Academic literature on the topic 'Missions to Muslims. Dreams Visions'

AbstractSince “visions appear material to spiritual persons only, the vulgar herd of historians and annalists cannot hope to be so favoured by Heaven”. So, in his nineteenth-century account of the sūfīs of Sind, Sir Richard Burton expressed the dilemma of scholars researching Muslim dream and visionary experiences in his characteristic style. But while scholarly discussion of the visionary activities of premodern sūfīs and other Muslims is still no straightforward matter we need no longer be deterred by Burton's sardonic pessimism. Despite the reticence of earlier generations of positivist scholarship, the past two decades have witnessed a flourishing of research into the visionary aspects of Muslim religious and cultural practice, chiefly through the analysis of the extensive literature surrounding the dream and vision in Islam. For, from the very beginning of Islamic history, there has developed a rich and varied discourse on the nature of the imagination and its expression in the form of dreams and waking visions. The theoretical approaches to the imagination developed by early Muslim philosophers and mystical theorists were always accompanied by the activities of a more active sodality of dreamers and vision seekers. For this reason, Islamic tradition is especially rich for its contributions to both theories of the imagination and the description of its expression in dream and visionary experience. The abundant yields from this rich research field in recent years afford new insight into the Muslim past, allowing an often intimate encounter with past individuals and private experiences scarcely granted by the analysis of other kinds of documentation.

This article describes a pneumatological methodology of Christian mission in solidarity with the poor, which is exhibited by African Pentecostal-Charismatics in ministry in Tanzania and West Africa today. The methodology is drawn from the experiences of dreams and visions as they fund an approach rooted in two pneumatological essentials for mission praxis: (1) “poverty of spirit” as an epistemological requisite and (2) the power of Spirit for mission in an oppressive spirit-filled world. The thesis argued here is that this methodological approach to missions is evidence of the “creative tension” between mission and eschatology that missiologist David Bosch called for. As well, this en-Spirited missions motif critiques the rationalist neglect of experience Bosch lamented and satisfies as an example of what he envisioned as an “emerging ecumenical missionary paradigm.”

Dreams in the classical period of Islam played an important role in the representation of Islamic thought and knowledge. This article distinguishes between the official view in Islam, whose approach was based on the Quran and hadith, and local currents. It examines the nature and phenomenon of dreams (ruyas, visions) as reported in books and manuscripts composed in Mamluk and Ottoman times, belonging to the genre known as ‘Fadail al-Sham’ (‘Praises or Merits of al-Sham’/Palestine and Syria 1 1 The expressions ‘al-Sham’ and ‘Holy Land’ in the Middle Ages and during the Ottoman period referred to either Palestine and Syria, or just Syria, or even just Damascus. For studies on Fadail al-Sham literature see, Anabseh (2006 ; (2007). For studies on the topic of Islamic dreams, see Lane (1944 : 189); Goldziher (1912 : 503–6); Von Grünebaum (1966: 10, 3–21); Kister (1974 : 67–103); Kinberg (1993 : 279–300; 1999: 79–85; 1985: 47–79; 1977: 2–166; Meri 2002: 181–4; 2002: 524–9; 1999: 34–40; 1999: 263–86; Al-Wardi (1986: 45–80). ). The article will argue that some of the traditions were put down in writing by prominent clerics of the time, while others have their origin in local folklore. The article also explores why these popular traditions emerged in the Mamluk and Ottoman periods. In addition to the religious motivation behind reports on sacred shrines, there were also political, regional and patriotic reasons for disseminating these traditions, due both to the struggle between Muslims and European Christians over the Holy Land as well as to competition of a popular local character.

