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1
Axelsson, Jonas, Jan Ch Karlsson, and Egil J. Skorstad. Collective Mobilization in Changing Conditions. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19190-0.
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Language and collective mobilization: The story of Zanzibar. Lexington Books, 2009.
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Willman, Paul. Accounting for collective action: Resource acquisition and mobilization in British unions. Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2006.
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Biggs, Michael. Positive feedback in collective mobilization: The American strike wave of 1886. University of Oxford, 2001.
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Lee, Francis, and Joseph Man Chan. Memories of Tiananmen. Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463728447.
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Memories of Tiananmen: Politics and Processes of Collective Remembering in Hong Kong, 1989-2019 analyzes how collective memory regarding the 1989 Beijing student movement and the Tiananmen crackdown was produced, contested, sustained, and transformed in Hong Kong between 1989 and 2019. Drawing on data gathered through multiple sources such as news reports, digital media content, on-site vigil surveys, population surveys, and in-depth interviews with activists, rally participants, and other stakeholders, it identifies six key processes in the dynamics of social remembering: memory formation, memory mobilization, memory institutionalization, intergenerational transfer, memory repair, and memory balkanization. The book demonstrates how a socially dominant collective memory, even one the state finds politically irritable, can be generated and maintained through constant negotiation and efforts by a wide range of actors. While Memories of Tiananmen mainly focuses on the interplay between political changes and the Tiananmen commemoration in the historical period within which the society enjoyed a significant degree of civil liberties, it also discusses how the trajectory of the collective memory may take a drastic turn as Hong Kong’s autonomy is abridged. The book promises to be a key reference for anyone interested in collective memory studies, social movement research, political communication, and China and Hong Kong studies.
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Malamidis, Haris. Social Movements and Solidarity Structures in Crisis-Ridden Greece. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722438.
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Social Movements and Solidarity Structures in Crisis-Ridden Greece explores the rich grassroots experience of social movements in Greece between 2008 and 2016. The harsh conditions of austerity triggered the rise of vibrant mobilizations that went hand-in-hand with the emergence of numerous solidarity structures, providing unofficial welfare services to the suffering population. Based on qualitative field research conducted in more than 50 social movement organizations in Greece’s two major cities, the book offers an in-depth analysis of the contentious mechanisms that led to the development of such solidarity initiatives. By analyzing the organizational structure, resources and identity of markets without middlemen, social and collective kitchens, organizations distributing food parcels, social clinics and self-managed cooperatives, this study explains the enlargement of boundaries of collective action in times of crisis.
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Hurwitz, Heather McKee, and Verta Taylor. Women Occupying Wall Street. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0015.
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This chapter analyzes the significance of gender conflict and feminist mobilization for the emergence and dynamics of the Occupy Wall Street movement that began in 2011. The analysis is based on participant observation, in-depth interviews with seventy-three participants, and movement documents. The chapter shows that gender conflict influenced the Occupy movement’s goals, organization, tactics, and strategies, giving rise to spin-off feminist mobilizations that reinvigorated feminist organizations and networks. The analysis focuses on three processes that were central to feminist mobilization within Occupy: the construction of feminist collective identity, the creation of feminist free spaces, and the use of feminist bridge leaders.
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Almeida, Paul. Social Movements: The Structure of Collective Mobilization. University of California Press, 2019.
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Collingwood, Loren. Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073350.001.0001.
