Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mixed electoral systems

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Mixed electoral systems'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Mixed electoral systems"

1

Blais, André, and Louis Massicotte. "Mixed electoral systems: An overview." Representation 33, no. 4 (March 1996): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899608522970.

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Thames, Frank C., and Martin S. Edwards. "Differentiating Mixed-Member Electoral Systems." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 7 (September 2006): 905–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005282383.

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The increasing use of mixed-member electoral systems has led to an explosion of research attempting to specify their effects. Yet there has been no work on the economic policy effects of such systems, even though this has been a significant subject of debate for scholars analyzing other electoral systems. An analysis of mixed-member system policy effects is problematic, given the wide variation in institutional rules among different systems. This article attempts to determine whether the institutional differences between mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed-member proportional (MMP) systems lead to differences in policy outputs. The political economy literature finds that government expenditures are positively correlated with electoral system proportionality. Our statistical analysis of government expenditures in 17 mixed-member systems between 1990 and 2000 shows that MMP systems, which are more proportional than MMM systems, are correlated with higher levels of government spending. Thus the MMM-MMP distinction produces significant policy differences.
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Usova, V. А. "MIXED INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL AUTHORITARISM." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 1 (2021): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-1-19-34.

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Over the past decade, the mixed system became the fastest growing variety of electoral systems used in elections for national legislatures. Opinions about the reasons for the popularity of mixed systems in the research literature still vary. There are no cross-national studies in political science that would link the use of a mixed independent electoral system with the consolidation of an authoritarian order. Under authoritarianism, elections perform three functions: imitation, control and signaling. These functions set the structure of incentives for choosing an electoral formula. The purpose of my study is to determine the structure of incentives for the employment of mixed independent electoral systems under conditions of electoral authoritarianism. One of the main results of the study is that, in comparison with democracies, mixed independent electoral systems are more often used in authoritarian regimes. This is due to the fact that mixed independent electoral system provides an opportunity to effectively realize the imitation, control and signaling functions of elections under electoral authoritarianism.
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Michalak, Bartłomiej. "Mixed Electoral Systems: A Hybrid or a New Family of Electoral Systems?" World Political Science 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0012.

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AbstractThe main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportional systems into one system), mechanics (multi-formula and multiple-tiered seat allocation mechanism), multiplicity of variants and detailed technical solutions (presence or lack of mandate transfer and/or of vote transfer between majoritarian and proportional subsystems). The distinctiveness of mixed electoral systems is, however, determined primarily by self-relevant political consequences generated within strategies of nominating party candidates (the number of candidates listed within single-mandate constituencies of the majority part has a positive effect on the party’s results in proportional subsystem), electorate voting behaviors (the psychological effect is acting on voters toward honest and not strategic voting), the level of disproportionality of election results (the mixed system are in general less proportional than traditional systems of proportional representation, however, they are more proportional than the majoritarian voting systems) and the degree of party dispersion (the mixed systems are usually correlated with three-body format of the party system).
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Bochsler, Daniel. "BENDING THE RULES: ELECTORAL STRATEGIES UNDER MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS." Representation 51, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 261–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2015.1064223.

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Crisp, Brian F. "Incentives in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 12 (September 17, 2007): 1460–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301703.

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Mixed-member systems have been characterized as encouraging politicians to balance the activities that enhance their personal reputations and those of their parties. Another literature challenges that legislators from one tier are not likely to behave differently from those of the other. After summarizing this debate, data from Venezuela are used to look for evidence supporting either side in a series of behaviors that span the entire legislative process—from bill initiation to committee consideration to final vote. The author concludes that the “best of both worlds” versus “contamination” debate has led to a focus on mixed-member institutions, to the exclusion of other incentive structures confronting legislators and that we need to engage in more careful theorizing about when and where they should expect the electoral tier to have an impact on legislator behavior.
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Norris, Pippa. "Choosing Electoral Systems: Proportional, Majoritarian and Mixed Systems." International Political Science Review 18, no. 3 (July 1997): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251297018003005.

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PEKKANEN, ROBERT, BENJAMIN NYBLADE, and ELLIS S. KRAUSS. "Electoral Incentives in Mixed-Member Systems: Party, Posts, and Zombie Politicians in Japan." American Political Science Review 100, no. 2 (May 2006): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062095.

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How do electoral incentives affect legislative organization? Through an analysis of Japan's mixed-member electoral system, we demonstrate that legislative organization is strongly influenced not only by the individual legislators reelection incentives but also by their interest in their party gaining power and maintaining a strong party label. Electorally vulnerable legislators are given choice legislative positions to enhance their prospects at the polls, whereas (potential) party leaders disproportionately receive posts with greater influence on the party's overall reputation. Members of Parliament elected from proportional representation (PR) lists and in single member districts also receive different types of posts, reflecting their distinct electoral incentives. Even small variations in electoral rules can have important consequences for legislative organization. In contrast to Germany's compensatory mixed-member system, Japan's parallel system (combined with a “best loser” or “zombie” provision) generates incentives for the party to allocate posts relating to the distribution of particularistic goods to those elected in PR.
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Cox, Karen E., and Leonard J. Schoppa. "Interaction Effects in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 9 (November 2002): 1027–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041402237505.

