Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mithraism in art

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Academic literature on the topic 'Mithraism in art'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Mithraism in art"

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Beck, Roger. "Ritual, Myth, Doctrine, and Initiation in the Mysteries of Mithras: New Evidence from a Cult Vessel." Journal of Roman Studies 90 (November 2000): 145–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300205.

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Despite the wealth of the cult's material remains, we still know relatively little about the ritual of the Mithraic mysteries. What was it, in the sense of liturgy performed, that Mithraists actually did in mithraea? How did it relate to myth, to the story of the god, which, by contrast, is singularly well documented on the monuments? Was it, in some way, a mimesis or re-enactment of that story? How, if at all, was it an expression of the initiate's progress, an actualization of his ‘salvation’, and thus of cult doctrine on these matters.There are three major pieces of this puzzle already in place. First, and most important, we know that the cult meal, shared by the initiates on the banquet benches of their mithraeum, replicated the feast of Mithras and the Sun god at a table draped with the hide of the newly slain bull. We know this primarily from representations on the Konjic relief and the Sa. Prisca frescoes, where we see the initiates participating in roles defined by their positions within the hierarchy of grades: the Father (Pater) and the Sun-Runner (Heliodromus) represented Mithras and Sol reclining at their feast, the remaining grades their ministers. It is worth noting that there is no known counterpart in ritual to the central mythic act which precedes the feast, the bull-killing itself. Nevertheless, since the bull-killing in some sense effected ‘salvation’, we may suppose that the feast of the initiates, replicating the feast of the gods, celebrated this salutary effect for mortals. That the divine feast follows, and follows from, the bull-killing is assured by (1) the fact that it was served on the hide of the slaughtered bull, and (2) its depiction on the reverse of tauroctony reliefs, at least some of which could be rotated at the appropriate ritual moment. Finally, the ubiquity of the mithraeum's distinctive banqueting benches implies the ubiquity of the cult meal as the ‘liturgie ordinaire’.
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Martin, Luther H. "Seeing the Mithraic Tauroctony." Numen 68, no. 4 (June 1, 2021): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341628.

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Abstract What might a Mithraic initiate have seen when he viewed the ubiquitous tauroctonous image? Rather than understanding the tauroctony as illustrating an episode in a presumed mythic life of Mithras or as exemplifying some conceptual principle, this article seeks to understand the tauroctony as image qua image. Insights from art historians, neurophysiologists, and neurocognitivists show that cultural expectations for seeing the tauroctony are as an image of sacrifice and, at the same time, as an astrologically configured star map, cultural perceptions that were subject to local interpretations. A conclusion briefly suggests how all Mithraic images might have been seen and how scientific methodologies might profitably be incorporated into a history of religions.
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Faraone, Christopher A. "The Amuletic Design of the Mithraic Bull-Wounding Scene." Journal of Roman Studies 103 (May 16, 2013): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000051.

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AbstractRecent research reveals that in the so-called Mithraic tauroctony, the god is, in fact, wounding a bull, not killing it. I argue that the scene combines the overall design of evil-eye amulets with the pose of the goddess Nike performing a militarysphagionand I suggest that the scene must have been understood by its creator and by some viewers, at least, to offer protective power in this world, as well as salvific assurance about the next, a dual focus that seems to have been especially strong in Mithraism.
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Noy, David. "R. Gordon: Image and Value in the Graeco-Roman World: Studies in Mithraism and Religious Art (Collected Studies Series). Pp. xii + 338. Aldershot: Variorum, 1996. £62.50. ISBN: 0-86078-608-0." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.278-a.

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BIVAR, A. D. H. "Mithraism." Iranica Antiqua 40 (May 21, 2005): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.40.0.583215.

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Blakely, Sandra. "Social Mobility: Mithraism and Cosmography in the 2nd-5th Centuries CE." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7798.

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Pragmatic cognitive science, rooted in Dewey's epistemology and models of distributed cognition, offers new hypotheses for the emergence and decline of the Mithraic rites. These models foreground the responsiveness of the rites to their economic and social environment, generating new form-meaning pairs through multimodal engagements inside the Mithraic caves. These moments of cognitive blending answered the needs of the early social catchment of the rites, which was predominantly freedmen and soldiers benefitting from the upward mobility of the thriving second century CE. Within the caves, multimodal engagements with the triumph of light over dark physical movement, imagery, gesture, role playing, and interaction with cult equipment - aligned the experience of the initiate with Mithras' cosmological triumph. The caves are also a confluence of mechanisms for social mobility that were broadly familiar in the imperial period, including patronage, symposia, engagement with exotic cultural forms and philosophical speculation. The decline of the rites was coincident with the dissolution of the economic opportunities that enabled the rise of the Roman middle class and of the social currency of these practices. The language of euergetism yielded to the language of service to the poor, and the cosmological imagery that characterized the caves shifted into the restricted spheres of exchange among competing princes. This model of the rites suggests dynamics with Christianity focused less on theology than on responsiveness to the economic and social transformations. Keywords: pragmatic cognitive science, cosmology, Mithras. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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McCarty, Matthew M., Mariana Egri, and Aurel Rustoiu. "The archaeology of ancient cult: from foundation deposits to religion in Roman Mithraism." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 279–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000151.

