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Journal articles on the topic 'Missions – Central African Republic'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Ferreira, Rialize. "SOUTH AFRICAâ€™S PARTICIPATION IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO PEACE MISS IONS: A COMPARISON." Politeia 33, no. 2 (October 20, 2016): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1776.

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After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africaâ€™s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africaâ€™s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular â€œnew warsâ€ where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.

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2

Mwanyika, Elijah Mwasi. "Effectiveness of the Use of Force to Protect Civilians in the Central African Republic (CAR)." African Journal of Empirical Research 2, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajer.v2i1.13.

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Though the United Nations (UN) has mandated the use of force, in most missions, innocent civilians continue to be attacked and killed. Focused on the “UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic”, (MINUSCA), the study investigated the effectiveness of the use of force (UoF) in the Protection of Civilians (PoC). The study was anchored on Liberalism theory. This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically. The findings show that the UoF in the PoC has positive impact on the execution of the MINUSCA mandate since early 2017 and has helped to reduce levels of armed violence. Although UoF was perceived as being effective in CAR, it was faced with some challenges. This was due to the fact that it was seen as directly targeting one party to the conflict; an act which is perceived to be against the principles of PKOs. The UoF must be supported by proper conflict analysis prior to the signing of a peace agreement, troops with a capability and training matching the task, and committed to the use of force. Missions with PoC mandate must be matched by an appropriate military capability beyond the normal infantry battalion capability. Troops deployed to PKOs should not be deployed on the basis of just the will of the member state, but the troops must have the capacity and capability to undertake the UN mandate.

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3

Dires Gardachew, Bewuketu. "Keeping the Peace in Somalia: Are “African Solutions to African Problems” Enough?" Journal of Somali Studies 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5682/2020/7n2a2.

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After suffering significant casualties in peacekeeping operations in Africa, several powerful countries, including the U.S. and some of its western allies, exhibited reluctance to deploy their troops in Africa in significant numbers or for long periods of time. Since then many western powerful states exhibited fatigue and reduced their involvement in peace initiatives on the continent where Somalia is could be taken as one of those best cases. “Africa fatigue” by the powerful Western countries motivated and necessitated for the emergence of the “African solution to African problems” maxim. It is in this context that the AU authorized a range of peace operations, among them, AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), to respond to the complex conflicts that have engulfed the continent. The objective of this study is to explore whether the approach of “African solutions to African problems” is enough to address the severe humanitarian situation of Somalia or not. The study looks at the case of Somalia for two reasons. First, Somalia has faced a prolonged civil war fuelled by intense internal conflict and exacerbated by external influences. Secondly, the AU has been playing a leading role in the resolutions of the conflicts using a multidimensional approach that involved diplomatic, mediatory and military mechanisms over a longer period of time. More importantly, the case of Somalia is chosen mainly because the case is among the glaring example of AU‟s comprehensive peace operation. Other African countries such as Burundi, Comoro Islands, Mali, Central African Republic and the like have also hosted peace support operations however; these missions were conducted for short period. Hence, examining the AU‟s relatively short-term responses presents challenges as these short-term missions may not test the capacity of African Union compared to the long-term peace operations (Somalia).

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4

Markowska-Manista, Urszula. "“Invisible” and “unheard” children in fragile contexts – reflections from field research among the Ba’Aka in the Central African Republic." Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji 35, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.7629.

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In the present article I outline the situation of children who belong to an indigenous community of Ba’Aka Pygmies, a group inhabiting the Sangha-Mbaéré region of rainforest in the Central African Republic. These children are inscribed in the categories of “invisible” and “unheard” children. They are also deprived of the right to be properly researched. This is due to a number of external and internal factors which shape the contemporary reality of the formerly colonised country. Despite the fact that the Central African Republic broke free from colonial oppression, since 1960s it has been experiencing internal colonisation and civilising missions by the countries of the Global North so as to be “fruitfully” written in the narrative of national development. Thus, referring to key categories, I discuss postcolonial representations: images and narratives perceived through the perspective of a female researcher who, since 2002, has conducted field research among excluded and marginalised children and young people in fragile (vulnerable) contexts in Central Africa.

