not share the highly politicized anti-imperialist rhetoric of another Three-Self Movement, the Communist-initiated “Three-Self Patriotic Movement” (sanzi aiguo yundong): self-rule autonomous from foreign missionary and imperialist control, financial self-support without foreign donations, and self-preaching independent of any Christian missionary influences. As the overarching organization of the one-party state, the Three-Self Patriotic Movement sought to ensure that all Chinese Protestant congregations would submit to the socialist ideology.
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18

Guang, Kuan. "Sahajaśrī: A Fourteenth-Century Indian Buddhist Missionary to China." Religions of South Asia 1, no. 2 (December 14, 2007): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rosa.v1.i2.203.

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19

Manera, Brad. "Rose Sarah Rasey, Australian nurse and missionary in China." Collegian 2, no. 4 (January 1995): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1322-7696(08)60132-8.

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20

Kane, J. Herbert. "Book Review: Christianity in China: Early Protestant Missionary Writings." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 1 (January 1987): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500126.

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21

MacInnis, Donald. "Book Review: Christianity in China: Early Protestant Missionary Writings." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 10, no. 4 (October 1986): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693938601000412.

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22

Bailey, Raymond. "Book Review: The Call: An American Missionary in China." Review & Expositor 83, no. 1 (February 1986): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738608300142.

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23

BARRETT, T. H. "A Bicentenary in Robert Morrison's Scholarship on China And his Significance for Today." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 25, no. 4 (April 8, 2015): 705–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000868.

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AbstractRobert Morrison (1782–1834), the first Protestant missionary to China, was responsible for the completion of the earliest Chinese-English Dictionary in 1814. Though this work would not have reached publication without the help of Chinese assistants, and of the printer P. P. Thoms (1790–1855), even so Morrison's scholarly achievements in this and other aspects of Chinese studies were prodigious. This survey of recent research makes clear the continuing value of his writings to contemporary scholars, and also suggests that he was not simply more seriously engaged in attempting to understand China than his contemporaries but also more enlightened than a good number of his successors in missionary work.
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24

Shi, Jinghuan. "Cultural Mixture: Yenching Students and Missionary Christianity." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 14, no. 1-2 (2007): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656107793645131.

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AbstractYenching University, one of the most influential institutions in Chinese education in the first half of the twentieth century, also was emblematic of Sino-American cultural interchanges. Its development in the late 1910s and the 1920s coincided with a strong upsurge in national sentiment and anti-Christian movements in China. When the Communist victory and the Korean War brought patriotic anti-American feelings to a peak, the university was deeply shaken and was forced to close its doors. Forty years after its closure, Yenching’s name still arouses memories and fierce unresolved controversies. Both strong critics and defenders of the school need to include the Yenching experience in any discussion of cultural activities between the United States and China in the twentieth century. Yenching is more than a historical interlude, for the Yenching experience sheds light on issues that may influence the future of educational and cultural interactions in Sino-American relations.
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25

Talbot, Ann. "Anthony Collins and China: the Philosophical Impact of the Missionary Encounter." Journal of Early Modern History 23, no. 4 (August 20, 2019): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342629.

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Abstract The article explores the impact of Jesuit missionary reports from China on the work of the English freethinker Anthony Collins. It considers his use of accounts of Confucian philosophy in his own writings on materialism and atheism, and in his discussion of the role of the state in relation to religion. It suggests that despite the difficulties he faced in assessing missionary reports he made use of them in his philosophical writings and may have been encouraged by his knowledge of Chinese philosophy to explore the question of emergence and the self-organization of matter. China features in his comments on metaphysics as well as political and moral philosophy. The article argues that China became a model state for Collins, representing for him a level of religious toleration largely unknown in Europe.
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Willmott, Cory. "The Paradox of Gender among West China Missionary Collectors, 1920-1950." Social Sciences and Missions 25, no. 1-2 (2012): 129–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489412x628118.