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In the past two decades, the “archaeology of religion” has moved from the margins of scholarship to the center, led by the growth of postprocessual archaeological hermeneutics. 1 Such theoretical frames – whether the materiality of religion, objects as agents, the entanglement of humans and objects, or “thing theory” – demonstrate the centrality of the physical world and its archaeological correlates to religion. They offer new ways of posing questions about the construction of meanings for worshippers through materials.2
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Gardner, I. M. F., and S. N. C. Lieu. "From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi) to Kellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 86 (November 1996): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300427.

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In 1968, Peter Brown read at the Society's Annual General Meeting a paper entitled ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’. Delivered at a time when little research was being carried out by British scholars either on Manichaeism or on the cultural and religious relationship between the Roman and the Sassanian Empires, it was for many a complete revelation. With consummate skill and vast erudition Brown placed the history of the diffusion of the sect against a background of vigorous and dynamic interchange between the Roman and the Persian Empires. He also mounted a successful challenge on a number of popularly held views on the history of the religion in the Roman Empire. Manichaeism was not to be seen as part of the mirage orientale which fascinated the intellectuals of the High Empire. It was not an Iranian religion which appealed through its foreigness or quaintness. Rather, it was a highly organized and aggressively missionary religion founded by a prophet from South Babylonia who styled himself an ‘Apostle of Jesus Christ’. Brown reminded the audience that ‘the history of Manichaeism is to a large extent a history of the Syriac-speaking belt, that stretched along the Fertile Crescent without interruption from Antioch to Ctesiphon’. Its manner of diffusion bore little or no resemblance to that of Mithraism. It did not rely on a particular profession, as Mithraism did on the army, for its spread throughout the Empire. Instead it developed in the common Syriac culture astride the Romano-Persian frontier which was becoming increasingly Christianized consequent to the regular deportation of whole communities from cities of the Roman East like Antioch to Mesopotamia and adjacent Iran. Manichaeism which originally flourished in this Semitic milieu was not in the strict sense an Iranian religion in the way that Zoroastrianism was at the root of the culture and religion of pre-Islamic Iran. The Judaeo-Christian roots of the religion enabled it to be proclaimed as a new and decisive Christian revelation.
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Huggins, Ronald. "C.G. JUNG, J.J. HONEGGER, AND THE CASE OF EMIL SCHWYZER (THE ‘SOLAR PHALLUS’ MAN)." Phanês Journal For Jung History, no. 4 (December 4, 2021): 82–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.32724/phanes.2021.huggins.

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The case of Emil Schwyzer, a.k.a. the ‘Solar-Phallus Man’, was foundational in giving shape to Jung’s early reflections on the concept of the collective unconscious. In 1906 Schwyzer identified a tail of light coming off the sun as a phallus, which Jung interpreted as a particularly important example of ‘the fantasies or delusions of…patients…[being] paralleled in mythological material of which they knew nothing’ (Bennet 1985:69). This was because it represented not only a single mythological symbol or idea that Schwyzer could not have known but an entire passage from an ancient document known as the Mithras Liturgy. According to Jung, Schwyzer’s ‘vision’ also paralleled a rare theme in Medieval art. Jung’s student J.J. Honegger gave a paper on the Schwyzer case at the March 1910 Second Psychoanalytic Congress in Nuremberg. In it he again discussed Schwyzer’s description of the light tail on the sun but especially his concept of a Ptolemaic flat earth. Relying largely on archival material not previously discussed, the present article provides a history of the Schwyzer case along with a thoroughgoing evaluation of what Jung and Honegger made of it. KEYWORDS J.J. Honegger, Emil Schwyzer, ‘Solar-Phallus Man’, Mithras Liturgy, Collective unconscious, Inherited ideas, Hortus Conclusus.
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Bub, Stefan. "„Stierkampf in Bayonne“ – Corrida in Lissabon." arcadia 53, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2018-0001.

