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Journal articles on the topic 'Missions to Muslims – History'
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1
Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Images of Islam: American Missionary and Arab Perspectives." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 1 (April 2016): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0135.
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This article examines the story of Protestant missions in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ottoman Syria, a region of the Ottoman Empire that included present day Syria and Lebanon. It moves the study of the American Syria Mission away from Euro-centric modes of historiography, first, by adding to the small body of recent scholarship on Arab Protestantism and mission schools in Syria. Second, it focuses on Islam and Christian–Muslim relations in Syrian missionary history, a topic that has received little scholarly attention. Arguing that Muslims played an active part in this history even when they resisted missionary overtures, the article considers the perspectives of Syrian Muslims alongside images of Islam in American and Syrian Protestant publications. By pointing to the interreligious collaboration between Syrian Christian and Muslim intellectuals and the respect many Syrian Protestant writers exhibited for the Islamic tradition, this article questions assumptions of innate conflict between Muslims and Christians in the Middle East.
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Mao, Yufeng. "A Muslim Vision for the Chinese Nation: Chinese Pilgrimage Missions to Mecca during World War II." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000088.
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In the late 1930s, three groups of Sino-Muslims went on hajj trips to Mecca. Two of them represented the Republic of China, while one represented the puppet government in Japanese-occupied North China. Reflecting the political importance of the Muslim population in the Sino-Japanese struggle, each group engaged in propaganda efforts for its government. However the Sino-Muslims who participated in these missions were not merely the passive pawns of Chinese authorities. Rather, archival material and published sources in Chinese and Arabic show that Sino-Muslims actively used these missions to advance a vision of the Chinese nation in which Muslims would play an important role in domestic and foreign affairs. This vision was based on a particular understanding of global politics which allowed Sino-Muslim elites to reconcile the transnational characteristic of Islam with loyalty to the territorially bound “Chinese nation.”
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Salem, Salem A. "Muslims and Christians Face to Face." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2187.
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Muslims and Christians Face to Face is an academic research work thatobserves the various response of Muslims to Christianity and Christians toIslam. It is written by Kate Zebiri, who is a lecturer in Arabic and IslamicStudies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.In the first chapter, "Factors Influencing Muslim-Christian Relations," Zebiridiscusses the four factors that affect Mu Jim and Christian perceptions of eachother.The first factor is what the Qur'an says about Christians and Christianity, andthe way in which the Qur'anic material has been interpreted. With regards to thisfactor the author discusses the Qur'anic awareness of religious plurality, theQur'anic perception of Jesus, the earthly end of Jesus in the Qur'an, and what theQur'anic verses say about the salvation of the People of the Book in the hereafter.Moreover, Zebiri tries to draw attention to the difference between what theQur'an says about Christians and Christianity, and the way in which the Qur'anicmaterial has been interpreted, and the difference between the commentators' andjurists' positions toward Christianity, in both the classic and contemporary periods.The second factor is the history of Muslim-Christian relations and the affectof historical memory. Here the author describes the relation between the ArabMuslim conquest and the Byzantine Christian Empire; the situation ofChristians under Muslim rule; the affect of the Crusades on the Muslims' attitudesto Christianity; the development of the Christian attitude to Islam fromignorance during the European Christendom, to anti-Muslim polemic attitude toconduct studies on Islam based on reliable sources after the Renaissance, tousing Islam as a theme in internal Christian polemic during the time of theReformation, to admiring Islam for its own sake in the Enlightenment; and finally,the attitude of both liberal and conservative Christians to Islam today.The third factor is the relationship between Christian missions and imperialismand the influence this has on the Muslim attitude toward Christianity today.With regards to this factor, the author explores the interrelationship betweenColonialism and Christian missions, and how it has been implanted in theMuslim consciousness and become part of the anti-Western discourse.The fourth factor is Christian and Muslim views on dialogue. In this pare theauthor shows the Christian acknowledgment of Islam as a result of the Christianecumenical movement She states that Muslims have been slow to initiate andparticipate in organized dialogue. In addition, she mentions that many Christiansand Muslims see dialogue as antithetical to their mission or da'wah, believingthat one compromises the other ...
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Sharkey, Heather J. "An Egyptian in China: Ahmed Fahmy and the Making of “World Christianities”." Church History 78, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070900050x.
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Ahmed Fahmy, who was born in Alexandria, Egypt, in 1861 and died in Golders Green, London, in 1933, was the most celebrated convert from Islam to Christianity in the history of the American Presbyterian mission in Egypt. American Presbyterians had started work in Egypt in 1854 and soon developed the largest Protestant mission in the country. They opened schools, hospitals, and orphanages; sponsored the development of Arabic Christian publishing and Bible distribution; and with local Egyptians organized evangelical work in towns and villages from Alexandria to Aswan. In an age when Anglo-American Protestant missions were expanding across the globe, they conceived of their mission as a universal one and sought to draw Copts and Muslims alike toward their reformed (that is, Protestant) creed. In the long run, American efforts led to the creation of an Egyptian Evangelical church (Kanisa injiliyya misriyya) even while stimulating a kind of “counter-reformation” within Coptic Orthodoxy along with new forms of social outreach among Muslim activists and nationalists.
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Smither, Edward L. "Explaining the Trinity to Muslims and Jews in Medieval Christian Mission: Lessons from the “Life of Cyril”." International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 2 (January 17, 2017): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939316672967.
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Cyril (ca. 826–69) is remembered in Christian and mission history for the celebrated Slavic mission. What is less emphasized, however, and the focus of this article, is Cyril’s prior mission work among Arab Muslims in Samarra (modern Iraq) and among the Khazars (in present-day southern Russia), which included both Jews and Muslims. In this article, I analyze how Cyril the philosopher presented the Gospel, Christ, and the Trinity and responded to the queries of these medieval Muslim and Jewish thinkers. What characterized Cyril’s approach to mission? Finally, what principles might be recovered for presenting historic Christian doctrine in mission today, particularly in Muslim contexts?
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Colombo, Emanuele. "“Infidels” at Home." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (March 12, 2014): 192–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00102003.
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Drawing from published and unpublished Jesuit sources—treatises, handbooks, reports, and letters—this article explores the Jesuit apostolate to Muslim slaves in Naples and in different cities of Spain during the seventeenth century. Under the blanket of missionary rhetoric, a Jesuit viewpoint not otherwise available is found in these sources, which highlight their missionary methods and strategies and clarify the special status of the apostolate to Muslim slaves in the Jesuit mind. While Europe was the setting of missions to Muslim slaves, and the missions were considered a variation of the so-called popular missions, they were often charged with a deeper symbolic value. Because the missionaries’ interlocutors were “infidels,” so different in their culture and in their habits, Jesuits used forms of accommodation extremely similar to those they used in the missions overseas. Converting Muslim slaves in Naples or in Spain was conceived by Jesuits as an alternative and effective way to go on a mission “even among Turks,” as the Jesuit Formula of the Institute stated, despite never leaving European kingdoms for Ottoman lands. Located between the missions overseas, where Jesuits converted the “infidels” in distant lands, and the missions in Europe, where they attempted to save the souls of baptized people who lacked religious education, were “other Indies,” where Jesuits could encounter, convert, and baptize the “infidels” at home.