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During the turbulent years between the Chinese nationalist revolution of 1911 and the communist victory of 1949, a group of missionaries lived and worked in West China whose social gospel theologies led to unusual identification with Chinese. Among the regular social actors in their lives were itinerant “curio men” who, amidst the chaos of feuding warlords, gathered up the heirlooms of the deposed Manchurian aristocracy and offered these wares for sale on the quiet and orderly verandahs of the mansions inside the missionary compounds of West China Union University. Although missionary men and women often collected the same types of Chinese antiquities, these became variously specimens, fine arts, commodities and household effects because their collecting practices were framed within different cultural and gendered domains of value. The scientific and connoisseurial male-gendered collecting paradigms often bolstered the anti-imperialist Chinese nationalist modernities of the Republican state. They were therefore paradoxically at odds with female-gendered collecting paradigms that drew in part upon feminist discourses of capitalist consumerism. Coupled with residual ideals of domesticity and philanthropy, these fluid female discourses resonated with emergent Chinese New Woman modernities and inspired missionary women in creative bicultural identity projects.
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Truong, Anh Thuan, and Van Sang Nguyen. "A comparison of the missionary method and cultural integration of Jesuits: A study in China and Vietnam during the 16th and 17th centuries." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.216.

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From the end of the 16 th century to the beginning of the 17 th century, under the direction of the archdiocese in Macao (China), Jesuit missionaries set foot in China and Vietnam in turn to preach the Gospel and convert believers in these two countries. The main reason for the success of the Jesuits was the use of appropriate missionary methods and advocating proper cultural integration in each country. However, due to the different paradigm of historical development in China and Vietnam, and especially due to disagreement about the perception and behavior of indigenous culture among the Jesuits themselves, the process of evangelization in the two countries occurred differently. Based on historical and logical methods, especially the comparative method, this study analyzes and compares the similarities and differences in missionary methods and the advocacy of cultural integration in the two countries mentioned above. Primary sources were the foundation of the work, such as archival records and recently published research results of Chinese and Vietnamese scholars as well as other researchers. The results of this work contribute to assessing the similarities and differences in the process of applying missionary methods and cultural integration. The work further contributes to the study of Christian history in China and Vietnam in the16 th and 17 th centuries.
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Zweig, David. "Seeking Modernity in China's Name: Chinese Students in the United States, 1900–1927. By Weili Ye. [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001. 330 pp. $49.50. ISBN 0-8047-3696-0.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903370123.

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They went to America to learn the skills to make China modern and along the way they transformed themselves. Some of the earliest pioneers, women trained in missionary schools before going to America in the late 19th century, returned to China as medical doctors and created a new profession in China.
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29

Wu, Ellen D. "Trans-Pacific Destiny." Current History 114, no. 773 (September 1, 2015): 244–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.773.244.

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Barrett, T. H. "Borrowed Gods and Foreign Bodies: Christian Missionaries Imagine Chinese Religion. By Eric Reinders. [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2004. xvi+266 pp. $49.95, £32.50. ISBN 0-520-24171-1.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005330268.

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In 1997, Eric Reinders was awarded a doctorate on the topic of “Buddhist Rituals of Obeisance and the Contestation of the Monk's Body in Medieval China.” Any regret that might be felt in the decidedly restricted field of Anglophone studies of Buddhist China at the subsequent loss of his talents to that area of research must be outweighed by an awareness that he has chosen to move on to open up research in an area hitherto largely untouched by any scholarship at all in any language. For despite the longstanding efforts that have been put into the writing of mission history, the study of the cultural significance of the Anglophone missionary in China is a much more recent phenomenon, even though John King Fairbank pointed out the value of missionary writings in his presidential address to the American Historical Association as long ago as 1968, and now even novelists like Sid Smith (in his 2003 Picador work A House by the River) are beginning to explore the issue of cross-cultural understanding through the Chinese missionary experience.For despite the subtitle, the focus of this study is very much on missionary reactions to their physical translocation to China during the 19th and 20th centuries rather than to any reflective analysis that they subsequently produced concerning the beliefs and practices that they encountered. From the immediacy of their encounters with alarming visual cues to Chinese religion (construed as ‘idolatry’), to the equally alien sounds of the Chinese language, and on to the vexed question of body posture in worship (something that Reinders, with his acute but tacit sense of the importance of history on the Chinese side, takes back on the European side to Reformation debates), and even to the olfactory assault that the missionaries experienced on arrival – all are given their due place.
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Yao, Dadui. "Shakespeare in Chinese as Christian Literature: Isaac Mason and Ha Zhidao’s Translation of Tales from Shakespeare." Religions 10, no. 8 (July 26, 2019): 452. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10080452.