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5

MASSA, BRUNO, PHILIPPE ANNOYER, CYRILLE PEREZ, SAMUEL DANFLOUS, and GUILHEM DUVOT. "Orthoptera Tettigoniidae (Conocephalinae, Hexacentrinae, Phaneropterinae, Mecopodinae, Hetrodinae) from some protected areas of Central African Republic." Zootaxa 4780, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 401–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4780.3.1.

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This paper is a contribution to the distribution, taxonomy and phenology of Orthoptera Tettigoniidae of Central African Republic. Thanks to scientific expeditions and entomological missions, 2155 Orthoptera belonging to 118 species of five subfamilies of Tettigoniidae have currently been studied. Examined material is here listed with its known distribution. New genera and species have been found and here described: Eurycoplangiodes sanghaensis Massa, n. gen. and n. sp. Paraeulioptera emitflesti Massa, n. gen. and n. sp., Paraeurycorypha Massa, n. gen. ocellata Massa et Annoyer, n. sp., Arantia (Arantia) gretae Massa, n. sp., Arantia (Euarantia) syssamagalei Massa et Annoyer, n. sp. and Dapanera brevistylata Massa, n. sp. Overall, from 2012 to 2020, the study of the orthopteran material collected in the scientific expeditions to Central Africa carried out since 1984, enabled the description of 6 new genera and 27 new species. They represent 22.8% of the total amount of species currently recorded in the protected areas where this scientific activity has been carried out. This demonstrates that these areas still hold a high number of new species, representing a biodiversity hotspot.

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E. Mpanza, Siphesihle, and Victor H. Mlambo. "UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, a conundrum or opportunity : a case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and the Central African Republic." African Renaissance 16, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2019/16n4a1.

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7

Setyawati, Amelia, Helda Risman, and Surryanto D.W. "Minusca on its Mandate." Technium Social Sciences Journal 9 (June 12, 2020): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v9i1.919.

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Since independence from France in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has never been free from conflict. Almost every turn of CAR leader begins with a coup d’etat. Resistance from the Seleka and Anti-Balaka rebel groups emerged and exacerbated the situation in CAR. The conflict that was originally an opposition-government conflict developed into a religious conflict. So the question arises regarding the efforts and involvement of third parties in maintaining peace in the CAR. The UN Security Council permits the spread of UN peacekeeping operations through The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) on 10 April 2014 by protecting civilians as a top priority. The focus of this article is to analyze MINUSCA in carrying out its mandate in CAR. This article is analyzed with role theory and conflict theory. The data used in analyzing this article is secondary data. The data is obtained from books, scientific journals, dissertations or theses, official documents, and the internet. The results in this article find that the role played by MINUSCA in the CAR Conflict is as a peace facilitator. While carrying out their duties, MINUSCA plays a role in the protection of CAR civilians and the development of troop personnel in order to increase the effectiveness of missions in the CAR in order to create a peaceful and safe environment.

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MICHEL, BRUNO. "First record of the genus Kimulodes Tjeder & Hansson in West Africa with description of a new species (Neuroptera, Ascalaphidae)." Zootaxa 3497, no. 1 (September 25, 2012): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3497.1.4.

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The genus Kimulodes was described by Tjeder and Hansson (1992) to accommodate two species, Kimulodes sinuatus originally described as Helicomitus sinuatus by Kimmins (1949) and a new species they named K. angulicornis. Within the tribe Ascalaphini, this genus is characterized by the hairless genae, the absence of a tuft of hairs at the base of the forewing in males, in contrast to the African species of Ascalaphus, and the antennae of males being sinuate or sharply arched with stout tufts of hairs on the basal flagellomeres. The genus Kimulodes was known from Central and East Africa, but remained unrecorded from West Africa. The material collected by a colleague, Jean-Michel Maldès (CIRAD), during a prospecting mission in Togo in 1990 included a male of an undescribed species of Kimulodes, which is described below. Furthermore, examination of the collection of the Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris, yielded a male and a female of K. angulicornis from an unrecorded locality in the Central African Republic.

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9

Korecki, Zbyšek. "United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.9.