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Mujiburrahman, M. "State Policies on Religious Diversity in Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 46, no. 1 (June 27, 2008): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2008.461.101-123.
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This article discusses how Indonesian state manages its religious diversity. The state policies on religious diversity cannot be understood without analyzing the history of how the founding fathers decided to choose Indonesia as neither secular nor Islamic country, but somewhere between the two. The author discusses three topics, namely the recognized religions, muslim's fear of christianization, and dialogue and inter-religious harmony. Based on the Decree No.1/1965, Confucianism was one of six religions recognized by the state. However, in the Soeharto era, around 1979, this religion was dropped from the list, and only after his fall Confucianism has been rehabilitated, and even the Chinese New Year has been included as one of the national holidays in Indonesia. In terms of muslim-christian relations, there were tensions since 1960s, particularly dealt with the issue of the high number of Muslims who converted to Christianity. It was in this situation that in 1967 a newly built Methodist Church in Meulaboh, Aceh, was closed by Muslims, arguing that the Church was a concrete example of the aggressiveness of Christian missions because it was built in a Muslim majority area. Since the Meulaboh case, the Muslims consistently insisted the government to accommodate their four demands: (1) restriction on establishing new places of worship; (2) restriction onreligious propagation, and control of foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) Islamic religion classes should be given to Muslim students studying in Christian schools; (5) inter-religious marriage should not be allowed. Apart from these contested issues, the government and religious leaders have been trying to avoid conflict and to establish cooperation and peace among religious groups in the country through inter-religious dialogues, either organized by the government or sponsored by the leaders of religious groups themselves. The author argues that specific socio-political contexts should be taken into consideration to understand state policies making concerning religious diversity. Hence, all debates and compromises achieved afterwards usually do not go beyond the neither secular nor Islamic compromise.
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Horn, Karen. "The Scottish Catholic Mission Stations in Bauchi Province, Nigeria: 1957-1970." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 2 (2010): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x499877.
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AbstractIn 1963 the Archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh, Gordon Joseph Gray, asked for volunteers to staff a mission station in the Bauchi province in the north of Nigeria. By the end of 1969 the Bauchi experiment was deemed a success; however, the process of establishing the mission was littered with complications. Not only had this station been abandoned by the Society of African Missions since 1957, it was also firmly located in an Islam-dominated area where Catholic priests had to compete not only with Muslims but also with American Protestant missionaries and indigenous religions. To make matters worse, the years between 1963 and 1970 included two coups and a civil war during which religion became the focus of much of the violence. This article looks at the correspondence between Archbishop Gray and the volunteers in Bauchi in order to provide insight into how the missionaries experienced their task of establishing a Scottish Catholic presence an area others considered too hostile.
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Kozelsky, Mara. "A Borderland Mission: The Russian Orthodox Church in the Black Sea Region." Russian History 40, no. 1 (2013): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04001007.
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Turning to the Russian Empire’s southern borders, Mara Kozelsky assesses Orthodox missions in the provinces of “New Russia” on the northern coast of the Black Sea with a focus on the work of Archbishop Innokentii (Borisov) in the mid-nineteenth century and his attempts to strengthen Orthodoxy in this ethnically and confessionally diverse region. Kozelsky argues that Orthodox leaders saw the Orthodox faith, rather than language or culture, as the key to assimilation into the empire, but that they respected the juridical stature of Muslims and various Protestant groups and worked around rights given to Catholics after the 1847 concordat with Rome. Some success came of Innokenty’s efforts among the Russian sectarians and Old Believers, but mission work among the Crimean Tatars and Protestant colonists were largely fruitless. In the end, “Christianizing” the region came not so much from individual conversions as from reconstructing the region’s Christian past and promoting large public celebrations that drew upon centuries of Byzantine history and the Christian past of the region to promote a Christian identity for the region.
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Ramachandran, Jayakumar. "Conversion Agenda and Secularism: An Analysis from Christian Missions in India and Nepal." Mission Studies 34, no. 3 (October 9, 2017): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341523.
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Abstract This article is an attempt to understand how Hindus perceive and respond to the conversions of people in India and Nepal to Christian faith and to find a way in which the evangelicals may fulfill their mission mandate in a pluralistic context in which conflicts and challenges are imbedded. For this purpose, a panoramic presentation of the political realities, classified communities of Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity, and the views and perceptions of Hindus, Muslims, and Christians toward conversions in India and Nepal, is presented in the first part. This section is followed by a theological and biblical analysis with a word study on conversion and discipleship. The last section of this article is a brief presentation of unethical practices involved in conversion events which cause adverse reactions from other religious adherents. The paper concludes with suggestions to Christians as to how they should execute the commission of the Lord of the Bible in the prevailing religious, political, and social contexts of Nepal and India.
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Pieri, Zacharias. "Daily Ritual, Mission, and the Transformation of the Self: the Case of Tablighi Jamaat." Numen 66, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 360–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341544.
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AbstractTablighi Jamaat (TJ) is Islam’s largest movement, with estimates of up to 80 million Muslims taking part in its activities. Having originated on the Indian subcontinent, TJ has expanded to have a strong presence across the globe. Traditionally, TJ is known for bringing lapsed Muslims back to a stricter understanding of Islam and the recommendation that its male (and to an increasing extent also its female) members spend a certain portion of time each year working on the “path of Allah” — that is, on missionary activities. Tablighi leaders are conscious that participation in the movement impacts not only those who are the targets of missionary activity but also those who are doing the missionizing, having a powerful effect upon the formation of selfhoods. TJ also emphasizes the importance of imitating the Prophet Muhammad, and members are encouraged to ritualize every aspect of their life in accordance with the Prophet’s example. The ritualization of everyday practices, a focus on purity and mission, combined with textual (re)interpretation, contribute to individual and collective identity construction among members of TJ. For TJ, the formation of modern Muslim selfhoods is of vital importance, as they believe that an identity centered on an authentic form of Islam can protect Muslims in a fast-changing world.
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Djazimah, Nurul. "MENCARI WARISAN NABI DI INDONESIA DALAM PERSPEKTIF SEJARAH." Jurnal Studia Insania 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jsi.v3i1.1105.
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Indonesia is a country with the world’s third largest population; about 90 percent of the population is Muslims. The history of the Islam in this country can be traced back to descendants of the prophet Muhammad. They played an important role in disseminating Islamic teachings in the archipelago. Until now descandants of the prophet still engage in Islamic preaching activities, understanding the legacy of the prophet from historical perspective is instructive, for that will help clarify the making of Muslim civilition in the archipelago. The prophet sent his companions to the area now known as Indonesia. His predecesors continued this tradition of sending companions in preaching missions nost notably in the time Utsman ibn Affan. The Islamic spiritual link with Indonesia was concrete: one preserved clothing of the prophet and a flag used in one of this own battles were given to the Sultan of Banten as gifts. Indeed, the community of Islamic believers shares the legacy of the prophet regardless of their orgins. Most prominently among them have been the Islamic preachers and Muslim warriors.
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Timofeev, Pavel. "French Council of the Muslim Faith: Hardships of the Integration Mission." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015965-0.