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The past decade has witnessed a surprising growth in the popularity of mixed-member electoral systems. Under these systems, voters choose representatives simultaneously under both proportional representation (PR) and single-member district plurality (SMDP) rules. It is widely accepted that SMDP rules tend to winnow competition down toward two large parties, and evidence from mixed systems suggests that this Duvergerian “gravity” reduces the number of parties surviving SMDP competition under mixed systems as well. Nevertheless, we argue, simultaneous balloting under PR rules softens this winnowing effect, operating as a “centrifugal force” that prevents Duvergerian gravity from reducing competition to the degree it does under pure SMDP systems. Thus, these newsystems produce effects unanticipated by their designers. To test for the presence of this centrifugal force, we examine elite-level electoral strategies in Germany, Japan, and Italy and compare district-level SMDP election results from pure systems with those of mixed-member systems.
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Stoffel, Michael F. "MP behavior in mixed-member electoral systems." Electoral Studies 35 (September 2014): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2014.05.003.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mixed electoral systems"

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Heine, Rebecca. "Electoral Systems and Women’s Political Representation : A Quantitative Case Study of Female Legislators in Mexico’s Mixed Member Electoral System." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373871.

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This paper uses the case of Mexico to explore the effects of electoral systems on women’s representation in legislatures. While a number of studies have looked at how electoral rules affect women’s presence in parliament (descriptive representation), less work has focused on how these rules affect female legislators’ inclination to promote policy directed toward women as a constituency (substantive representation). Mexico’s mixed member electoral system serves to compare legislators operating within the same cultural, institutional and political context but who were elected under distinct electoral formulas, either through the local popular vote in single member districts (SMDs), or through proportional representation (PR) on the basis of party lists. A quantitative approach is adopted to explore the differences between the two groups when it comes to introducing legislative proposals related to women’s rights and gender equality. Based on data from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies covering a time span of 20 years, the results show that female legislators elected through Mexico’s PR tier are more likely to put forward bills on these issues than their SMD elected counterparts, independently of their party identification and where in the country they belong geographically. This suggests that the design of the electoral system can have an impact on legislative behavior, in this case that of female politicians when it comes to advancing women’s rights policy.
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Raabe, Johannes [Verfasser]. "Electoral Systems and the Proportionality-Concentration Trade-off : Promises and Pitfalls of Mixed Designs [[Elektronische Ressource]] / Johannes Raabe." Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1079524010/34.

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Groenewald, Petrus Johannes. "Die Suid-Afrikaanse nasionale kiesstelsel :|b'n kritiese ontleding en alternatiewe / P.J. Groenewald." Thesis, North-West University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/9662.

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The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system.
Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.
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Pogorelis, Robertas. "Votes and parties in the mixed electoral system in Lithuania." Thesis, University of Essex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.483543.

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Nishikawa, Misa. "The electoral consequences of mixed electoral systems contamination effects and strategic behavior in Japan /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54701135.html.

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lung, Lin Jung, and 林瑞隆. "The Influences of The Mixed-Member Electoral System on Taiwanese Partisan Politics." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/48048468829200635287.

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碩士
臺北市立教育大學
社會科教育學系碩士班
96
In 2005, Taiwan reduced the number of legislative seats to 113 and changed its legislative electoral system to mixed electoral systems combining single-member districts and proportional representation. It is also called “combined-independent system” being implemented in Japan, Russia, and Italy. In this system, the votes are counted separately in both types of seat so that the share of the vote for each party cast in the party lists is unrelated to the distribution of seats in the single-member districts. In this article the author had discussed the electoral systems, party systems, proportion of votes to seats, political landscape and legislative system . According to the consequences of the Legistative Yuan election in 2008, There were three points concluded in this thesis.First, the party system of Taiwan changed from Multiple Party System into Two-Party System.Second, the party discipline was enforced and it contributed to the development of two-party competition.Third,Combined-independent system squeeze the chance for small party to survive in the local political arena. Additionally, the author also made some suggestions for the improvemet of combined-independent system in the future by the approach of historical institutionalism. First, the threshold should be set slightly lower.Second,the total number of parliamentary seats was suggested to be increased.Third,the seats of Proportional Representation could be added.Fourth,the government could provide finance for the political parties to hold a primary election.
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Lu, Tsan Jung, and 呂璨戎. "A preliminary study on the impact of the mixed Electoral System on Taiwan's Party System and A Discussion of Japan's Experience." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/64907576663217065279.