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The introduction of Shakespeare to China was through the Chinese translation of Mary and Charles Lamb’s adaptation of Shakespeare’s plays, Tales from Shakespeare. The Western missionaries’ Chinese translations of the Lambs’ adaptation have rarely been studied. Isaac Mason and his assistant Ha Zhidao’s 1918 translation of the Lambs’ book, entitled Haiguo Quyu (Interesting Tales from Overseas Countries), is one of the earliest Chinese versions translated by Christian missionaries. Although Mason was a Christian missionary and his translation was published by The Christian Literature Society for China, Mason adopted an indirect way to propagate Christian thoughts and rewrote some parts that are related to Christian belief. The rewriting is manifested in several aspects, including the use of four-character titles with Confucian ethical tendencies, rewriting paragraphs with hidden Christian ideas and highlighting themes closely related to Christian ethics, such as mercy, forgiveness and justice. While unique in its time, such a strategy of using the Chinese translation of Shakespeare for indirect missionary work had an impact on subsequent missionary translations.
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Cooley, James C. "British Quaker Missionary Enterprise in West China: Its Devolution Problem." Chinese Studies in History 25, no. 4 (July 1992): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-4633250465.

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33

Kim Dug Sam. "The development and educational effects of Missionary Universities in china." China Studies 47, no. ll (November 2009): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18077/chss.2009.47..017.

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34

Zhu, Linlin. "Protestant Missionary Movement In Modern China A Review of Scholarship." Chinese Historians 2, no. 1 (December 1988): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1043643x.1988.11876846.

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35

Ward, Martin. "Moses or Meddler? CMS Missionary J.R. Wolfe in Post-Tianjin Treaty Fujian." Mission Studies 36, no. 3 (October 9, 2019): 458–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341679.

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Abstract By 1920 Fujian became one of the most missiologically prominent regions in China. This article examines the development of the veteran missionary of the Church Missionary Society, J.R. Wolfe’s missiological ideology in relation to the implementation of the Treaty of Tianjin in Fujian from 1862–1878. Amidst considerable frustration at perceived scant manpower and finances commensurate to his evangelistic zeal, he discovered the expedience of consular intervention in cases of persecution and came to seek it as a matter of course. His subsequent experiential epiphany of the British Government’s slighting of the articles in the Treaty relating to the safeguarding of the missionary enterprise exacerbated his sense of frustration. This article argues that the disparity between his hagiographical title of “Moses of Fujian” and the controversy surrounding his politicalness is irreconcilable, and that the example of Wolfe demonstrates the complexities of the evolution of missionary ideology and the importance of a thorough archival reappraisal.
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36

LAI, JOHN T. P. "Doctrinal Dispute within Interdenominational Missions: The Shanghai Tract Committee in the 1840s." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 20, no. 3 (June 4, 2010): 307–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186310000052.

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AbstractBoth interdenominational co-operation and denominational competition featured in the Protestant missionary literary enterprise in nineteenth-century China. The interdenominational Religious Tract Society in London became the most vital link between the missionary translators, printing presses and target audiences in the production, publication and distribution of Christian tracts. Ideally, interdenominational missions would pool resources and promote cooperation among missionaries with different denominational affiliations. Doctrinal disputes, however, seem to have been inevitable among them in the everyday operation of missions. The first tract committee established in China, the Shanghai Tract Committee in the 1840s is a case in point. Unequal denominational representation resulted in heated doctrinal controversies and the resignation of a Committee member over the publication of a problematic tract in Chinese.
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37

Tuoheti, Alimu. "Missionaries and Orientalists Studies of Chinese Islam- Before the 20th Century." International Journal of Social Science Studies 9, no. 5 (July 16, 2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v9i5.5296.

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In the 19th century, the development of natural science and the emergence of enlightenment gradually gave birth to social science in modern Europe. As Europe opened the door to China in the middle of the 19th century, Western academia began to pay attention to China, and Western theories and methods progressively entered China and were accepted by Chinese scholars. Most saliently, some Christian missionaries and Orientalists have completed more serious studies of Islam in China, and published several corresponding works and research results on this basis. During this period, those who studied Islam and Muslims in China could be divided into two categories. the Religious people, including Christian missionaries. and Scholars, including Orientalists. Subsequently, when Western missionaries entered China, they found the presence of a large Muslim group, so they began to study them and organize missionary work. Although this missionary activity proved unsuccessful in terms of the number of converts to Christianity, it maintains a certain positive significance regarding religious and cultural exchange, and cross-civilizational interaction. Documents recording the encounters between Christianity and Islam in China since modern times are scattered in journals such as Chinese Repository, The Chinese Recorder, Friends of Moslems, The Moslem World and China’s Millions.
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38

Zhimin, Chen. "US Diplomacy and Diplomats: A Chinese View." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, no. 3-4 (March 21, 2011): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x583932.