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The article is devoted to the emergence and development of the French Council of the Muslim Faith — a special structure for France, designed to be a mediator between French Muslims and the state. The author shows the conditions for the FCMF establishment in 2003 and the ups and downs of its evolution under the four French presidents — from Chirac to Macron. The article analyzes FCMF strengths and weaknesses, highlights its main hardships, hindering the growth of its influence in society. The author concludes that FCMF mission is far from being accomplished but the government's solution of key problems — creating a system for training French imams and achieving transparent funding - will strengthen the role of the FCMF in the state's dialogue with Muslims in France.
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Rymatzki, Christoph. "Johann Heinrich Callenberg’s Arabic Publications of De Veritate to the Conversion of Jews and Moslems." Grotiana 33, no. 1 (2012): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03300004.
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In the missionary activities that Halle theologians developed in the first half of the 18th century Grotius’ De veritate plays an interesting role that deserves exploration. To that purpose, the history and nature of the publication of missionary tracts in Halle will be surveyed, the role therein of Johann Heinrich Callenberg and his Institutum Judaicum at Muhammedicum described and the distribution and reception of the texts among the Muslims and Jews that were the target of the Halle missions all over the world summarized and analysed. It is suggested that Grotius’ De veritate, which was an atypical piece of apology in the Halle pietist setting, stands out among the other literature for its efficacy in the missionary process, due to its non-dogmatic character.
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Hamilton, Bernard, and Benjamin Z. Kedar. "Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859696.
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Bature Darma, Dikko. "Exploring the Theological and Practical Implications of Contextualization Among Muslims." Journal of Usuluddin 49, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/usuluddin.vol49no1.8.
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The greatest missionary challenge throughout the church history is ministering to the Muslims. Previously, different approaches have been employed by the church with different settings; however, they yield little or no results at all. The need to address the challenge of Islam is ardent among Christian missionaries: therefore, in their struggle to propagate Christianity among Muslims as well as to maintain its diminishing number of followers, missionaries have been in search of new methods for Muslim outreach. Their newest discovery is the contextual approach that has been much debated in so many theological books and journals that explain its theological and practical implications. However, the methods of contextualization are said to have been successfully employed for missionary activities in some parts of the Muslim world and it has imparted to the Christian mission further significance and validity. To this end, at some level contextualization was rather accepted in regards to outreach to Muslims. This paper attempts to discuss the theological and practical implications of this new method of ‘contextualization’ in its various approaches and to see the element, if any, that distinguishes it from the former missiological methodologies of ‘Inculturation,’ ‘Identification,’ ‘Indigenization’ or ‘Vernacularization’ etc.
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Bolaji, M. H. A. "Secularism and State Neutrality: The 2015 Muslim Protest of Discrimination in the Public Schools in Ghana." Journal of Religion in Africa 48, no. 1-2 (December 7, 2018): 65–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340123.
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AbstractPluralism is a discernible feature of many modern states. However, among the variants of pluralism, religious pluralism appears to be the most intractable in many modern states because faiths and values underpin the conflicts that are associated with it. As one of the legacies of the Enlightenment, secularism is a normative prescription for managing religious pluralism. Nevertheless, while many African states profess to be secular, more often than not there are no concrete strategies to objectify the secular arrangement thereby provoking questions on the status quo. Such was the case with the 2015 Muslims’ protest of discrimination in the public basic and second cycles schools in Ghana. Through primary (interviews and archival and historical documents) and secondary data, this paper examines the protest in light of the secularist arrangement. It first reviews the contours of the secularist’s lenses. Second, it historicizes Muslim-Christian relations in Ghana. It also analyzes the checkered partnership between the state and the Christian missions in the provision of education. Moreover, it evaluates the debates that ensued and the ambivalent communiqué that the National Peace Council (NPC) issued. The paper concludes with a note that underscores the dynamics and tensions that characterize many plural societies in their attempt to objectify the secularist principle.
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Chaffee, John. ""Diasporic Identities in the Historical Development of the Maritime Muslim Communities of Song-yuan China"." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, no. 4 (2006): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852006779048408.
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AbstractThe Muslim communities that flourished in the ports of southeastern China c. 10th-14th centuries AD were part of a trade diaspora that played a central role in the commercial life of maritime Asia. In contrast to past treatments which portray these communities as essentially static entities, this paper proposes a tripartite periodization. In the first (c. 907-1020), trade and merchants were concentrated in Guangzhou, with frequent tribute missions playing a major role. In the second (1020-1279), maritime trade involved multiple ports and free trade under the supervision of the maritime trade superintendencies, and the Muslim communities became increasingly integrated into the society of southeastern China. In the third period (1279-1368), preferential Mongol policies towards Muslims significantly altered the nature of the communities and their diasporic identity. Les communautés musulmanes qui se sont épanouies dans les ports de la Chine du sud-est des 10th-14th siècles faisaient partie d'une diaspora commerciale qui a joué un rôle central dans la vie commerciale de l'Asie maritime. Contrairement aux traitements passés qui dépeignent ces communautés en tant qu'essentiellement entités statiques, cet article propose un periodization triple. Dans la premiere période (c. 907-1020), le commerce et les n eacute;gociants ont été concentrés dans Guangzhou, avec des missions fréquentes d'hommage jouant un rôle important. Dans la deuxième period (1020-1279), le commerce maritime a impliquéles ports multiples et le libre échange, quoique sous la surveillance des surintendances du commerce maritime, et les communautés musulmanes est devenu de plus en plus intégré dans la société de la Chine du sud-est. Dans la troisième période (1279-1368), les politiques mongoliennes préférentielles envers des musulmans ont changéde manière signi fi cative la nature des communautés et de leur identité diasporic.
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Israeli, Raphael. "The Cross Battles the Crescent One Century of Missionary Work Among Chinese Muslims (1850–1950)." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012671.
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Much has been written and published about Christianity in China, less has been known about the particular interest that the Mission had evinced toward the Muslims of China, much less has been recorded about the Muslim reactions to this activity, and almost nothing has been concluded in terms of the dialectical interaction between Christianity and Islam in that part of the world.
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Alam, Muzaffar. "III. Competition and Co-existence: Indo-Islamic Interaction in Medieval North India." Itinerario 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004149.
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The study of Islam and Muslims in relation to local non-Muslim population and their religious beliefs and social practices in medieval India has often tended to be conducted eventually along two lines, seemingly opposed to each other. On the one hand, there are communal historians who have reduced the history of medieval India into the conflict between Hindus and Muslims, which they have projected as having resulted from their divergent religious outlooks. The period was Islamic in their view, and the state a conversion machinery and an organ to bring Hindus under the hegemony of Islam. This was a mission in which the state could not succeed fully, largely because of ‘Hindu’ resistance. On the other hand, there are a large number of ‘liberal’ historians to whom the hallmark of medieval Indian society has been an amity between the two communities, the various tensions and encounters over economic and political matters notwithstanding. The medieval period, in the opinion of such historians, saw the evolution and efflorescence of a composite culture to which medieval rulers, nobles, sufis and Persian and Urdu poets contributed significantly. The later animosity between Hindus and Muslims and clashes over religious matters, they argued, were the handiwork of the British.
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Speight, R. Marston. "Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims. Benjamin A. Kedar." History of Religions 25, no. 2 (November 1985): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463037.