All forms of message production are inseparable from the interests of the owners of capital and political power around them. Information conveyed to audiences is a reality that has been selected and arranged according to the ideological considerations of media institutions through editorial decisions. Media have different visions and missions as well as interests and policies of the owner, because of that the angle of news coverage will be different. In this research, researchers analyze the pattern of news coverage media online due to peaceful movement committed by a group of Muslims on 4th November, 2016, the biggest movement throughout the year 2016 by engaging millions of people from several Islamic organizations in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative research method, with a case study approach. The purpose of this research is to analyze the pattern of framing coverage of government portal as well as the private-owned portal in reporting on the peaceful movement on 4th November, 2016, based on Robert Entman framing model. The research results showed that government portal put forward news updates and show facts to the public that to be addressed. Meanwhile, the portal of the private-owned more emphasis the news based on the interests of the owners of capital.

Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied, Rethinking Raffles; A study of Stamford Raffles’ discourse on religions amongst Malays. (Nathan Porath) Walter Angst, Wayang Indonesia; Die phantastische Welt des indonesischen Figurentheaters/The fantastic world of Indonesian puppet theatre. (Dick van der Meij) Adrienne Kappler and others, James Cook and the exploration of the Pacific. (H.J.M. Claesen) Aurel Croissant, Beate Martin and Sascha Kneip (eds), The politics of death; Political violence in Southeast Asia. (Freek Colombijn) Frank Dhont, Kevin W. Fogg and Mason C. Hoadley (eds), Towards an inclusive democratic Indonesian society; Bridging the gap between state uniformity and multicultural identity patterns. (Alexander Claver) Bronwen Douglas and Chris Ballard (eds), Foreign bodies; Oceania and the science of race, 1750-1940. (H.J.M. Claesen) Ricky Ganang, Jay Crain, and Vicki Pearson-Rounds, Kemaloh Lundayeh-English dictionary and bibliographic list of materials relating to the Lundayeh-Lun Bawang-Kelabit and related groups of Sarawak, Sabah, Brunei and East Kalimantan. (Michael Boutin) Jeffrey Hadler, Muslims and matriarchs; Cultural resilience in Indonesia through Jihad and Colonialism. (Franz von Benda-Beckmann) Uli Kozok, Kitab undang-undang Tanjung Tanah: Naskah Melayu yang tertua. (Arlo Griffiths) Alfonds van der Kraan, Murder and mayhem in seventeenth-century Cambodia; Anthony van Diemen vs. King Ramadhipati I. (Jeroen Rikkerink) Jean Michaud, ‘Incidental’ ethnographers; French Catholic missions on the Tonkin-Yunnan frontier, 1880-1930. (Nicholas Tapp) M.C. Ricklefs, Polarising Javanese society; Islamic and other visions (c. 1830-1930). (Matthew Isaac Cohen) Stuart Robson, Arjunawiwāha; The marriage of Arjuna of Mpu Kaṇwa. (Andrea Acri) László Székely and István Radnai, Dit altijd alleen zijn; Verhalen over het leven van planters en koelies in Deli (1914-1930). (Adrienne Zuiderweg) Patricia Tjiook-Liem (Giok Kiauw Nio Liem), De rechtspositie der Chinezen in Nederlands-Indië 1848-1942; Wetgevingsbeleid tussen beginsel en belang. (Mary Somers Heidhues) Zhou Daguan, A record of Cambodia: the land and its people. (Un Leang) REVIEW ESSAY Longitudinal studies in Javanese performing arts Benjamin Brinner, Music in Central Java; Experiencing music, expressing culture. Barbara Hatley, Javanese performances on an Indonesian stage; Contesting culture, embracing change. Felicia Hughes-Freeland, Embodied communities; Dance traditions and change in Java. (Matthew Isaac Cohen) REVIEW ESSAY Development and reform in Vietnam Stéphanie Balme and Mark Stephanie (eds), Vietnam’s new order; International perspectives on the state and reform in Vietnam. Sujian Guo, The political economy of Asian transition from communism. Ian Jeffries, Vietnam: a guide to economic and political developments. Pietro Masina, Vietnam’s development strategies. (Tran Quang Anh) KORTE SIGNALERINGEN Ulbe Bosma, Indiëgangers; Verhalen van Nederlanders die naar Indië trokken. Clara Brinkgreve, Met Indië verbonden; Een verhaal van vier generaties 1849-1949. Jack Botermans en Heleen Tichler, Het vergeten Indië; Stille getuigen van het dagelijks leven in het Indië van toen. Robin te Slaa en Edwin Klijn, De NSB; Ontstaan en opkomst van de Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging, 1931-1935. Mark Loderichs, Margaret Leidelmeijer, Johan van Langen en Jan Kompagnie, Verhalen in Documenten; Over het afscheid van Indië, 1940-1950. Frederik Erens en Adrienne Zuiderweg, Linggadjati, brug naar de toekomst; Soetan Sjahrir als een van de grondleggers van het vrije Indonesië. Peter Schumacher, met medewerking van Gerard de Boer, De zaak Aernout; Hardnekkige mythes rond een Indische moord ontrafeld. Cas Oorthuys, Een staat in wording; Fotoreportage van Cas Oorthuys over het Indonesië van 1947. René Kok, Erik Somers en Louis Zweers, Koloniale oorlog 1945-1949; Van Indië tot Indonesië. H.F. Veenendaal en J.P.W. Kelder, ZKH; Hoog spel aan het hof van Zijne Koninklijke Hoogheid; De geheime dagboeken van mr.dr.L.G. van Maasdijk. Ons Indië; 400 jaar Nederlandse sporen in Insulinde, de strijd om de onafhankelijkheid & 60 jaar Indonesië. (Harry A. Poeze)