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UNITED NATIONS MULTIDIMENSIONAL INTEGRATED STABILIZATION MISSION IN MALIThe security and political instability of West and Central African countries is influenced by several factors and is a topical issue for the United Nations UN and the European Union’s EU foreign policy. The security of the region decreased to a low level after the declaration of the war on terrorism in 2003. According to the Global Peace Index GPI, which takes into account the militarization and security of society, countries such as Mali 2.686 — 144, Central African Republic 3.236 — 155 or Libya 3.262 — 157 compared to other countries of the world have long been in the unflattering index position, which is evaluated by 163 countries. The destabilization of Libya and the consequences of the fall of the dictatorial regime of Muammar Gaddafiled to the subsequent spread of instability in the region in 2011. After the emergence of the radical organization of the Islamic State IS, as well as other organized armed groups in the Middle East and in some African Union states, fighters are rapidly expanding into Mali, Mauritania and Niger. The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali MINUSMA was launched in July 2013. As asymmetric terrorist attacks on UN peacekeepers have increased, a UN-level debate was held to strengthen the mandate and capabilities of UN MINUSMA. Contributing countries of the African Union were aware of the fact that terrorist attacks could spread to neighboring countries and therefore called on UN Member States to become more actively involved in the mission in Mali. The pre-sented article analyzes the political and security situation of Mali and the participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic at the UN MINUSMA. The author of the article concluded that Mali in the post-conflict reconstruction needs to implement all stages of post-conflict reconstruction and necessarily needs the presence of UN and EU troops.Participation of members of the Army of the Czech Republic should correspond to the ambitions of the Czech Republic within the EU in achieving the objectives of stabilizing the unstable territories in the neighborhood in order to prevent future potential security risks.

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10

Klosek, Kamil. "Indirect Interventions in Civil Wars: The Use of States as Proxies in Military Interventions." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1644.

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Current research on motivational sources of military interventions in civil wars frequently assumes that states intervene due to direct interests in the civil war country. However, this study argues that there exists a subset of interventions in which weaker powers intervene on behalf of interests which great powers hold vis-à-vis the civil war country. Using the logic of principal-agent theory in combination with arms trade data allows one to identify 14 civil wars which experienced the phenomenon of indirect military interventions. This type of intervention features a weaker power providing troops for combat missions, whereas its major arms supplier is only involved with indirect military support. The analysis is complemented with two brief case studies on the Moroccan intervention in Zaire (1977) and the Ugandan intervention in the Central African Republic (2009). Both case studies corroborate expectations as deduced from the proxy intervention framework.

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11

Fisher, Helene, Elizabeth Lane Miller, and Christof Sauer. "Wounded Because of Religion: Identifying the Components of Gender-Specific Religious Persecution of Christians." Mission Studies 38, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341777.

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Abstract Emerging understanding of gender-specific religious persecution in some of the world’s most difficult countries for Christians offers timely insight into complex dynamics in which the church and missions have too often been unwittingly complicit due to limited visibility of the components contributing to these wounds. Fresh research into these deeply wounding global phenomena stands as both a warning and a pointer towards an avenue for effective ministrations by churches and Christian ministries that are working in the most severely affected areas of the world. Drawing on the latest trends identified by World Watch Research, outcomes of the Consultation for Christian Women under Pressure for their Faith, a contemporary case study from Central African Republic, and a biblical narrative, we will explore practical opportunities for a holistic approach to bring preparedness, healing, and restoration for communities under severe pressure for their Christian faith.

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12

Gaye, Babacar. "Political stability remains a challenge - Interview: Babacar Gaye, Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the Central African Republic and Head of the UN Multinational Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA)." Africa Renewal 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2014): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/0ae7a778-en.

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13

Tredici, Ignacio, and Renaud Galand. "Holding to Account the Commission of International Crimes in the Central African Republic: The Establishment of the Special Criminal Court." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 21, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13894633_021001002.