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Armijo, Jackie. "Review Essays." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1599.
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Books Reviewed: Sachiko Murata, Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light: Wang Taiyu’s“Great Learning of the Pure and Real” and Liu Chih’s “Displaying theConcealment of the Real Realm.”Albany: SUNY Press, 2000; Maria Jaschokand Shui Jingjun, The History of Women’s Mosques in Chinese Islam: AMosque of Their Own. Richmond, UK: Curzon Press, 2000; Jean A. Berlie,Islam in China: Hui and Uyghurs between Modernization and Sinicization.Bangkok: White Lotus, 2004; Sheila Hollihan-Elliot, Muslims in China.Philadelphia: Mason Crest Publishers, 2006.With a population conservatively estimated at 20 million (and, according tosome sources, as high as 50 million), the Muslims of China remain one ofthe least studied and most misunderstood Muslim communities in theworld. After decades of relative neglect, however, over the past few yearsseveral books have been published that seek to shed light on differentaspects of the historic, religious, and contemporary lives of China’s Muslims.This review essay will survey four recent works written by a wide range ofscholars.Research on Islam in China has been hindered by many factors, includingthe difficulty of gaining expertise in both Chinese studies and Islamicstudies, learning both modern and classical Chinese and Arabic, the longstandingprejudices of Han Chinese scholars regarding the country’s minoritypeoples, together with the similarly long-standing prejudices of manywestern scholars regarding Islam. The earliest major work on the Muslimcommunities of China was published in 1910, by Marshall Broomhall of theChina Inland Mission. Titled Islam in China: A Neglected Problem, its mainpurpose was to educate Christian missionaries in China about the location,customs, and history of the indigenous Muslims in order to facilitate proselytizationactivities among them ...
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Grenet, Mathieu. "Muslim Missions to Early Modern France, c.1610-c.1780: Notes for a Social History of Cross-Cultural Diplomacy." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 2-3 (April 21, 2015): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342458.
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This essay challenges traditional views on cross-cultural diplomacy by making the case for a social history of “Muslim” missions to early modern France. Calling for both a deeper understanding of the historical phenomenon and a broad reassessment of the research strategies at stake, it points to some hitherto unexplored issues, such as the lengthy duration of these missions, the many social interactions between Muslim envoys and French people, and the rather unspectacular nature of the “Oriental” presence even in inland regions of Europe distant from royal courts and capital cities. The essay stresses the necessity of taking a longer view of the presence and reception of foreign envoys, while also arguing against traditional court-centric perspectives in order to challenge the monolithic picture of cross-cultural exchanges as happening between two discrete cultural entities. Finally, advocating for a more fluid approach to these contacts and relations, it calls for a better understanding of the role of French royal interpreters in articulating figures and motifs of otherness.
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Korytko, Oleg. "The Quranic concept of al-samad, history of its Greek translations, and correlation with the “Eternal God" in Slavic liturgical texts." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2020): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.5.34455.
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The author examines the history of emergence of the controversial translation of “Eternal God” in the Slavic liturgical ceremony of the acceptance of Muslims into Orthodoxy; as well as reviews canonical texts and refers to the relevant scientific data to describe the known facts on the sources of the origin of this concept. Special attention is given to the problem of interpretation of the Islamic doctrine by John of Damascus, Theodore Abū Qurrah, Niketas Choniates, Bartholomew of Edessa, who had a remarkable impact upon the Byzantine perception of Islam. Leaning on the history of interpretation of the fundamental Quranic concept al-samad, the author provides a cross-section of the Orthodox – Muslim relations that have evolved over several centuries. The article demonstrates that the interpretation of the corresponding Quranic passage in the Christian polemical texts took the path of distortion and loose interpretation of the Islamic doctrine. The authentic Islamic description of al-samad along with the research dedicated to etymology of this word and its ancient pre-Islamic meaning are presented. The question is raised on the existence of various Slavic revisions of liturgical ceremony of acceptance of Muslims into Orthodoxy, since the initial centuries of the Christian mission on the Slavic lands until the amended versions of text emerged in the Russian Empire in the late XIX – early XX centuries, which expelled this term from circulation as improper.
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Skinner, David E. "Conversion to Islam and the Promotion of ‘Modern’ Islamic Schools in Ghana." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 4 (2013): 426–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341264.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the transformation of Islamic education frommakaranta(schools for the study of the Qurʾān) to what are called English/Arabic schools, which combine Islamic studies with a British curriculum taught in the English language. These schools were initially founded in coastal Ghana during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, primarily by missionaries who had converted from Christianity and had had English-language education or by agents of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission based in London. The purposes of these schools were to provide instruction to allow young people to be competitive in the colonial, Christian-influenced social and economic structure, and to promote conversion to Islam among the coastal populations. New Islamic missionary organizations developed throughout the colonial and postcolonial eras to fulfill these purposes, and English/Arabic schools were integrated into the national educational system by the end of the twentieth century. Indigenous and transnational governmental organizations competed by establishing schools in order to promote Islamic ideas and practices and to integrate Ghanaian Muslims into the wider Muslim world.
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Kasman, Suf. "KOMUNIKASI POLITIK NABI MUHAMMAD SAW TERHADAP PERJANJIAN HUDAIBIYAH (ANALISIS SURAT PERJANJIAN HUDAIBIYAH DALAM PERSPEKTIF JURNALISTIK)." Jurnal Dakwah Tabligh 20, no. 1 (July 10, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/jdt.v20i1.9528.
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This is the art of diplomacy (rather politics itself) and in the history of mankind the treaty of Hudaibiyah is one of the most perfect paradigm of this art. It was for a reason that Allah referred to it as a “manifest victory” and a “mighty help”. The backbone of treaties concluded between Muslims and non-Muslims in the pre-modern era.This research is to investigate Prophet Muhammad pattern of communicating withindividuals and masses. Hudaibiyah treaty between Prophet Muhammad and Qoraish was a beginning of a newphase in the prophet’s journey to accomplish his mission and preach his call for thedivine faith to all nations. The prophet planned to spread the message of Islam beyond Arabia.
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Thomson, Steven K. "Christianity, Islam, and ‘The Religion of Pouring’: Non-linear Conversion in a Gambia/Casamance Borderland." Journal of Religion in Africa 42, no. 3 (2012): 240–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341232.
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AbstractThe twentieth-century religious history of the Kalorn (Karon Jolas) in the Alahein River Valley of the Gambia/Casamance border cannot be reduced to a single narrative. Today extended families include Muslims, Christians, and practitioners of the traditionalAwasena‘religion of pouring’. A body of funeral songs highlights the views of those who resisted pressure toward conversion to Islam through the 1930s, ’40s and ’50s. The introduction of a Roman Catholic mission in the early 1960s created new social and economic possibilities that consolidated an identity that stood as an alternative to the Muslim-Mandinka model. This analysis emphasizes the equal importance of both macropolitical and economic factors and the more proximal effects of reference groups in understanding religious conversion. Finally, this discussion of the origins of religious pluralism within a community grants insight into how conflicts along religious lines have been defused.
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Waltz, James. "Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims. Benjamin Z. Kedar." Speculum 61, no. 2 (April 1986): 431–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854067.