Islam constitutes the perfect and universal religion for a lifetime that has the vision of guiding human beings for better life. Islam is the religion that becomes a blessing for the whole universe. It is in line with the mission of Islamic teachings, which is to protect humans from all the forms of anarchy and injustice. At the level of values, Islam completely models kindness and noble morality as well as prohibits all bad behavior, violence, or cruelty. The dream of ideal morality in Islam is to build the world, in which both Muslims and non-Muslims live in justice, peace, love, and harmony. The dream of morality becomes the responsibility of all elements of society, particularly religious figures and intellectuals to catch moral messages of religion that are able to promote harmonious life in plurality. At this level, character education also possesses a pivotal role in achieving the dream of Islam so that Muslims have pluralistic mindset. As a result, Muslims understand the definition, characteristics, and mission of Islam so that they do not need to bring the name of Islam for the sake of individual, group, or political party. Likewise, there will be no more extreme views that demonstrate the name of Islam aimed at committing the actions of terrorism, in which Islam is regarded as the religion performing terrorism.

Introduction For migrants, the dream of a better life is often expressed by the metaphor of the journey (Papastergiadis 31). Propelled by a variety of forces and choices, migrant life narratives tend to revolve around movement from one place to another, from a homeland associated with cultural and spiritual origins to a hostland which offers new opportunities and possibilities. In many cases, however, their dreams of migrants are deferred; migrants endure hardships and make sacrifices in the hope of a better life for their children. Many studies have explored the social and economic outcomes of the “second” generation – the children of migrants born and raised in the new country. In Australia studies have found, despite some notable exceptions (Betts and Healy; Inglis), that the children of migrants have achieved the economic and social integration their parents dreamed of (Khoo, McDonald, Giorgas, and Birrell). At the same time, however, research has found that the second generation face new challenges, including the negative impact of ethnic and racial discrimination (Dunn, Blair, Bliuc, and Kamp; Jakubowicz, Collins, Reid, and Chafic), the experience of split identities and loyalties (Butcher and Thomas) and a complicated sense of “home” and belonging (Fabiansson; Mason; Collins and Read). In this articles, we explore what the dream of a better life means for second generation migrants, and how that dream might reshape Australia’s multicultural identity. A focus on this generation’s imaginings, visions and hopes for the future is important, we argue, because its distinctive experience, differing from that of other sections of the Australian community in some important ways, needs to be recognised as the nation’s multicultural identity is refashioned in changing circumstances. Unlike their parents, the second generation was born into what is now one of the most diverse countries in the world, with over a quarter (26%) of the population born overseas and a further 23% having at least one parent born overseas (Australian Bureau of Statistics). Unlike their parents, they have come of age in the era of digitally-enabled international communication that has transformed the ways in which people connect. This cohort has a distinctive relationship to the national imaginary. The idea of “multicultural Australia” that was part of the country’s adoption of a multicultural policy framework in the early 1970s was based on a narrative of “old” (white Anglo) Australians “welcoming” (or “tolerating”) “new” (immigrant) Australians (Ang and Stratton; Hage). In this narrative, the second generation, who are Australian born but not “old” Australians and of “migrant background” but not “new” Australians, are largely invisible, setting them apart from both their migrant parents and other, overseas born young Australians of diverse backgrounds, with whom they are often grouped (Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris).In what follows, we aim to contribute to calls for a rethinking of Australian national identity and “culture of interaction” to better reflect the experiences of all citizens (Levey; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson) by focusing on the experiences of the second generation. Taking our cue from Geoffrey Levey, we argue that “it is not the business of government or politicians to complete the definition of what it means to be Australian” and that we should instead look to a sense