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The Special Criminal Court for the Central African Republic (scc) is a national court that has been established with the assistance of the Un Multidimensional Integrated Mission of Stabilization in the Central African Republic (minusca) to bring to justice perpetrators of international crimes committed in car from 2003. The establishment of the scc is a response to the legal obligation to fight impunity for the most serious crimes in a country severely affected by decades of internal armed conflicts, social and political crises: car has been depleted of the resources required to investigate and prosecute those responsible for the commission of international crimes. Taking to justice the perpetrators will help consolidate peace, security and justice and break the cycle of violence. The scc is hence expected to serve as a catalyst for the restoration of the rule of law in car more broadly and to advance national reconciliation and peacebuilding processes. Notwithstanding the challenges that it will face, it is submitted that the scc could be a valid model to be replicated in other post-conflict contexts where impunity for either international crimes or serious organized crime is a fundamental impediment to social peace and progress.

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14

Glawion, Tim, and Lotje de Vries. "Ruptures revoked: why the Central African Republic's unprecedented crisis has not altered deep-seated patterns of governance." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000307.

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AbstractThe Central African Republic experienced unprecedented violence between 2012 and 2014. We analyse three recent ruptures that developed as a result of this crisis, suggesting a break with the country's past. First, the Séléka rebellion that started in 2012; second, the establishment of a robust UN Peacekeeping mission in 2014; and finally, the democratic election of a civilian president in 2016. However, three deep-rooted patterns of governance have in each case transformed these ruptures. A history of outsourced politics, a plurality of violence and peripheral neglect push actors to perpetuate the violent past rather than breaking with it. We conclude that after an initial attempt to break with the CAR's long-term political economic trends, rebel groups, the UN mission and the democratic government have backtracked and now risk reinforcing the violence that mark politics and everyday life in the country.

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SD, Hardi Alunaza, and Virginia Sherin. "The Failure of MINUSCA as Peacekeeping Force in the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2013-2015." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 4, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v4i2.5232.

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Since Bozizé led the CAR from March 15, 2003, to March 24, 2013, there has been resistance from some of the rebel forces. The rebellion continues because of the economic and political weaknesses in the CAR government. One of them comes from an opposition coalition known as Séléka who staged a rebellion in 2013 with the aim of overthrowing the Bozizé regime. After the fall of Bozizé, CAR's condition has worsened because Séléka rebels have committed gross human rights violations in the CAR. This is where the conflict develops from the conflict that was originally just a conflict of government-opposition, then widened and turned to religious conflicts. As a result, questions arise about the efforts and involvement of third parties in conflict resolution within the CAR and the social impacts of the conflict. This article attempts to answer questions which focuses on the involvement of third parties as peacekeepers in conflict areas. In this case, the authors use qualitative research methods in the form of literature studies such as books, journals, and scientific articles in supporting the final explanation. The result of this paper shows that the failure of Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) as a peacekeeping force in the conflict in CAR in 2013-2015 is caused by human rights violation in the form of sexual exploitation. This has had a social impact on the lives of communities, especially women and children, suffer from physical and mental trauma resulting from conflict and become victims of human rights violations committed by MINUSCA.

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Putri, Anggraini, Chairul Murimann, and Ezra Aminanto. "Evaluation of Physical Security of Indonesian Formed Police Units' Garuda Camp in the Perspective of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design." Technium Social Sciences Journal 22 (August 9, 2021): 725–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v22i1.4112.

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Indonesia is one of the Police Contributing Countries (PCC) in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Since 1989, Indonesia has deployed their police officers into various peacekeeping missions, either individually or in the units called Formed Police Units (FPU). In deploying the FPU, Indonesia as the PCC is not only responsible for preparing the personnel, but also equipping the FPU in logistics and infrastructure, which includes appropriate camps in the mission area. These camps have an important role as the operational and administrative base of the FPU, personnels accommodation, assets storage facility, and notably as the symbol of Indonesia’s commitment to its contribution to world peace. Garuda Camp Indonesian FPU in MINUSCA, Central African Republic, was built in 2018 by the International Relations Division of The National Police with total assets more than 500 billion rupiahs. During the 2 years of placing the Indonesian FPU in MINUSCA, several security threats have occurred in this camp, such as theft and burglary. In this case, the camp security is an important element to ensure the Unit's success in performing its mission mandate. Therefore, the author sees the need for an evaluation using the perception of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) to increase the level of security at Garuda Camp. This is based on CPTED which has a basic idea that proper and effective design in the use of the built environment can lead to a reduction in crime and fear of crime, as well as an improvement in the quality of life in an environment. The author explores threats and use qualitative methods to identify the compliance of physical security requirements in the camp. The result of the study shows that Garuda Camp is included in the medium level threat category. Thus, a threat prevention strategy is needed.