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Johnston, David. "Christian and Muslim Dialogues." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1162.
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In his first book David Bertaina, assistant professor of religion in the Universityof Illinois’ History Department (Springfield), makes an important contributionto our knowledge of Christian-Muslim relations in the first fivecenturies of the Islamic era. Also a scholar with the Institute of Catholic Culturein McLean, VA, he is critical of many interreligious dialogues today, asthey tend to be straightjacketed by liberal ideals of tolerance and neutrality.The result is that, unlike the robust and dynamic dialogue literature in the earlycenturies of Islamdom that took “seriously the truth claims of its participantsin matters of faith and reason,” much of which passes now for interfaith conversationavoids what is most precious to each side in the name of “neutrality.”Another lesson we can draw from the past is the importance of highlightingthe issue of power when different communities of faith come together to debate. Not surprisingly, much interfaith dialogue today, he notes, can often feel“oppressive” to Muslims, at least to some extent, as it did for Christians livingunder Islamic rule – even in the heyday of cosmopolitan Abbasid Baghdad.An historian and Semitic languages specialist, Bertaina trains his sightson the ancient Near Eastern literary genre of interreligious dialogue, whichcan be traced back to Plato and other early Greek writers, and which Christiansleveraged in their own polemics with Jews in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.Between the second and fifth centuries AH, both Muslims and Christians usedthe dialogue genre to communicate their own convictions about religious truth,in both apologetic and polemical modes. While they were mostly addressingtheir own communities, they also sought to persuade the religious other. Infact, this was a discourse that also functioned as “a means to fulfill epistemiccommitments such as that of Christians to evangelization and Muslims to mission(da’wa)” (p. 3) ...
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Romaniello, Matthew P. "Mission Delayed: The Russian Orthodox Church after the Conquest of Kazan'." Church History 76, no. 3 (September 2007): 511–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500560.
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Muscovy's active period of eastward expansion began with the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan’ in 1552. By the seventeenth century, one observer claimed that the conquest of Kazan’ was the event that made Ivan IV a tsar and Muscovy an empire. With this victory, the tsar claimed new lands, adding to his subjects the diverse animistic and Muslim population of Turkic Tatars and Chuvashes, and Finno-Ugric Maris, Mordvins, and Udmurts. The conquest of Kazan’ provided both the Metropolitan of Moscow and Ivan IV (the Terrible) an opportunity to transform the image of Muscovy into that of a victorious Orthodox power and to justify the title of its Grand Prince as a new caesar (tsar). Since the conquest was the first Orthodox victory against Islam since the fall of Constantinople, commemorations of it were immediate, including the construction of the Church of the Intercession by the Moat (St. Basil's) on Red Square.The incorporation of the lands and peoples of Kazan’ has served traditionally to date the establishment of the Russian Empire. Accounts of the conquest have emphasized the victory of Orthodoxy against Islam, with the Russian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan as the motive force behind this expansion. The conversion of the Muslims and animists of the region is portrayed frequently as automatic, facing little resistance. More recently, scholars have criticized this simplistic account of the conquest by discussing the conversion mission as a rhetorical construct and have placed increasing emphasis on the local non-Russian and non-Orthodox resistance to the interests of the Church and state.
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Schrauwers, Albert. "An Apartheid of Souls: Religious Rationalisation in the Netherlands and Indonesia." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020805.
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Described in travel books as a ‘sleepy church town’, Tentena is unusual in Indonesia, a nation where ninety per cent of the population is Muslim. In Tentena, on the island of Sulawesi, the proportions are reversed. There, as in much of rural Indonesia, religion clearly demarcates distinct ethnic and class boundaries: the majority of ethnic To Pamona, the indigenous peoples of the area, converted to Protestantism under the Netherlands Missionary Society at the turn of the century. Their church synod offices dominate the town. Largely peasant farmers, the To Pamona are culturally, religiously and economically distinguishable from both the Muslim Bugis traders who live around the market quarter, and from the ethnic Chinese Pentecostal merchants whose large shops dominate the local economy. This confluence of religion and ethnic identity among the To Pamona was fostered by Dutch missionaries who sought to create a ‘people's church’ or volkskerk, of the sort they were familiar with in the Netherlands. Driven by a new respect for indigenous cultures, the missions relativised the church's tenets; they argued that different ‘nations’ like the To Pamona could have their cultures preserved within their ‘national’ churches as long as those traditions were evaluated from a Biblical perspective. This discourse on ‘culture’, and missions in the vernacular, created a ‘nationalist’ religious discourse among the To Pamona infused with the ‘emancipatory’ politics of the churches in the Netherlands. The product of these strategies of incorporation was the religious ‘pillarization’ of the peoples of the highlands of Central Sulawesi, and their division into socially autonomous ethno-religious blocks.
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Cucarella, >Diego Sarrió. "Corresponding across Religious Borders: Al-Bājī’s Response to a Missionary Letter from France." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 1 (2012): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006712x634549.
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Abstract “I have examined, O monk, the letter coming from you, the friendship therein proffered, the advice which you offer, and the intention which you disclose.” With these words begins the reply written by the eminent Andalusian Mālikī scholar Abū l-Walīd Sulaymān al-Bājī (d. 1081) to a letter received at the Muslim court of Saragossa from an unidentified ‘monk of France’ inviting the ruler to convert to Christianity. This letter, if authentic, is the earliest extant record of a Christian mission to Muslims in the West. After introducing al-Bājī and situating him in the socio-political and religious circumstances of the time, this article offers a review of past scholarship relating to this correspondence, which has mostly focused on the authenticity of the Christian letter and the possible identification of its author. It is argued in favor of the authenticity of the exchange, offering reasons for it. The article then turns to al-Bājī’s text, seeking to draw from it what it can tell us about him and how he viewed Christians and Christianity.
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Bolens, Lucie. "Benjamin Z. Kédar, Crusade and Mission. European Approaches toward the Muslims, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984, 246 p.-XIII." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 43, no. 6 (December 1988): 1391–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900073704.
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Sindawi, Khalid. "Al-Mustabsirūn, "Those Who Are Able To See The Light": Sunnī Conversion to Twelver Shī'ism in Modern Times." Die Welt des Islams 51, no. 2 (2011): 210–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006011x574508.
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AbstractThe present study's objective is to analyze the phenomenon of the mustabsirūn in Twelver Shī'ism in modern times. The term mustabsir is used among (Twelver) Shī'ites to refer to someone who has left his previous faith, converted to Shī'ism and adopted its doctrines. In this study we inquire into the meaning of the term in general, in the Qur'ān and its commentaries, and as a specific term. We examine the motivation for conversion to Shī'ism, the types and status of converts and the reasons which drive them to convert, the pressures and threats which converts face from Sunnī circles and how converts cope with these and respond to the attacks on them. The study also surveys mustabsir websites and their contents, books which such converts have written, describing their conversion experience, as well as factors which have contributed to the popularity of the conversion movement, among them the support which Iranian cultural missions provide to converts, the Lebanon War of 2006 and the burgeoning popularity of Hasan Nasr Allāh, the political protection which many converts enjoy, monetary and economic emoluments given to converts, and Shī'ite satellite TV stations and websites. The study's main conclusion is that the terms mustabsir ("he who has had his eyes opened", convert to Twelver Shī'ism) and istibsār (the verbal noun: conversion) have taken on a clear and definite meaning, denoting a real trend in recent years, although still relatively limited in scope, so that at present and in the foreseeable future Sunnī Muslims have no reason to fear this trend.