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This article presents mainstream views in China about US diplomacy in general and particularly US diplomacy towards China in the twenty-first century. In general, US diplomacy is seen as primacy-seeking, missionary pragmatism, hard power first, with persistent impulsive unilateralism, and only constrained by a disruptive power-sharing domestic political system. Chinese leaders and diplomats tend to favour those American counterparts who can demonstrate pragmatism, appreciation, commitment and professionalism. They believe that China needs to negotiate from a position of strength with normally over-demanding American counterparts, and to pay extraordinary attention to detail in negotiations. While the Chinese held a negative view about the overall diplomacy of US President George W. Bush, they welcomed his pragmatic diplomacy towards China and regarded it as his most positive diplomatic legacy. Although the Chinese have developed a more positive view towards President Obama’s diplomacy, in considering the United States’ persisting desire for primacy, its missionary tradition and highly pluralistic domestic politics, the Chinese are more cautious in embracing the Obama administration’s charm-offense diplomacy than many US allies.
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39

Feuerwerker, Albert. "Presidential Address: Questions About China's Early Modern Economic History That I Wish I Could Answer." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (November 1992): 757–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059035.

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I am greatly honored to have had the opportunity to serve as president of the Association for Asian Studies during the past year, and I am cognizant of the distinction of this afternoon's occasion. This being Washington, where everything is “political”—even more so perhaps than in Beijing—my original thought was to deliver a political sermon on a theme something like “Bush in China.” In fact, I found a possible text for my homily: a book published in Philadelphia in 1865 by a Presbyterian minister, Charles P. Bush, entitledFive Years in China; or, The Factory Boy Made a Missionary: The Life and Observations of Rev. W. Aitchison. But the Reverend Mr. Bush's hagiographical account of the life of William Aitchison, once a missionary to heathen China, was of little help; and I quickly decided that my talents as a fabulist of this variety were exceedingly limited. Hence the quite different fables to which I shall expose you today.
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40

Ion, Hamish. "James Curtis Hepburn and the Translation of the New Testament into Japanese." Social Sciences and Missions 27, no. 1 (2014): 56–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02701004.

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This study focuses on the role of James Curtis Hepburn (1815–1911), the pioneer Presbyterian missionary doctor in Japan and a lexicographer who gave his name to the standard form of transliteration of Japanese into English, in the translation of the New Testament into Japanese. Hepburn’s earlier experiences as a medical missionary in China had a significant impact on his attitude toward language study and translation work after his arrival in Kanagawa in 1859. This study shows the importance of the Chinese language Christian tracts, and Bible translations made by China missionaries in serving as a cultural bridge to help open and to expedite the transmission of Christian and Western ideas into Japan as Hepburn and his missionary colleagues struggled to master the Japanese language and to translate the Gospels. However, after 1873 when the open propagation of Christianity among the Japanese began, the greater fluency of missionaries in Japanese and the growing desire of the Japanese to learn English and to concentrate on Western rather than Chinese learning led to the decline in the importance of Chinese language both in the evangelization of Japan and in Bible translation.
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41

Wang, Dong. "Introduction: Christianity in the History of U.S.-China Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645178.

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AbstractThis special volume comprises six original articles, each of which locates Christianity as an international and local issue reaching beyond an American-, or Chinese-, or missionary-centered history. By bringing lesser-known aspects of Christianity to bear on the story, the contributing scholars from the humanities and social sciences in North America, Asia, and Oceania address three major sets of questions.
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42

Henderson, Gail, and Yuet-wah Cheung. "Missionary Medicine in China: A Study of Two Canadian Protestant Missions in China Before 1937." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 1 (January 1990): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073511.

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43

Jingfeng, Cai. "Missionary medicine in China, a study of two Canadian protestant missions in China before 1937." Social Science & Medicine 31, no. 5 (January 1990): 627–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(90)90101-w.

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44

Lysenko, Yu A., and Cuihong Yang. "Review of the Pastoral Activity of the Russian Orthodox Mission in Beijing (The 2nd Half of the 19th – Early 20th Century)." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-59-73.