of national identity that emerges organically from “mundane daily social interaction” (Levey). To this end, we adopt an “everyday multiculturalism” perspective (Wise and Velayutham), “view[ing] situations of co-existence ... as a concrete, specific context of action, in which difference comes across as a constraint ... and as a resource” (Semi, Colombo, Comozzi, and Frisina 67). We see our focus on the second generation as complementary to existing studies that have examined experiences of young Australians of diverse backgrounds through an everyday multiculturalism prism without distinguishing between newly arrived young people and those born in Australia (Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris). We emphasise, however, after Mansouri and Johns, that the second generation’s distinctive cultural and socio-structural challenges and needs – including their distinctive relationship to the idea of “multicultural Australia” – deserve special attention. Like Christina Schachtner, we are cognisant that “faced with the task of giving meaning and direction to their lives, the next generation is increasingly confronted with a need to reconsider the revered values of the present and the past and to reorientate themselves while establishing new meanings” (233; emphasis ours). Like her, we recognise that in the contemporary era, young adults often use digital communicative spaces for the purpose of giving meaning to their lives in the circumstances in which they find themselves (Schachtner 233). Above all, we concur with Hopkins and Dolic when they state that “understanding the processes that inform the creation and maintenance of ... ethnic minority and Australian mainstream identities amongst second-generation young people is critical if these young people are to feel included and recognised, whilst avoiding the alienation and social exclusion that has had such ugly results in other parts of the world (153).In part one, we draw on initial findings from a collaborative empirical study between Swinburne University and the Victorian Multicultural Commission to outline some of the paradoxes and contradictions encountered by a particular – well-educated (currently or recently enrolled at university) and creative (seeking jobs in the media and cultural industries) – segment of the second generation in their attempts to imagine themselves within the frame of “multicultural Australia” (3 focus groups, of 60-90 minutes duration, involving 7-10 participants were conducted over 2018 and 2019). These include feeling more Australian than their parents while not always being seen as “really” Australian by the broader community; embracing diversity but struggling to find a language in which to adequately express it; and acknowledging the progress being made in representing diversity in the mainstream media while not seeing their stories and those of their parents represented there.In part two, we outline future research directions that look to a range of cultural texts and mediated forms of social interactions across popular culture and media in search of new conversations about personal and national identity that could feed into a renewal of a more inclusive understanding of Australian identity.Living and Talking DiversityOur conversations with second generation young Australians confirmed many of the paradoxes and contradictions experienced by young people of diverse backgrounds in the constant traversing of their parents’ and Australian culture captured in previous research (Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Harris). Emblematic of these paradoxes are the complicated ways they relate to “Australian identity,” notably expressed in the tension felt between identifying as “Australian” when overseas and with their parent’s heritage when in Australia. An omnipresent reminder of their provisional status as “Aussies” is questions such as “well I know you’re Australian but what are you really?” As one participant put it: “I identify as Australian, I’m proud of my Australian identity. But in Australia I’m Turkish and that’s just because when someone asks I’m not gonna say ‘oh I’m Australian’ ... I used to live in the UK and if someone asked me there, I was Australian. If someone asks me here, I’m Turkish. So that’s how it is. Turkish, born in Australia”The second generation young people in our study responded to these ambiguities in different ways. Some applied hyphenated labels to themselves, while others felt that identification with the nation was largely irrelevant, documented in existing research (Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris). As one of our participants put it, “I just personally don’t find national identity to be that important or relevant – it’s just another detail about me – I [don’t] think it should affect anything else.” The study also found that our participants had difficulty in finding specific terms to express their identities. For some, trying to describe their identities was “really confusing,” and their thinking changed from day to day. For others, the reason it was hard to express their identities was that the very