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FRENZ, MATTHIAS. "Reflecting Christianity in Depictions of Islam: the Representation of Muslims in the Reports of the Early Royal Danish Mission at Tarangambadi, India." Studies in World Christianity 14, no. 3 (December 2008): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1354990108000245.
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Brundage, James A. "Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims. By Benjamin Z. Kedar. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. xiii + 246 pp. $26.50." Church History 54, no. 3 (September 1985): 392–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165676.
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Pregill, Michael. "Measure for Measure: Prophetic History, Qur'anic Exegesis, and Anti-Sunnī Polemic in a Fāṭimid Propaganda Work (BL Or. 8419)." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2014): 20–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2014.0131.
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The acephalous British Library manuscript Or. 8419 is currently catalogued as a qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ or compilation of Islamic narratives about the prophets. However, an examination of its contents reveals that although it does focus on the various prophets – including Muḥammad himself – and their missions, the text is more accurately characterised as Ismāʿīlī taʾwīl, a commentary on Qur'anic passages that draws parallels between the struggles of the prophets of the past and the persecution of the Shīʿa in the present. The central argument of the text is that while the Shīʿī Imāms and their supporters continue the legacy of the prophets and their virtuous followers in the past, the majority of the Muslim community has gone astray just as the Jews and Christians did before them, especially in their denial of the claims of the ahl al-bayt. Various indications in the text suggest that it was produced as propaganda supporting the claims of the Fāṭimids at an early juncture in the dynasty's history, possibly during the reign of the first caliph-Imām, al-Mahdī.
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Omercic, Jasmin. "Waqf in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th and 21st Century." ICR Journal 8, no. 3 (July 15, 2017): 342–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v8i3.179.
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This paper investigates the socio-economic role of waqf in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the 20th century to date. Bosnia and Herzegovina waqf endured through various political fortunes and improved the social and economic circumstances of Muslims. A contemporary challenge is to reconstruct this waqf. A new development is the emergence of Islamic Economics. Since 1995, the Waqf Directorate of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina (WD-ICBIH), the main authority over waqf, initiated reforms to revive the socio-economic role of waqf and integrate it into Bosnia and Herzegovina development. The study identifies the challenges facing the Waqf Directorate and the development of Islamic Economics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emergence of Islamic Economics and Islamic Banking and Finance, in cooperation with the Bosnia Bank International, presents opportunities to the Waqf Directorate to achieve its vision and mission. Some avenues for waqf integration into Bosnia and Herzegovina development qualify as commendable efforts of reform, indicate a feasible future for the Waqf Directorate, and gradually address various challenges. The paper concludes with actionable policy recommendations.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Difference Unveiled: Bulgarian National Imperatives and the Re-dressing of Muslim Women, 1878-1989." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 1 (March 1997): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408495.
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Recent scholarship has poignantly argued that the founding of modern “Western” nation-states is to a large degree a product of their drawn out colonial encounters with “the East.” It is convincingly argued that “the West” constructed its own self-assured, national and supra-national identities in the process of “discovering” and “inventing” the exotic yet inferior “East.” Furthermore, a diverse body of scholarship has delineated the central role of discourses on gender and sexuality in the development of Western societies and, in particular, nation-states. If the image of “pious mother” became key to Western national self-images, it was the counter-image of the women of the harem—veiled, oppressed, and mysterious—that typified representations of Eastern barbarism. Furthermore, Western economic and political penetration of its colonies was to a large degree justified by the “gendering” of the “irrational Orient” versus the “rational Occident.” The “liberation” of Islamic women from their “oppression” as typified by the veil became central to Western “civilizing” missions, which had far-reaching echoes on the frontiers of European society.
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Law, Robin. "“Central and Eastern Wangara:” An Indigenous West African Perception of the Political and Economic Geography of the Slave Coast as Recorded by Joseph Dupuis in Kumasi, 1820." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171918.
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The mission of Joseph Dupuis, sent as British Consul to Kumasi, the capital of Asante, in 1820, is well known, principally through his own journal of it, published in 1824. In addition to his negotiations with the Asante authorities, Dupuis collected information on Asante history, and on the geography not only of Asante itself but also of neighboring and remoter countries in the interior—the latter presented in Part II of his Journal, entitled “On the Geography of Western Africa” [I-CXV]. His principal informants on both Asante history and West African geography were African Muslims whom he met in Kumasi, and with whom he was able to converse in Arabic. The geographical information was transmitted in part in the form of Arabic manuscripts, some (or perhaps all) of which Dupuis presented, in transcription and translation, in an appendix of “geographical documents” [cxxiv-cxxxv]; but supplementary information was obtained orally in conversations, some passages from which Dupuis purports to reproduce verbatim [XLII-XLIV].The information which Dupuis obtained can usefully be compared with similar (but, as regards the interior, generally less extensive) material collected by Edward Bowdich on an earlier mission to Kumasi in 1817. Dupuis himself was frequently critical of alleged inaccuracies and confusions in Bowdich's account, though not always with justification. It is noteworthy that he read over at least one section of Bowdich's account to his informants in Kumasi, to obtain their comments on it [XVIII]—an interesting illustration of the potential for interaction between written texts and oral information in Africa even in precolonial times, in a manner more complex than that of “feedback” from written into oral data most commonly discussed by historians.
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Hock, Klaus. "Translated Messages? The Construction of Religious Identities as Translatory Process Messages traduits? La construction des identités religieuses comme processus de traduction Übersetzte Botschaften? Die Konstruktion religiöser Identitäten als Übersetzungsprozess ¿Mensajes Traducidos? La Construcción de Identidades Religiosas como "Transatory Process"." Mission Studies 23, no. 2 (2006): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338306778985721.