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The article studies the place and role of the Russian Orthodox Mission as a tool of religious propaganda in China in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Heretofore, the primary goals were to fulfill the functions of the Russian diplomatic mission in China and to conduct research in the field of oriental studies and the natural sciences, which in its turn excluded the possibility of its missionary tasks. In the second half of the 19th century the Russian Orthodox Mission had to transfer diplomatic and military intelligence functions to the Russian embassy in China that was opened in 1861. This circumstance forced the Mission to search for new directions of development and eventually focus on missionary work. The structure of the Russian Orthodox Mission was gradually transformed, adapting to the needs of pastoral activity. Its financial and material-technical base strengthened, the staff of missionaries expanded, the system of Orthodox parishes, church schools, monastery cloisters and courtyards become more complicated. In order to involve the indigenous people in the religious propaganda and to significantly increase the number of newly baptized Chinese, from the second half of the 19th till early 20th centuries the Mission developed the network of missionary offices, mills and schools in the six largest and densely populated provinces of central China. Despite the fact that the Mission worked in extremely unfavorable conditions, mostly caused by the political games of the great powers for influence in the Far East, Russian Orthodox Church achieved undoubted success. The growth of the Mission was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War, following a reduction in funding and a number of other circumstances. As a result, the activity of the Russian Orthodox Mission in China was gradually decreasing in 1914–1917.
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45

Fu, L. "The use of lithotomy by missionary surgeons in nineteenth-century China." Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 41, no. 3 (September 19, 2011): 264–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4997/jrcpe.2011.318.

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46

Innan, Li. "Missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in China: Historical lessons." Herald of Culturology, no. 2 (2019): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/hoc/2019.02.15.

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47

Covell, Ralph R. "Book Review: Missionary Approaches and Linguistics in Mainland China and Taiwan." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 27, no. 1 (January 2003): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930302700112.

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48

Shemo, Connie. "“‘Her Chinese Attended to Almost Everything’: Relationships of Power in the Hackett Medical College for Women, Guangzhou, China, 1901–1915”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 4 (October 31, 2017): 321–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02404002.

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This essay uses a 1915 crisis at the American Presbyterian Hackett Medical College for Women in Guangzhou, China as a lens to explore the level of control Chinese women, who were known as “assistants,” exercised at the school. Official literature of the Hackett portrays the American woman missionary physician Dr. Mary Fulton as controlling the college, but in fact its Chinese women graduates largely ran the institution for some years before 1915. Challenging images of American women missionary physicians either as heroines or imperialists, this article describes instead how Chinese women shaped the institution. Placing the Hackett into the broader context of American Presbyterian medical education for Chinese women since 1879, it argues that rather than only interpreting and adapting missionary ideologies, many of the Chinese women medical students in Guangzhou brought their own conceptions of women practicing medicine. In the case of medical education for women in Guangzhou before 1915, American missionaries were partially responding to Chinese traditions and demands. Ultimately, this essay presents a more complex view of cultural transfer in the women’s foreign mission movement of this period.
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49

Miazek-Męczyńska, Monika. "Polish Jesuits and Their Dreams about Missions in China, According to the Litterae indipetae." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 3 (March 26, 2018): 404–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00503004.

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From the very beginning, Polish Jesuits were aware of the fact that the general of the Society of Jesus required them to focus on completely different missionary areas than the Far East. Nevertheless, in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu one can find more than two hundred so-called indipetae (shortened version of Litterae ad Indiam petentes)—letters sent by Polish Jesuits to their general asking for foreign missions, especially in China. They were written by 114 Jesuit fathers and brothers but ultimately only four (Andrzej Rudomina, Michał Boym, Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki, Jan Bąkowski) ever preached the word of God in the Middle Kingdom. By analyzing the content of Polish indipetae letters, this paper underlines the most important sources of missionary vocations among Polish Jesuits, through comparison with similar letters from the fathers and brothers of other Jesuit provinces.
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50

Canaris, Daniel. "Between Reason and Typology: Strategies for Evangelising China in the Writings of Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) & Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607)." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 5, no. 4 (October 10, 2020): 397–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00504002.

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Abstract The accommodation of Confucianism articulated by Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) reflected a Neoscholastic approach in which rational agreement was the primary hinge of interreligious engagement. Ricci’s rationalism, however, was somewhat atypical among Jesuits of the late sixteenth century who often made overtures towards typology to explain the cultural and religious phenomena encountered in their missionary activities in East Asia and the New World. This article focuses on the writings of two Jesuits, the encyclopedist Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) and the China missionary Michele Ruggieri (1533–1611), who collaborated on the first European-language publication to include an extract of the Confucian corpus. It examines how Possevino adapts the manuscripts on China that Ruggieri provided him while in Rome in the early 1590s, and the tensions between the scholastic approach to evangelisation proposed in earlier chapters of the Bibliotheca selecta and the more extravagant typological strategies articulated in Ruggieri’s original manuscripts.
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