substance of mundane, daily life “feels very default”. This was the case when many of our participants reported their lived experiences of diversity, whether related to culinary and sport experiences, or simply social interactions with “the people I talk to” and daily train trips where “everyone [of different ethnicities] just rides the train together and doesn’t think twice about it”. As one young person put it, “the default is going around the corner for dinner and having Mongolian beef and pho”. We found that a factor feeding into the ambivalence of articulating Australian identity is the influence – constraining and enabling – of prevailing idioms of identity and difference. Several instances were uncovered in which widely circulating and highly politicised discourses of identity had the effect of shutting down conversation. In particular, the issue of what was “politically correct” language was a touchstone for much of the discussion among the young people in our study. This concern with “appropriate language” created some hesitancy and confusion, as when one person was trying to describe white Australians: “obviously you know Australia’s still a – how do you, you know, I guess I don’t know how to – the appropriate, you know PC language but Australia’s a white country if that makes sense you know”. Other participants were reluctant to talk about cultural groups and their shared characteristics at all, seeing such statements as potentially racist. In contrast to this feeling of restricted discourse, we found many examples of our participants playing and repurposing received vocabularies. As reported in other research, the young people used ideas about origin, race and ethnicity in loose and shifting ways (Back; Butcher). In some cases, in contrast to fears of “racist” connotations of identifying individuals by their cultural background, the language of labels and shorthand descriptors was used as a lingua franca for playful, albeit not unproblematic, negotiations across cultural boundaries. One participant reported being called one of “The Turks” in classes at university. His response expressed the tensions embedded in this usage, finding it stereotyping but ultimately affectionate. As he expressed it, “it’s like, ‘I have a personality, guys.’ But that was okay, it was endearing, they were all with it”. Another finding highlighted more fraught issues that can be raised when existing identity categories are transposed from contexts strongly marked by historically specific circumstances into unrelated contexts. This was the case of a university classmate saying of another Turkish participant that he “was the black guy of the class because … [he] was the darkest”. The circulation of “borrowed” discourses – particularly, as in this case, from the USA – is notable in the digital era, and the broader implications of such usage among people who are not always aware of the connotations of a discourse that is deeply rooted in a particular history and culture, are yet to be fully examined (Lester). The study also shed some light on the struggles the young people in our study encountered in finding a language in which to describe their identities and relationship to “Australianness”. When asked if they thought others would consider them to be “Australian”, responses revealed a spectrum ranging from perceived rejection to an ill-defined and provisional inclusion. One person reported – despite having been born and lived in Australia all their life – that “I don’t think I would ever be called Australian from Australian people – from white Australian people”. Another thought that it was not possible to generalise about being considered Australians by the broader community, as “some do, some don’t”. Again, responses varied. While for some it was a source of unease, for others the distancing from “Australianness” was not experienced negatively, as in the case of the participant who said of being singled out as “different” from the Anglo-Celtic mainstream, “I actually don’t mind that … I’ve got something that a lot of white Australians males don’t have”.A connected finding was the continuing presence of, often subtle but clearly registered, racism. The second generation young people in the study were very conscious of the ways in which experiences of racism they encountered differed from – and represented an improvement on – that of their parents. Drawing an intergenerational contrast between the explicit racism their parents were often subjected to and their own experiences of what they frequently referred to as microaggressions, they mostly saw progress occurring on this front. Another sign of progress they observed was in relation to their own propensity to reject exclusionary thinking, as when they suggested that their parents’ generation are more likely to make “assumptions about culture” based on people’s “outward appearance” which they found problematic because “everyone’s everywhere”. While those cultural faux pas were judged as “well-meaning” and even justified by not “growing up in a culturally diverse setting”, they are at odds with young people’s own experiences and