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17

Bizimanasharale Bikoroti, Joël. "Dental and Periodontal Diseases Among United Nations Personnel in Mission: A Fifteen Months Experience of Rwanda Level 2 Hospital Bria in Central African Republic." International Journal of Dental Medicine 3, no. 2 (2017): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijdm.20170302.11.

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18

Solar, Carlos. "Chile’s Peacekeeping and the Post-UN Intervention Scenario in Haiti." International Studies 56, no. 4 (July 9, 2019): 272–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719857395.

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The defence and foreign policy communities in the Global South should learn from the lessons of security governance that followed the 13-year United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). To better inform the academic and policy debate, this article extrapolates ideas from the case study of Chile, one of the ‘big four’ Latin American peacekeeping providers in Haiti, along with Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. The article examines Chile’s finished compromise with the MINUSTAH in order to shed light on conflict intervention strategies and its peace operations in Colombia and the Central African Republic. It argues that military policies for peace intervention purposes should undergo a critical reassessment in light of the state steering away from the past use of long-term brute force. Today’s changing security environment favours a set of different human security policies that have become more prevalent for peacekeeping policymaking. Engaging in scenarios of war and peace thus demands a more focused, experienced and tactical use of military and diplomatic resources than governments in the developing countries currently possess.

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19

Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 2, no. 1 (2004): 981–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x01142.

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20

Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 3, no. 1 (1998): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160698x00294.

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21

International Monetary Fund. "Central African Republic: Selected Issues." IMF Staff Country Reports 16, no. 272 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781475524512.002.

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Escribà, Josep M., Emmanuel Nakoune, Carlos Recio, Péguy-Martial Massamba, Marcelle Diane Matsika-Claquin, Charles Goumba, Angela M. C. Rose, et al. "Hepatitis E, Central African Republic." Emerging Infectious Diseases 14, no. 4 (April 2008): 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid1404.070833.

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23

Minime-Lingoupou, Fanny, Narcisse Beyam, Germain Zandanga, Alexandre Manirakiza, Alain N’Domackrah, Siméon Njuimo, Sara Eyangoh, et al. "Buruli Ulcer, Central African Republic." Emerging Infectious Diseases 16, no. 4 (April 2010): 746–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid1604.090195.

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International Monetary Fund. "Central African Republic: Statistical Annex." IMF Staff Country Reports 95, no. 74 (1995): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451806564.002.

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International Monetary Fund. "Central African Republic: Statistical Annex." IMF Staff Country Reports 98, no. 89 (1998): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451806588.002.

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International Monetary Fund. "Central African Republic: Statistical Annex." IMF Staff Country Reports 00, no. 109 (2000): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451806595.002.

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International Monetary Fund. "Central African Republic: Statistical Appendix." IMF Staff Country Reports 08, no. 13 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451806670.002.

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"CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: UN Mission Extended." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 54, no. 11 (December 2017): 21651A—21652A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2017.07982.x.

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"The EU's Central African Republic mission." Strategic Comments 20, no. 3 (March 16, 2014): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2014.923611.

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"Central African Republic: new UN mission." Strategic Comments 20, no. 6 (July 3, 2014): x—xi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13567888.2014.973146.

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Ferreira, Rialize. "Interrelated causes of African intrastate wars and relevant peace missions." Politeia 36, no. 2 (March 26, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/2401.

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Africa has always been affected by external influences and factors such as Western colonial rule and since the 1960s by the liberation processes of most states. The changing nature of African post-colonial politics led to growing conflicts because of power devolution and violent regime changes by military coups dâ€™Ã©tat. Causal factors of recent intrastate wars are diverse and complex, but mostly relate to belligerents and non-state actors having greed and grievance issues, causing wars for resources and unjust exploitation, elite power struggles and political exclusion, ethnic and religious differences. Poor leadership, absence of democratic principles, identity politics and corruption contribute to violent conflicts. Most causes reinforce one another and are compounded by continuous violence when belligerents are dissatisfied with weak regimes, while both belligerents and regimes break peace accords, as empirical research proved. Changing alliances in Africa are a normal occurrence in enduring conflicts such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan and the Central African Republic. Consequently, two-thirds of global conflict currently occurs in Africa and the majority of United Nations peace missions are hosted in these three states, where South Africa participates in peace missions. Causes of recent intrastate wars are first discussed in general, and then in particular in these states, relating to lessons learnt from peacekeeping experiences to counteract some of the causal factors.