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AbstractTwo bold descriptions of bullfighting in German literature – a section of Kurt Tucholsky’s Ein Pyrenäenbuch and the final episode of Thomas Mann’s Bekenntnisse des Hochstaplers Felix Krull – can be read in the context of French authors who (about the 1920 s and 1930s) were fascinated by the corrida and the idea of abject sacredness and transgres­sion. The comparison of striking motives (e. g., the art of the matador, the suffer­ing of the horses) reveals how literary texts reflect the ritual character of bullfighting, represent its disgusting aspects, and deal with the taurobolic “scandalon” of death and eros. Whereas Tucholsky encounters a trivial spectacle and nevertheless feels the attrac­tion of violence, Thomas Mann’s narrator is confronted with mythic thought (Mithras) and Dionysiac excess.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mithraism in art"

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Ulansey, David. "The origins of the Mithraic mysteries : cosmology and salvation in the ancient world /." New York ; Oxford : Oxford University press, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37473852n.

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Canciani, Vittoria. "Archaeological Evidence of the Cult of Mithras in Ancient Italy." Doctoral thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/1060675.

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This thesis focuses on the analysis of the material evidence of the Cult of Mithras in ancient Italy between the late 1st and early 5th century CE. The first chapter is devoted to locating the Cult of Mithras in the religious context of the Roman Empire. After a first general introduction to the Religions of the Roman Empire, F. Cumont’s work and the latest research developments on the Oriental Cults, we will continue with the literature overview on the Cult of Mithras, focusing in particular on the existing Mithraic catalogues. Finally, we will briefly present the main features of Mithraism according to the most recent research developments. The second chapter consists of the update of the existing catalogs of Mithraic finds and the integration of recent discoveries. Entries follow a progressive numbering and are listed following a geographical order. The following chapters three and four develop a comment on selected epigraphic (chapter three) and iconographic (chapter four) topics based on the data collected in chapter two. The epigraphic comment focuses on the phrasings used to address Mithras, on the occasions chosen by the devotee to consecrate him a monument, on the social status of the devotees, and on their grades and priesthoods. The iconographic comment focuses on the variations of the tauroctony image, on the supports and sizes it came in, and on the distribution of the occurrences of minor Mithraic subjects. The fifth chapter focuses on the analysis of the spatial distribution of Mithraea within the urban layout, on the pattern of accessibility of these sanctuaries, and on the analysis of their internal organization. This spatial approach highlighted the existence of two major layouts for Mithraea: the single-room sanctuary (with or without vestibule) and the multiple-room sanctuary. Crossing this spatial acquisition with chronological, social, and cultural data we suggested a new hierarchy for Mithraic sanctuaries. The conclusions summarize the new data we added updating CIMRM and the results of the spatial and architectural analysis of Mithraea.
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MELEGA, ALESSANDRO. "Edifici di culto non cristiano a Ostia tra IV e V secolo d.C. Il caso dei mitrei." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1240488.

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L'antica città di Ostia ha restituito il maggior numero di mitrei noti in contesto urbano, presenti in ogni quartiere attualmente conosciuto e sempre ricavati all'interno di edifici preesistenti. La tesi in oggetto intende esaminare la tematica relativa alle modalità di installazione e soprattutto abbandono dei suddetti mitrei, in relazione all'ascesa e diffusione della religione cristiana. Nell'ottica di rivedere e aggiornare il catalogo edito da Giovanni Becatti ormai più di sessant'anni or sono, ci si è inoltre prefissi lo scopo di superare la tradizionale identificazione del mitreo con il solo spelaeum, la vera e propria aula di culto, cercando di definire tutti gli spazi propriamente mitraici nell'ambito dei complessi in cui essi vennero installati. La ricerca è stata portata avanti anche grazie all'utilizzo delle moderne tecniche di rilievo bi- e tridimensionale, utili alla realizzazione di una nuova documentazione grafica relativa ai mitrei.
In the ancient city of Ostia there is the largest number of mithraea in an urban context, present in every neighborhood currently known and always obtained within pre-existing buildings. The thesis intends to examine the issue concerning the modalities of installation and particularly abandonment of the mithraea, in relation to the rise and spread of the Christian religion. In order to review and update the catalog published by Giovanni Becatti now more than sixty years ago, we have also tried to overcoming the traditional identification of the mithraeum with the spelaeum, the cult room, in an attempt to define all the proper mithraic spaces within the complexes in which they were installed. The research has been carried out also with the modern bi- and three-dimensional relief techniques, useful for the realization of a new graphic documentation of the mithraea.
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Books on the topic "Mithraism in art"

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translator, Lenshev Vasil, ed. Deo soli invicto Mithrae: Mithra’s invincible sun god : collection. Sofii︠a︡: Bulga Media, 2021.