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AbstractIn Translating the Message, Lamin Sanneh contrasted the Christian principle of scriptural translation with the Muslim principle of non-translatability, seeing them as two complementary paradigms referring to specific modes of "missionary" expansion of Christianity and Islam in African contexts. Unlike the course of Islam, which is characterised by the Muslims' orientation towards an ideal past as a model for today, and evinced in Islamic reform movements, "the 'reform' tradition in Christian Africa moved in the opposite direction and espoused greater identification with the African setting", thereby exposing pluralism as "a prerequisite for authentic Christian living" (p. 7).A critical relecture of Sanneh's book seeks to provide alternative views on the relationship between Islam and Christianity on the one hand, and African culture on the other. It addresses the question of pluralism and uniformity in African Islam and Christianity, and considers the understanding of Muslim and Christian "reform" in African contexts. Finally it tackles the conundrum of African Christianity and Islam in view of their "Africanicity". Special attention is given to Sanneh's theological usage of categories like scriptural translation, non-translatability, reform, renewal and revival, mission, and culture. By focussing on "the African factor(s)", it suggests evaluating Muslim and Christian discourses on what constitutes "true" Islam and "real" Christianity in African contexts, not as a result of disparate conceptualizations of "translation", but as a product of "translatory" processes which by themselves are part and parcel of discourses working towards the formation of African Christian and Muslim identities. Dans Translating the Message (La traduction du Message), Lamin Sanneh mettait en contraste le principe chrétien de la traduction des Ecritures avec l'impossibilité de cette traduction pour les musulmans, les considérant comme deux paradigmes complémentaires se rapportant à deux modes spécifiques d'expansion « missionnaire » du christianisme et de l'islam en contexte africain. L'islam se caractérise par l'orientation des musulmans vers un passé idéal comme modèle pour aujourd'hui, ce qui est mis en évidence dans les mouvements réformateurs islamiques. A la différence de ce dernier, « la tradition de 'réforme' en Afrique chrétienne a évolué à l'opposé et s'est davantage identifiée au contexte africain », présentant ainsi le pluralisme comme « nécessité préalable à une vie chrétienne authentique » (p. 7).Une relecture critique du livre de Sanneh tente de présenter des points de vue alternatifs sur la relation entre islam et christianisme d'une part, et sur la culture africaine d'autre part. Il étudie la question du pluralisme et de l'uniformité dans l'islam et le christianisme africains ainsi que la conception de 'réforme' dans les deux religions en contextes africains. Il traite enfin de la difficile question du christianisme et de l'islam africain en termes de leur 'africanité'. L'auteur prête une attention particulière à la façon dont Sanneh utilise théologiquement les catégories telles que la traduction des Ecritures, l'impossibilité de traduire, la réforme, le renouveau et le réveil, la mission, et la culture. En se centrant sur « le(s) facteur(s) africain(s) », il préconise d'évaluer les discours musulmans et chrétiens à partir de ce qui constitue un islam « véritable » et un « vrai » christianisme en contextes africains, non comme le résultat de conceptualisations disparates de « la traduction », mais comme le produit de « processus de traduction » qui en eux-mêmes sont partie intégrante de discours qui oeuvrent à la formation d'identités musulmanes et chrétiennes africaines. In seinem Buch Translating the Message (Die Botschaft übersetzen) stellt Lamin Sanneh das christliche Prinzip der Schriftübersetzung dem muslimischen Prinzip der Unübersetzbarkeit gegenüber und sieht sie als zwei komplementäre Paradigmen, die sich auf die spezifischen Weisen der ,,missionarischen" Ausbreitung des Christentums und des Islams in afrikanischen Kontexten beziehen. Im Unterschied zur Entwicklung des Islams, die durch die Ausrichtung der Muslime auf eine ideale Vergangenheit als Modell für heute gekennzeichnet ist und in den islamischen Reformbewegungen deutlich wird, bewegte sich ,,die « reformierende » Tradition im christlichen Afrika in entgegengesetzte Richtung und trat für eine größere Identifizierung mit den afrikanischen Gegebenheiten ein"; dabei wurde der Pluralismus als ,,Voraussetzung für authentisches christliches Leben" (S. 7) dargestellt.Eine kritische Nachlese des Buchs Sannehs versucht, alternative Perspektiven für die Beziehung zwischen Islam und Christentum einerseits und der afrikanischen Kultur andererseits vorzuschlagen. Es geht um die Frage nach Pluralismus und Uniformität im afrikanischen Islam und Christentum und betrachtet den Begriff der muslimischen und christlichen ,,Reform" in den afrikanischen Kontexten. Schließlich widmet sich der Artikel der Rätselfrage nach dem afrikanischen Christentum und Islam angesichts ihrer ,,Afrikanität". Spezielle Aufmerksamkeit wird Sannehs theologischer Verwendung von Kategorien wie Übersetzung der Schrift, Unübersetzbarkeit, Reform, Erneuerung und Erweckung, Mission und Kultur gewidmet. Durch die Betonung des/der afrikanischer Faktors/Faktoren schlägt der Artikel vor, den muslimischen und christlichen Diskurs darüber, was den ,,wirklichen" Islam und das ,,wahre" Christentum in den afrikanischen Kontexten ausmacht, nicht als das Ergebnis von unvergleichbaren Konzeptual-isierungen der ,,Übersetzung", sondern als Ergebnis von ,,Übersetzungs"-Prozessen zu bewerten, die selbst wieder Teil von Diskursen sind, die auf die Bildung von afrikanisch christlichen und muslimischen Identitäten hinarbeiten. En Traducir el Mensaje, Lamin Sanneh contrastó el principal cristiano de traducción biblica con el principal musulmán de no-traducción, viendo ellos como dos paradigmas complementarios que se refieren a modos específicos de la expansión "misionera" de cristianismo e islam en contextos africanos. A diferencia del trayecto de islam, que es caracterizado por la orientación de la musulmanes hacia un pasado del ideal como un modelo para hoy, y demostró en movimientos de la reforma islámicos, "la tradición 'reforma' en Africa cristiana se movió en la dirección opuesta y desposó una identificación más grande con la situación africana," de tal modo le expone al pluralismo como "un requisito previo para cristianismo auténtico viviente" (pág. 7).Un perspectivo crítico del libro de Sanneh quiere proveer perspectivas alternativas sobre la relación entre islam y cristianismo por una parte, y cultura africana por la otra. Se dirige la cuestión de pluralismo y uniformidad en islam y cristianismo africano, y considera la comprensión de la "reforma" musulmán y cristiana en los contextos africanos. Finalmente aborda el acertijo de cristianismo e islam africano en vista de su "africanicidad." Se da atención particular al uso teológico de Sanneh de categorías como traducción bíblica, no-traducción, reforma, renovación y reanimacion, misión, y cultura. Fijando la vista en "el factor (o los factores) africano(s)," indica evaluar el discurso musulmán y cristiano en lo que constituye "verdadero" islam y "verdadero" cristianismo en contextos africanos, no como un resultado de las conceptualizaciones dispares de "traducción," pero como un producto de procesos "translatory" que para ellos mismos son integrales de los discursos hacia la formación de las identidades africanas de los cristianos y musulmanas.
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Abidin, Zain. "Islam Inklusif: Telaah Atas Doktrin dan Sejarah." Humaniora 4, no. 2 (October 31, 2013): 1273. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i2.3571.
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This work is entitled Inclusive Islam: The study of doctrine and history. This study uses hermeneutic approach (hermeneutics approach), and method used in collecting data is library research (library research). This work was motivated by a phenomenon that is now Muslims no longer perform the inclusive theology. Religion expected to bring the mercy mission to the world no longer show its role significantly. This may be due to religious thought has been contaminated by a variety of politic, economic, culture, and so forth. Now religious understanding is necessary to be reconstructed, by putting forward the spirit of togetherness and a mercy to the world. Religious understanding seems to be justified by faith, when in fact it is not; in fact,it conflicts with any religious teachings. Therefore, in this work, the author would like to show an understanding of Islam that is open, flexible, and tolerant (Islam Inclusive). Inclusive Islam is the religious understanding or insight that is open, flexible, and tolerant. Open has a meaning that Islam provides opportunities for people to criticize, if the truth or wisdom is delivered, then a tolerant religious have to accept, though of anyone or anything coming. Flexible means meaningful contact with others, without feeling awkward, and also regardless of the differences that exist, whether religion, creed, or origin. Tolerant means respecting the differences that exist, either with the same religion/belief or with a different religion/belief. Such an understanding is not only shaped by history but the doctrinal background can be found in the major source of the teachings of Islam, namely the Qur'an and the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad SAW.