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Ishfaq, Ayesha. "Assessing UN Peacekeeping Missions in Central African Republic (CAR) through the Lens of Returning Pakistani Peacekeeping Troops: Perceptions and Challenges." NUST Journal of International Peace and Stability, January 25, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.37540/njips.v2i1.19.

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The research surrounding the effectiveness of UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) has been an on-going process ever since the inception of these operations. The available literature discusses the successes and failures of the missions depending on variables such as the host country‘s dynamics, mission mandate, and end result etc. However, the experience of the peacekeepers is rarely, if ever, a consideration in understanding the success/failure. Pakistan is one of the largest troops contributing countries to UNPKOs; therefore, it has a huge reservoir of returning and actively serving peacekeepers. The field area challenges and host country‘s environment experienced by the troops play a significant role in discerning the outcome of a UN mission. This research focuses on assessing the challenges and perceptions of Pakistani-UN Peacekeeping Troops in achieving the underlying objectives of United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Central African Republic (MINUSCA). The assessment is based on the primary data collected through interviews from Pakistani UN peacekeepers discussing their in-field challenges, motivations, perceptions, experiences and training. The study endeavours to highlight the contribution of Pakistani Troops to achieve global peace in today‘s complex peacekeeping environment.

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"Guinea." IMF Staff Country Reports 20, no. 313 (December 9, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513563411.002.

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The fourth and last technical assistance (TA) mission for the benefit of Guinea, under the project on improving external sector statistics (ESS) in 17 Francophone countries of West and Central Africa, funded by the Japanese government and administered by the IMF, took place in Conakry during August 26–30, 2019. The mission was hosted by the Central Bank of the Republic of Guinea (BCRG), which is the institution responsible for compiling the ESS. The main points addressed by the mission were to support (i) the process of participating in the coordinated direct investment survey (CDIS), (ii) the detailed technical work for improving the current and financial accounts, and (iii) the implementation of recommendations from previous missions.

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Tariq Mehmood. "Pakistan’s Peacekeeping Contribution to United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA): Lessons Learnt." NUST Journal of International Peace & Stability, July 26, 2021, 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37540/njips.v4i2.102.

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Barely two decades into its creation as a nation-state, Pakistan embraced a pragmatic foreign policy, least expected of a newly crafted state, grappling with how best to mark a niche within the comity of nations (Bakare, 2018). Since 1960, when its first peacekeepers were deployed to Congo, peacekeeping has been pursued vehemently as an integral part of Pakistan’s foreign policy for the fulfilment of its national interest (Bakare, 2018; Kiani, 2004; Meiske and Ruggeri, 2017; Yamin, 2017). As one of the largest Troop Contributing Countries (TCC), its peacekeeping contributions in different conflict zones, especially in Africa, cannot be underestimated. It has contributed over 200,000 troops deployed in 28 countries in 46 missions. Since the indelible and heroic contribution to the United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II ) — 1993 (Yamin, 2019), Pakistan has never relented in marking significant footprints through peacekeeping in Africa.

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Khan, Natasha. "Power in Peacekeeping by Lise Morjé Howard." NUST Journal of International Peace & Stability, July 23, 2020, 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.37540/njips.v3i2.62.