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Gordon, R. L. Image and value in the Graeco-Roman world: Studies in Mithraism and religious art. Aldershot, Hampshire, Great Britain: Variorum, 1996.

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L, Gordon R. Image and value in the Graeco-Roman world. Brookfield, Vt., USA: Variorum, 1996.

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Toynbee, J. M. C. d. 1985., Huskinson J. M, Beard Mary 1955-, and Reynolds Joyce Maire, eds. Image and mystery in the Roman world: Three papers given in memory of Jocelyn Toynbee ... Gloucester: A. Sutton Pub., 1988.

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Salvador, José Luis Jiménez. La Casa del Mitra. [Cabra, Spain]: Delegación de Cultura del Iltmo. Ayto. de Cabra, 1992.

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Zanker, Paul. Image and mystery in the Roman world: Papers given in memory of Jocelyn Toynbee. (Gloucester): (Sutton), 1988.

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Luigi, Devoti, and Antonelli Vincenzo, eds. Il mitreo di Marino. Marino [Italy]: INA Banca, 1994.

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C, Toynbee J. M. The Roman art treasures from the temple of Mithras. London: London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, 1986.

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1946-, Varnedoe Kirk, Karmel Pepe, Museum of Modern Art (New York, N.Y.), and High Museum of Art, eds. Picasso: Masterworks from the Museum of Modern Art : an exhibition. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1997.

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Maria-Teresa, Ocaña, Palazzo Medici Riccardi, Centro mostre di Firenze (Italy), and Museo Picasso, eds. Picasso: La grande grafica, 1904-1971 : Ottanta incisioni dal Museo di Barcelona. Milano: Electa, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mithraism in art"

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Hijmans, Steven. "The Place of Art in Mithraic Studies Today." In The Archaeology of Mithraism, 195–204. Peeters Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1q26jz8.21.

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Ratzlaff, Alexandra. "The Art and Architecture of the Caesarea Mithraeum." In The Archaeology of Mithraism, 157–64. Peeters Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1q26jz8.17.

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Cumont, Franz. "Mithraic Art *." In The Mysteries of Mithra, 209–28. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429464164-7.

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Martini, Annarita. "From the Capitol to the Louvre: The Journey of a Relief of Mithras." In Collecting Antiquities from the Middle Ages to the End of the Nineteenth Century: Proceedings of the International Conference Held on March 25-26, 2021 at the Wrocław University Institute of Art History, 311–30. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381385862.14.

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The history of the Borghese Collection is closely linked to the establishment of the Louvre in Paris and the history of both of them includes a small story about a magnificent relief. The relief represents the god Mithras in the act of killing a Bull; it was found on the Capitoline Hill and testifies to the cult of Mithras in the religious and political center of Ancient Rome. The relief was included in the Borghese Collection and remained attached on the north façade of the main building of Villa Borghese until the sale of the bulk of the collection to Napoleon in 1808. Once in Paris, the relief was placed in the Hall of the Four Seasons of the Musée Napoléon, later to become the Louvre. Now it is still part of the Louvre collection and can be admired in the branch of the Museum in Lens.
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Leeming, David Adams. "The Discovery Of The Unknown Commentary on Part 8." In Mythology, 257–58. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195121537.003.0130.

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Abstract Forty days after Easter, as the sun approaches mid-heaven following the vernal equinox, Christians celebrate the bodily ascension of Jesus into heaven. Mithras, Elijah, Saint Francis, and, in some stories, Faust, too, are carried off. And in a later addition to the Christian story the Virgin Mary is physically assumed into heaven to reign there with Christ.
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Leeming, David Adams. "The World Child." In Mythology, 39–40. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195121537.003.0024.

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Abstract Where there are heroes there are stories of the miraculous birth. King Sargon of Babylonia was born of a virgin, hidden in a basket, released into a river, and adopted by a menial. Heracles’ mother-to-be was tricked by Zeus into a thirty-six-hour love bout appropriate to the conception of such a hero. John the Baptist was miraculously conceived by a barren mother. The Persian mangod Mithras was born on December 25 from a rock and was attended in some versions by lowly shepherds.
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Scheid, John. "Epigraphy and Roman Religion." In Epigraphy and the Historical Sciences. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265062.003.0003.