understanding of diversity.The final major finding to emerge from the study was the widespread view that mainstream media fails to represent their lives. Again, our participants acknowledged the progress that has been made over recent decades and applauded moves towards greater representation of non-Anglo-Celtic communities in mainstream free-to-air programming. But the vast majority reported that their experiences are not represented. The sentiment that “I’d love to see someone who looks like me on TV more – on a really basic level – I’d like to see someone who looks like my Dad” was shared by many. What remained missing – and motivated many of the young people in our study to embark on filmmaking careers – was content that reflected their local, place-based lifestyles and the intergenerational dynamics of migrated families that is the fabric of their lives. When asked if Australian media content reflected their experience, one participant put it bluntly: “if I felt like it did, I wouldn’t be actively trying to make documentaries and films about it”.Dreaming DiversityThe findings of the study confirmed earlier research highlighting the ambiguities encountered by second generation Australians who are demographically, emotionally and culturally marked by their parents’ experiences of migration even as they forge their post-migration futures. On the one hand, they reported an allegiance to the Australian nation and recognised that in many ways that they are more part of its fabric than their parents. On the other hand, they reported a number of situations in which they feel marginalised and not “really” Australian, as when they are asked “where are you really from” and when they do not see their stories represented in the mainstream media. In particular, the study highlighted the tensions involved in describing personal and Australian identity, revealing the struggle the second generation often experience in their attempts to express the complexity of their identifications and sense of belonging. As we see it, the lack of recognition of being “really” Australian felt by the young people in our study and their view that mainstream media does not sufficiently represent their experience are connected. Underlying both is a status quo in which the normative Australian is Anglo-Celtic. To help shift this prevailing view of the normative Australian, we endorse earlier calls for a research program centred on analyses of a range of cultural texts and mediated forms of social interactions in search of new conversations about Australian identity. Media, both public and commercial, have the potential to be key agents for community building and identity formation. From radio and television programs through to online discussion forums and social media, media have provided platforms for creating collective imagination and a sense of belonging, including in the context of migration in Australia (Sinclair and Cunningham; Johns; Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg). By supplying symbolic resources through which cultural differences and identities are represented and circulated, they can offer up opportunities for societal reflection, scrutiny and self-interpretation. As a starting point, for example, three current popular media formats that depict or are produced by second-generation Australians lend themselves to such a multi-sited analysis. The first is internet forums in which second generation young people share their quotidian experiences of “bouncing between both cultures in our lives” (Wu and Yuan), often in humorous forms. As the popularity of Subtle Asian Traits and its offshoot Subtle Curry Traits have indicated, these sites tap into the hunger among the Asian diaspora for increased media visibility. The second is the work of comedians, including those who self-identify as of migrant descent. The politics of stereotyping and racial jokes and the difference between them has been a subject of considerable research, including into television comedy productions which are important because of their potential audience reach and ensuing post-viewing conversations (Zambon). The third is a new generation of television programs which are set in situations of diversity without being heralded as “about” diversity. A key case is the television drama series The Heights, first screened on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation in Australia in 2019, which explores the relationships between the residents of a social housing tower and the people who live in the rapidly gentrifying community that surrounds it in the melting pot of urban Australia. These examples represent a diverse range of cultural expressions – created informally and spontaneously (Subtle Asian Traits, Subtle Curry Traits), fashioned by individuals working in the entertainment industry (comedians), and produced professionally and broadcast on national TV networks (The Heights). What unites them is an engagement with the novel forms of belonging that postwar migration has produced (Papastergiadis 20) and an attempt to communicate and represent the lived experience of contemporary Australian