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As the United States moves toward a majority-minority country, candidates for public office must increasingly make appeals to voters from a range of racial and ethnic backgrounds. In 2008, Barack Obama did this to maximum effect with white voters across the U.S. Most recently, in 2018, Beto O’Rourke nearly became the first Democratic senator from Texas since the 1990s. O’Rourke, who grew up in El Paso, speaks Spanish and is extremely knowledgeable about border issues and immigration policy more generally, which translated into strong support and turnout among Latino voters. In Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America: When and How Cross-Racial Electoral Mobilization Works, Loren Collingwood examines the specific case of how and when white/Anglo candidates mobilize Latino voters, and why some candidates are successful whereas others are not. Drawing on extensive data collection, statistical analysis, and archival evidence, Collingwood traces the development of cross-racial mobilization across the U.S. South and the Southwest since the 1940s. Extensive cross-racial mobilization is most likely to occur when elections are competitive, institutional barriers to the vote are low, candidates have previously developed a welcoming racial reputation with target voters, whites’ attitudes are racially liberal, and the Latino electorate is large and growing. Collingwood convincingly argues—and empirically demonstrates—that to maximize the vote across the racial aisle, white/Anglo candidates must develop minority-group cultural competence and group-specific policy expertise. With these qualities, and maximum efforts at cross-racial mobilization, non-co-ethnic candidates can begin to approach the electoral benefits previously thought only accrued to co-ethnic candidates.
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Collection of Consolidated Texts - 387 R 2200: Commission Regulation (EEC) No. 2200/87 of 8 July 1987 Laying Down General Rules for the Mobilization in ... to Be Supplied as Community Food Aid. European Communities / Union (EUR-OP/OOPEC/OPOCE), 1997.
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Lodge, Martin, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Classics in Public Policy and Administration. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.001.0001.
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This handbook presents assessments of classic works in public policy and administration by an international collection of contemporary scholars. These classic works include books written by such illustrious intellectuals as Mancur Olson, Elinor Ostrom, and Herbert Simon. The list of contributors offering assessments of these classic works is impressive as well, featuring scholars such as Peter John, David Lowery, and Laurence E. Lynn, Jr. Each chapter of the handbook presents a classic work, lays out its treatment in the years and decades since its publication, and comes to an assessment of its place in the field of public policy and administration. The collection of classic works demonstrates the breadth of the field of public policy and administration, touching on topics ranging from mobilization and political participation to decision-making across types of organizations and levels of government. Although public policy and administration may not in some respects constitute a well-defined area of inquiry, this collection demonstrates that there is a core of classic works that have had a seminal impact in the field, broadly construed, over time and across national and continental boundaries. The collection also elucidates enduring interactions between public policy and administration and other social scientific disciplines, such as economics, sociology, and especially political science.
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Karlsson, Jan Ch, Jonas Axelsson, and Egil J. Skorstad. Collective Mobilization in Changing Conditions: Worker Collectivity in a Turbulent Age. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
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Corsino, Louis. Did They Jump? University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038716.003.0004.
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For the greater part of the last century, Chicago Heights Italians found themselves on the wrong end of the cultural, political, and economic hierarchy in the city. This position made it extremely difficult for Italians to make recognizable gains in social mobility for themselves or their families. This chapter examines the collective mobilization strategies—labor organizing, mutual-aid societies, and ethnic entrepreneurship—that Chicago Heights Italians pursued in response to the diminished opportunities for mobility. Each collective mobilization was fueled by the social capital in the community. Each generated success stories. But each also came up against obstacles that limited their appeal in the Italian community.
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Boix, Carles, and Susan C. Stokes, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.001.0001.
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The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics offers a critical survey of the field of empirical political science through the collection of a set of articles written by forty-seven scholars in the discipline of comparative politics. Part I includes articles surveying the key research methodologies employed in comparative politics (the comparative method, the use of history, the practice and status of case-study research, and the contributions of field research) and assessing the possibility of constructing a science of comparative politics. Parts II to IV examine the foundations of political order: the origins of states and the extent to which they relate to war and to economic development; the sources of compliance or political obligation among citizens; democratic transitions, the role of civic culture; authoritarianism; revolutions; civil wars and contentious politics. Parts V and VI explore the mobilization, representation, and the coordination of political demands. Part V considers why parties emerge, and the forms they take and the ways in which voters choose parties. The text then includes articles on collective action, social movements, and political participation. Part VI opens with essays on the mechanisms through which political demands are aggregated and coordinated. This sets the agenda to the systematic exploration of the workings and effects of particular institutions: electoral systems, federalism, legislative-executive relationships, the judiciary and bureaucracy. Finally, Part VII is organized around the burgeoning literature on macro-political economy of the last two decades. This Handbook is one of The Oxford Handbooks of Political Science a ten-volume set of reference books offering authoritative and engaging critical overviews of the state of political science.