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碩士
國立政治大學
國家發展研究所
97
The overall election of legislator in our country has been reelected regularly since 1992, and it has been adopting primarily the “Single Non-Transferable Vote with Multimember-District system” (SNTV-MMD), a special electoral system. Until the seventh amending of the Constitution transformed into the “Mixed-Member Majoritarian” (MMM) in 2005, which has implemented in the seventh session of legislators’ election for the first time in January 12, 2008. Owing to both of the positions of Taiwan and Japan are very important in the East Asia, and also are the models of the development of democracy in the area. They have similar political and economic developing situation, so they are usually compared to each other by the academic community. Besides the similar economic development pattern, in the political side, both of the two countries began to evoluting from “predominant-party system”. Above all, the two countries reformed the electoral system of congress in 1994 and in 2005. They also adopted the “MMM” instead of the “SNTV-MMD” coincidentally. Changes of the electoral system in any country will impact on party system even political arrangement in a considerable degree. Therefore, I’ll focus on the new system of this election from the different sides of theory, institution, and reality in this research. According to the reformation of the electoral system of Japan and the practical experiences, doing a preliminary study of how the impact of the new electoral system on Taiwan’s party system.
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Jágr, Jan. "Převislé mandáty. Problematické specifikum německého volebního systému." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313444.

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The objective of the thesis is a detailed analysis of overhang seats, the peculiarity of the German electoral system. The theoretical part of this thesis focuses on research of the electoral systems and their political consequences. The second chapter devoted to the German electoral system explains his mechanical functioning and discuses his influence on the degree of proportionality and the party system. The analytical part tries to clear the phenomenon of overhang seats, his origins by means of testing presented variables using the electoral results data from 1990 - 2009. The current electoral reform is also discussed.
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Vřešťálová, Dominika. "Stranická disciplína poslanců ruské Státní dumy po obnově smíšeného volebního systému." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415753.

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The study examines the level of party voting discipline displayed by current Russian deputies. The objective is to discover whether deputies elected since the reintroduction of the mixed-member electoral system in 2016 showed a diverse level of party voting discipline. The study expands on the existing research and verifies results of earlier analysis proving weaker party discipline among politicians elected from single-member districts (SMDs). A sample of over 500 thousand deputy votes is analyzed with multiple regression analysis and other methods of quantitative research. The research explores the influence of several variables including the type of elections, political faction membership, double candidacy of a deputy and his incumbency in the previous term of office. Evaluation of results implies that the type of elections does not have a significant impact on party discipline of deputies. The most noticeable is the impact of the membership in various political factions. Greater independence in voting typical for SMD deputies does not manifest considerably in Russia because of the impact of the local hybrid regime and because the majority of SMD deputies belong to the faction of United Russia. Members of a faction with such importance tend to be less motivated to vote against their political...
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Trávníček, Matěj. "Personalizované poměrné zastoupení na Novém Zélandu." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312619.

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The thesis is about New Zealand House of Representatives electoral system. In introductory part is briefly presented the political system of New Zealand. Then is currently used electoral system, its genesis and impacts of transition from the first past the post to mixed member proportional system researched. Thesis is in its effort focusing on segments of electoral system and trying to identify its problematic points and to introduce alternative electoral system proposed to the electors in referenda. The thesis is using the electoral studies methods, especially quantitative measuring of attributes of electoral system and party structure within the House of Representatives.
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Books on the topic "Mixed electoral systems"

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. Mixed Electoral Systems. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851.

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S, Herron Erik, and Nishikawa Misa, eds. Mixed electoral systems: Contamination and its consequences. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Egeland, Inger Marethe. Mixed systems, different experiences: A comparative study of mixed-member electoral systems in Russia, Eastern and Central Europe. Oslo: Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt, 2003.

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McAllister, Ian. Mixed member electoral system in Russia. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde, 1999.

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Pogorelis, Robertas. Electoral alliances in a mixed electoral system: The case of Lithuania. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde, 2004.

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Ferrara, F., E. Herron, and M. Nishikawa. Mixed Electoral Systems: Contamination and its Consequences. Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Mixed-Member Electoral Systems in Constitutional Context. University of Michigan Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/book.52095.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. Mixed Electoral Systems: Contamination and Its Consequences. Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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(Editor), Matthew Soberg Shugart, and Martin P. Wattenberg (Editor), eds. Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: The Best of Both Worlds? (Comparative Politics). Oxford University Press, USA, 2001.

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Tan, Alexander C., Chi Huang, Gary W. Cox, and Nathan F. Batto. Mixed-Member Electoral Systems in Constitutional Context: Taiwan, Japan, and Beyond. University of Michigan Press, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mixed electoral systems"

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Farrell, David M. "Mixed-Member Electoral Systems." In Electoral Systems, 93–118. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28550-8_5.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "A New Species of Electoral Institution? Relative Causal Inference and the Study of Mixed Electoral Systems." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 1–14. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_1.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "A Taxonomy of Mixed Electoral Systems." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 15–32. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_2.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "The Logic of Contamination: District-Level Party Systems." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 33–48. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_3.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Going it Alone? Strategic Nominations in Mixed Electoral Systems." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 49–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_4.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Interactive Ballots: The Microfoundations of Contamination." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 65–79. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_5.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Voting from their Hearts? Contamination and Strategic Voting." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 81–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_6.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Eyeing the Future: Contamination and Legislative Behavior." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 99–119. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_7.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Better, Worse, or Just Different? Legislative Fractionalization in Mixed Systems." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 121–38. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_8.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. "Conclusion." In Mixed Electoral Systems, 139–46. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851_9.

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