diversity, including negotiated dreams and aspirations for the future. We propose a systematic analysis of the new languages of identity and difference that their efforts to represent the evolving patterns and circumstances of diversity in Australia are bringing forth. Conclusions To dream in the context of migration implies, more often than not, the prospect of a better material life in an adopted country. Instead, through the notion of “dreaming diversity”, we foreground the dreams, expectations and imaginations for the future of the Australian second generation which centre on carving out their cultural place in the nation.The empirical research we presented paints a picture of the second generation's paradoxical and contradictory experiences as they navigate the shifting landscape of Australia’s multicultural society. It gives a glimpse of the challenges and hopes they encounter as well as the direction of their attempts to negotiate their place within “Australian identity”. Finally, it highlights the need for a more expansive conversation and language in which that identity can be expressed. A language in which to talk – not just about the many cultures that make up the nation, but also to each other from within them – will be crucial to facilitate the deeper intercultural understanding and engagement many young people aspire to. Our ambition is not to codify a register of approved terms, and even less to formulate a new official discourse for use in multicultural policy documents. It is rather to register, crystalise and expand a discussion around difference and identity that is emerging from everyday interactions of Australians and foster a more committed conversation attuned to contemporary realities and communicative spaces where those interactions take place. In search of a richer vocabulary in which Australian identity might be reimagined, we have identified a research program that will explore emerging ways of talking about difference and identity across a range of cultural and media formats about or by the second generation. While arguing for the significance of the languages and idioms that are emerging in the spaces that young people inhabit, we recognise that, no less than other demographics, second-generation Australians are influenced by circulating narratives and categories in which (national) identity is discussed (Harris 15), including official conceptions and prevailing discourses of identity politics which are often encountered online and through popular culture. Our point is that the dreams, visions and imaginaries of second generation Australians, who will be among the key actors in fashioning Australia’s multicultural futures, are an important element of reimagining Australia’s multiculturalism even if those discourses may be partial, ambivalent or fragmented. We see this research program as building on and extending the tradition of sociological and cultural analyses of popular culture, media and cultural diversity and contributing to a more robust and systematic catalogue of multicultural narratives across different popular formats, genres, and production arrangements characteristic of the diversified media landscape. We have focused on the Australian “new second generation” (Zhou and Bankston), coming of age in the early 21st century, as a significant but under-researched group in the belief that their narratives of aspirations and dreams will be a crucial component of discursive innovations and practical programs for social change.ReferencesAustralian Bureau of Statistics. “The Way We Live Now.” 2017. 1 Mar. 2020 <https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/2024.0>.Ang, Ien, Jeffrey E. Brand, Greg Noble, and Jason Sternberg. Connecting Diversity: Paradoxes of Multicultural Australia. Artarmon: Special Broadcasting Service Corporation, 2006.Back, L., P. Cohen, and M. Keith. “Between Home and Belonging: Critical Ethnographies of Race, Place and Identity.” Finding the Way Home: Young People’s Stories of Gender, Ethnicity, Class and Places in Hamburg and London. Ed. N. Räthzel. 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DOI: 10.1177/0163443716663640.AcknowledgmentsThe empirical data reported here was drawn from Zooming In: Multiculturalism through the Lens of the Next Generation, a research collaboration between Swinburne University and the Victorian Multicultural Commission exploring contemporary perspectives on diversity among young Australians through their filmmaking practice, led by Chief Investigators Dr Glenda Ballantyne (Department of Social Sciences) and Dr Vincent Giarusso (Department of Film and Animation). We wish to thank Liam Wright and Alexa Scarlata for their work as Research Assistants on this project, and particularly the participants who shared their stories. Special thanks also to the editors of this special issue and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful feedback on an earlier version of this article. FundingZooming In: Multiculturalism through the Lens of the Next Generation has been generously supported by the Victorian Multicultural Commission, which we gratefully acknowledge.