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An abundance of Latin votive inscriptions adds much to the knowledge of religious belief in the Roman World. Several major cults of Roman (e.g. emperor worship) and foreign (e.g. Mithras) origin, and the identification of local deities with classical gods, would be little understood were it not for the survival of inscriptions. Similarly, inscriptions alone furnish many details of the ritual and ceremonial of sacrifice, most notably in the case of the archival dossier of the Arval Brethren near Rome, not mentioned in any literary source. The hopes and fears of ordinary folk are revealed in the inscribed prayers and curses addressed to the many oracular shrines in the Greco-Roman world.
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James, Simon. "When? New Outline of Development and Chronology." In The Roman Military Base at Dura-Europos, Syria. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198743569.003.0026.

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Such was the extent of the base in its final form, before the disruptions of the 250s. But how and when did it reach this extent and conformation? As we have seen, the small number of direct epigraphic dates coming from key structures in the military base concentrate c.209–16. While the Yale expedition were aware that there had been resident Roman auxiliaries from the later second century, and also identified (mostly erroneously) some components as belonging to the 220s–250s, they took this ‘epigraphic dating horizon’ as indicating that the military base, from camp wall to principia to baths, amphitheatre, and campus, including creation of most military accommodation, was overwhelmingly a rapid creation of the 210s. This notion of a sudden military transformation of the urban fabric at that time supposedly reflected a radical expansion of numbers of the Roman garrison—resulting in traumatic shock to the city. The concentration of dated inscriptions from the military base does seem to constitute a tight ‘epigraphic dating horizon’ c.209–16, or indeed c.209–12 if the amphitheatre was really an opportunistic coda. It certainly represents a major military building campaign. However, it has been misinterpreted, and its significance exaggerated, especially in taking it to mark effective creation of the base. Central to the ‘epigraphic horizon’, of course, is the dating of the principia to 211–12, with rebuilding of the Mithraeum around the same time. Other components of the programme may be implied by epigraphic information. Notably the detail of the undated inscription attesting building of the A1 Temple of the Roman Archers and expansion of the campus plausibly fits in the context of the 210s. However, the Yale project team pushed interpretation of the epigraphic evidence much too far in employing other texts to date military structures. While the ‘camp wall’ may well also have been built c.210, the epigraphic argument for this, comprising an inscription of debated reading not even found in proximity to the wall, is flimsy in the extreme. Similar misuse of epigraphic evidence is seen in the case of the three altars to Dolichenus found in X7.
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Perring, Dominic. "Britannia Superior (c. AD 225–50)." In London in the Roman World, 313–25. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198789000.003.0024.

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This chapter explores further manifestations of wealth and power in and around early third-century London, particularly evident in the rise of mystery cults and new burial practices. It starts by reviewing evidence of the expansion of the presumed suburban villa and building of a bathhouse at Shadwell c. AD 228. This was perhaps occupied by an important government official linked to the coastal supply routes later developed into the forts of the Saxon shore. Several other villas and townhouses were refurbished at this time, when the temple of Mithras was built. These and other finds reported on here attest to the popularity of a diverse range of mystery and salvation cults, with a particularly wide repertoire of Bacchic motifs. London’s later Roman cemeteries expanded as inhumation gained in popularity, and cremation became a rarer rite. The chapter describes the archaeological evidence for these changed burial practices which can also be linked to the rise of soteriological belief systems that encouraged ideas of physical resurrection. The reasons for these changed mentalities are considered in the context of the history of the period.
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Himmelfarb, Martha. "Transformation and the Righteous Dead." In Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, 47–71. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195082036.003.0004.

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Abstract The boundaries between gods and mortals were not always clearly marked in the Greco-Roman world. Wandering prophets such as Apollonius of Tyana or Alexander of Abonuteichos were considered gods on the basis of the wonders they performed, and, perhaps, their teachings. The great philosophers were sometimes considered divine by their followers because of their wisdom and virtue. Nor are wonder worker and philosopher entirely separate categories, as the depictions of the mythic figure of Pythagoras show.1 The crossing of the boundary between human and divine was institutionalized in the routine promotion of Roman emperors to godhood on their deaths, although it is clear that this process was not taken seriously by everyone. Thus there were several different paths human beings could travel to earn the epithet “divine.” While the examples just offered reserve divinization for a tiny elite, the ritual found in the Mithras Liturgy ( PGM IV.475-829), offered a somewhat more accessible route to godhood. Anyone who was willing to undertake the elaborate ritual and recite the words dictated there could become immortal. At the culmination of an ascent to heaven in which he saw the order of the heavens and the gods, the initiate could describe himself thus in greeting the beautiful and fiery god Helios: “Since he has been born again from you today, [he] has become immortal out of so many myriads in this hour according to the wish of god the exceedingly good ... “ (PGMIV.646--47).2 The Chaldean Oracles too offer a ritual for ascent intended to achieve immortality, although the Oracles’ learned combination of Platonism and magic must have limited their appeal.
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