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Wolińska, Teresa. "Sergius, the Paulician Leader, in the Account by Peter of Sicily." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.07.
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Peter of Sicily, a Byzantine high official from the times of Basil I, intended to warn the Archbishop of Bulgaria against certain heretics, known as the Paulicians, as he learned during his mission to Tefrike about their plans of sending their missionaries there. His writings are regarded as the most competent source of information on the history and doctrine of the Paulicians. He also described some of their leaders, including Sergius himself. According to Peter, it was a woman with whom Sergius had had an affair who made him the devil’s tool. He accepted the name of Tychicos and passed himself off as a disciple of Paul the Apostle. For 34 years he was the leader of the Paulicians. Peter admits that Sergius was successful in winning followers and at the same time, besides making false statements, accuses him of selling Christians into slavery to barbarians and of collaboration with the Muslims. In the end, however, he was supposed to have an argument with another heresiarch, Baanes, which would lead to a break among the Paulicians. Sergius is colourfully described as an enemy of the Cross, a voice of impiety, a lover of darkness and a wolf in sheep’s clothing, who skilfully pretends to be a man of virtue but has deceived many. Although he himself was murdered in 834/835, his work was continued by disciples of his.
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Winarno, Winarno. "SEJARAH PEMIKIRAN EKONOMI ISLAM DI MASA RASULALLAH SAW." ASY SYAR'IYYAH: JURNAL ILMU SYARI'AH DAN PERBANKAN ISLAM 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32923/asy.v2i1.588.
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Rasulallah Saw. was sent to the earth was carrying the mission that Allah is the almighty and take the mandate to build human civilization more dignified than ever. One form of construction was built by Rasulallah Saw. In order to create a dignified human being from the aspect of the economy. The economic aspect is a form of a right economy that is, protected from things prohibited by syara 'such as manipulation, fraud, corruption and so forth.The history records that, the beginning of Islamic economic thought has actually been done by Rasulallah Saw. and his companions (khulafaurasyidin). The economic problems of the people become very serious concerns because economic problems are the pillars of the faith that must be considered. This is as narrated by Muslims, that Rasulallah Saw. Says "Poverty leads people to disbelief". So the effort to eradicate poverty is part of the social policies undertaken by him at that time. Rasulallah Saw. laid the foundations of the state's financial system in accordance with the provisions of the Qur'an. The whole paradigm of thinking in the economic field and its application in everyday life that was inconsistent with Islamic teachings was removed and replaced with a new paradigm that conforms to Qur'anic values, namely brotherhood, equality, freedom and justice. So this was a very significant step, as well as brilliant and spectacular at the time.
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Cassar, Carmel. "The Collegium Melitense: A Frontier Mission in the Interface Between the Christian and Muslim Worlds." Al-Qanṭara 36, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 443–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2015.013.
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G.M.D. "California Missions History." Americas 52, no. 3 (January 1996): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500024433.
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Wagner, William. "A Comparison of Christian Missions and Islamic Da'wah." Missiology: An International Review 31, no. 3 (July 2003): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960303100306.
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The purpose of this paper is to compare the Christian concept of missions with the Islamic concept of Da'wah. The first step is to define both and to give an understanding as to how each faith system understands its task of enlarging its religion. Next, the similarities and the differences are discussed, leading into the next section, which gives an understanding of the dialogue between both. Since the paper is written for a Western audience, the latter part is an emphasis on how Muslims understand Da'wah and how it is practiced in the West.
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Peyrouse, Sebastien. "Christianity and Nationality in Soviet and Post-Soviet Central Asia: Mutual Intrusions and Instrumentalizations." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246433.
Full textAbstract:
The five Central Asian Muslim republics (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan) count many Christian—Orthodox, Catholic, Armenian and Protestant—minorities. Unlike the religious communities in the Near and Middle East, most Christians in Central Asia consist of Slavic/European minorities (Russians, Germans, Poles, Armenians, Greeks, etc.), which came in the area during the Russian colonization in the eighteenth-nineteenth centuries. The main traditionally Christian nationalities living in Central Asia are Slavs and Germans. Today, Russians are mainly present in Kazakhstan (4.5 million), in Kyrgyzstan (600,000) and in Uzbekistan (at least half a million). There are only several tens of thousand Russians in Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. Like Russians, the number of the other Slavic nationalities has considerably decreased in Central Asia since the last three decades. There are 50,000 Ukrainians in Kyrgyzstan, 500,000 in Kazakhstan and about 100,000 in Uzbekistan. Byelorussians number 111,000 in Kazakhstan, and about 20,000 in Uzbekistan. According to the 1999 census, there are only 47,000 Poles in Kazakhstan. Today there are 353,000 Germans in Kazakhstan, 21,000 in Kyrgyzstan, and less than 8,000 in Uzbekistan, and their community is nearly nonexistent in Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. Other nationalities are also present in the Christian communities, though more modestly: among them, Koreans (about 160,000 in Uzbekistan, close to 100,000 in Kazakhstan in 1999), Greeks (10,000 in Uzbekistan), Tatars (248,000 in Kazakhstan) as well as Armenians (there remained 40,000 Armenians in Turkmenistan in 1995, with 42,000 in Uzbekistan today). Armenians have only one cult building in Samarkand. Moreover, after the fall of the USSR, more and more natives have been converted to Christianity: many—especially Protestant—missions, are now acting among Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, etc.
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Rachel Moloshok. "Muslims in Pennsylvania History." Pennsylvania Legacies 18, no. 1 (2018): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennlega.18.1.0002.
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Al-Jubouri, Dr Ni'ma Shukur Mahmoud Ali. "Intellectual Centers during the Albuehi’s Era (334-447 AH / 945-1055 AD)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 2 (October 27, 2018): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i2.279.
Full textAbstract:
The present study displays the former intellectual centers through Albuehi Testament and related it can be concluded that the most important things is keen on Muslims in Albuehi era. It reflects the importance of mosques and spread through the teaching of Science and the Qur'an confirm the Koran on the flag, and remained mosques retain their importance religious and secular.The most important thing was characterized by mosques in Albuehi recipe from the doctrinal and religious era has been characterized by the representation of the Shafi'i school and other Hanafi. As well as schools, centers and institutions scientific mission after the mosque was a role the president and the basis for the seminars, schools have become in the city of Nishapur delegation ranged schools and become an example for. The ligaments and Gorges after negating the military necessity, which was performed by these institutions, where the council of scientists held a social male and deliver the lectures and give the holiday has had a role scientifically and culturally and educationally privileged in the construction of the Islamic character. As well as the boards of governors and ministers who ruled Iraq was their role and their palaces bill of scholars and writers where Almhellba Council described the Council Albrhech. It can be considered Almarstanat in Islamic history as he signs on the economic and urban prosperity and power level of interest in them. The main findings of this study show the libraries and cabinets Office of important scientific institutions that help students of science and scientists alike in the seas of science and knowledge, which contained a large number of books and folders in modern jurisprudence and theology.