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Howard is an experienced scholar in the fields of international relations, civil wars, peacekeeping and conflict resolution. She has authored several works on peacekeeping such as Learning to Keep the Peace? United Nations Multidimensional Peacekeeping in Civil Wars (2001), and UN Peacekeeping in Civil Wars (2007). Her recent work, Power in Peacekeeping, takes a novel approach to explore UN Peacekeeping Operations. This book makes a case for looking at the dynamics of power in peacekeeping missions and exploring how peacekeepers wield their authority in peacekeeping missions. The author suggests that while most studies on peacekeeping document empirical accounts of the successes and failures of PKO’s, it can prove beneficial to understand what kind of powers peacekeepers wield on the ground. These powers are grouped into three major categories: financial and institutional inducement, verbal persuasion, and coercion. The author further categorizes these into, persuasion in Namibia, financial inducement in southern Lebanon and coercion in the Central African Republic. Acting as part of a journalist team, the author has first-hand experience in the areas explored in the book and offers detailed accounts backed by existing research in the field of peacekeeping.

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"Central African Republic:." IMF Staff Country Reports 18, no. 380 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781484392744.002.

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"Central African Republic." IMF Staff Country Reports 19, no. 216 (July 9, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781498324793.002.

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President Touadéra signed a new peace agreement on February 6, 2019 with 14 armed groups. This agreement calls for the establishment of an inclusive government, the deployment of joint brigades, an acceleration of decentralization efforts, and the co-management of natural resources. While its implementation has started, including with the appointment of more inclusive government, the security situation remains volatile. The World Bank (WB) and the European Union (EU) have substantially increased their budgetary support (grants) for 2019–20. The authorities have expressed a strong interest in a successor arrangement.

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"Central African Republic." IMF Staff Country Reports 20, no. 1 (January 13, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513526041.002.

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The program of economic policies and reforms implemented under the three-year ECF arrangement that expired in July helped to restore growth, reduce fiscal and external imbalances, and strengthen public administration. While the peace agreement was signed last February, its implementation has been slow, reflecting in part the lack of ownership by some of the armed groups. Overall, the C.A.R. remains in a very fragile situation, with a volatile security environment, limited administrative capacity, poor governance, and lack of social cohesion. To help address the country’s protracted balance of payment financing needs in this challenging environment, the authorities have requested a new three-year arrangement under the ECF for an amount of SDR 83.55 million (75 percent of quota).

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"Central African Republic." IMF Staff Country Reports 20, no. 137 (April 28, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513542362.002.

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This paper presents Central African Republic’s Request for Disbursement Under the Rapid Credit Facility. The implementation of the policies and structural reforms to which the authorities committed under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement adopted in December remains key to ensuring macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability and restoring sustained inclusive growth. Additional external support, preferably in the form of grants, is also urgently required to meet C.A.R.’s elevated financing needs and ease the financial burden of the pandemic. These are also essential to the authorities’ efforts to restore peace and prosperity in the country. The authorities intend to allow the fiscal deficit to increase to accommodate most of the fiscal impact of the pandemic, which will comprise a significant shortfall in revenue and additional outlays as part of the response plan. While they intend to streamline nonpriority expenditures, this accommodative stance will allow them to continue meeting pressing social, infrastructure, and security spending needs. The authorities have also reiterated their intention to pursue the policies and structural reforms to which they committed under the ECF arrangement approved last December.

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"Central African Republic." IMF Staff Country Reports 17, no. 245 (July 31, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781484313688.002.

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The three-year arrangement under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) was approved on July 20, 2016 in an amount of SDR 83.55 million (75 percent of quota). The ECF arrangement provides balance of payments support for the government’s reform agenda to restore macroeconomic stability, boost economic growth and job creation, reduce poverty, and build resilience towards exiting fragility. The first review was completed on December 21, 2016, bringing total disbursements under the arrangement to SDR 25.05 million (22.5 percent of quota).

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 53, no. 1 (February 2016): 20859C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2016.06842.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 53, no. 3 (April 2016): 20924A—20924B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2016.06934.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 55, no. 2 (March 2018): 21759A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2018.08120.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 55, no. 3 (April 2018): 21797B—21797C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2018.08173.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 56, no. 8 (September 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2019.09044.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Bibliography 2003 (December 2004): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266673100000490.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 7 (August 2007): 17148C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.01122.x.

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"CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 5, no. 1 (2004): 981–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116060-90000022.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 49, no. 1 (February 2012): 19127A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2012.04280.x.

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"Central African Republic." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 50, no. 12 (January 2014): 19958B—19958C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2014.05477.x.

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