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Jumet, Kira D. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0008.
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This chapter summarizes the arguments, discusses them within the context of the literature on protest mobilization, and explains the theoretical implications of the book. It reviews the intersection between the Synthetic Political Opportunity Theory and the Collective Action Research Program, the importance of political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes and how they relate to rational decision-making, and the relationship between structure and emotions in individual decisions to protest or not protest. The chapter examines the political climate in 2016‒2017 under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, including increased repression and monitoring of social media, and the potential for future political mobilization and protest in Egypt.
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McCammon, Holly J., Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner, eds. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.001.0001.
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Women have long been involved in social movement activism in the United States, from the nation’s beginning up to the present, and in waves of feminist activism as well as in a variety of other social movements, including the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, and conservative mobilizations. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women’s Social Movement Activism provides both a detailed and extensive examination of the wide range of U.S. women’s collective efforts, as well as a broad overview of the scholarship on women’s social movement struggles. The volume’s five sections consider various dimensions of women’s social movement activism: (1) women’s collective action over time exploring the long history of women’s social movement participation, (2) the variety of social issues that mobilize women to act collectively, (3) the myriad types of resistance strategies and tactics utilized by activists, (4) both the forums and targets of women’s mobilizations, and (5) women’s participation in a diversity of activist efforts beyond women’s movements. The five sections present a total of thirty-six chapters, each written by leading scholars of women’s social movement mobilizations. The chapters, in addition to describing women’s activism and reviewing the scholarly literature, also define important directions for future research on women and social movements, providing scholars with a guide to what we still do not know about women’s collective struggles.
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Luibhéid, Eithne, and Karma R. Chávez, eds. Queer and Trans Migrations. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043314.001.0001.
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This volume brings together academics, activists, and artists to explore how LGBTQ migrants and their allies, friends, families, and communities (including citizens and noncitizens) experience and resist dynamics of illegalization, detention, and deportation at local, national, and transnational scales. No book-length study of illegalization, detention, and deportation has centered LGBTQ migrants or addressed how centering sexuality and nonnormative gender contributes important knowledge. Some one million LGBTQ-identified migrants live in the United States, and more than one quarter of them are undocumented. Young people at the forefront of advocating for legalization have borrowed the LGBT movement’s tactic of “coming out of the closet” to proclaim themselves “undocumented and unafraid.” Julio Salgado’s artwork sparked a nationwide mobilization of UndocuQueer as an identity, and queer migrant networks have emerged around the nation, working both independently and in coalition with diverse migrant communities. Our collection fills a gap in queer and trans migration scholarship about illegalization, detention, and deportation while deepening the critical dialogue between this scholarship and allied fields including: immigration and racial justice scholarship about legalization, detention, and deportation; anthropological and sociological studies of families divided across borders by immigration law; scholarship linking prison and border abolition; and debates on queer necropolitics. It intentionally engages the fault lines between epistemology and power as a means to reframe understandings of queer and trans migrant illegalization, detention, and deportation.
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Trejo, Guillermo. Why and When Do Peasants Rebel? Edited by David Brady and Linda M. Burton. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199914050.013.35.
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This article explores the origins and consequences of direct political action as a means for the rural poor to overcome economic destitution. Three forms of rural collective action are discussed: peaceful protest, armed rebellion, and civil war. The article first reviews classic statements and recent findings in the literature on peasant collective action before considering why poor peasants rebel. Drawing on recent studies of peasant protest, armed insurgency, and civil war, it then outlines four lessons that help us rethink dynamics of poor people’s movements. It also assesses the long-term economic and political consequences of peasant collective action and whether violent or nonviolent forms of rural mobilization have an impact on land redistribution and democratization. Finally, it describes conditions under which the poor try to overcome their destitution through direct political action.
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Kriesi, Hanspeter. 16. Social movements. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0018.
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This chapter focuses on social movements, specific forms of collective behaviour having action repertoires of their own that distinguish them from established political actors. Social movements include movements of the extreme right and anti-racist movements, transnational peace movements, and movements aimed against powerful financial interests and orchestrated through social media. The chapter first explains the meaning of social movements and presents a conceptualization of key terms before comparing social movements with organizations. It then considers how social movements attract the attention and gain the support of the public through a combination of protest politics and information politics. It also discusses the role of social movements in political processes and describes three theoretical approaches to social movements: the classical model, the resource mobilization model, and the political process model. The chapter concludes by analysing the emergence, the level of mobilization, and the success of social movements.
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Ahuja, Amit. Mobilizing the Marginalized. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916428.001.0001.
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In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.
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Lowery, David. Mancur Olson,. Edited by Martin Lodge, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.013.7.
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This chapter focuses on Mancur Olson’s 1965 bookThe Logic ofCollective Action, which offers an in-depth analysis of the role of organized interests and is considered a classic work in the field of public policy. It explains how policy scholars should understand Olson’s contributions in light of work on the politics of interest representation, first by reviewing his central thesis, especially his claims about individual and institutional mobilization in relation to the collective action hypothesis. In particular, it examines the many ways his claims about individual and institutional mobilization have been modified, hedged, and sometimes contradicted by research on interest representation. The chapter then assesses the implications of Olson’s analysis for public policy in terms of how the diversity of interest communities should bias public policy outcomes and influence economic growth. Finally, it emphasizes how Olson’s work tends to be over- and underappreciated by students of both organized interests and public policy.
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Ussishkin, Daniel. New Wars. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190469078.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines the ways in which the totalization of warfare during the twentieth century signaled the diffusion of the concept of morale from the military context to civil society, while the transformation of the terrain of conduct it referred to expanded from matters related to individual conduct and character to collective attitude. It takes stock of “total war” as describing both a process and a set of political and cultural aspirations. Further, the chapter explores the relations between morale, mobilization, and the experience of war to debates about social change and modernization.
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Biziouras, Nikolaos. Political Economy of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Economic Liberalization, Mobilizational Resources, and Ethnic Collective Action. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Hagemann, Karen, Stefan Dudink, and Sonya O. Rose, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Gender, War, and the Western World since 1600. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199948710.001.0001.
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The handbook is a reference work of thirty-two essays jointly written by specialists in the history of military and war and experts in gender and women’s history. The collection, covering four centuries from the Thirty Years’ War to the present Wars of Globalization, investigates how gender contributed to the shaping of warfare and the military and was at the same time transformed by them. The essays explore this question by focusing on themes such as the cultural representations of military and war; war mobilization of and war support by society; war experiences on the home fronts and battlefronts; gendered war violence; military service and citizenship; war demobilization, postwar societies, and memories; and attempts to regulate and tame warfare and prevent new wars. The volume covers chronologically the major periods in the development of warfare since the seventeenth century. Its content reflects the state of research on the history of gender and war. Therefore, the main geographical focus of the handbook in several chapters is on the best explored regions of eastern and western Europe, the Americas and Australia. But it also systematically covers the long-term processes of colonization and empire-building originating in early modern Europe and their aftermath in the Americas, Asia, Africa, and Australia, which are more recent fields of research. Thus, the handbook allows for both temporal comparisons that explore continuities and changes in a long-term perspective and regional comparisons, as well as an assessment of transnational influences on the entangled relationships between and among gender, warfare, and military culture. All essays are thematic, comparative or transnational.
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Nygaard, Taylor, and Jorie Lagerwey. Horrible White People. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479885459.001.0001.
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At the same time that reactionary conservative political figures like Donald Trump were elected and disastrous socioeconomic policies like Brexit were voted into law, representations of bleakly comic white fragility spread across television screens. Analyzing a cycle of transatlantic television programs that emerged mostly between 2014 and 2016 targeting affluent, liberal, white audiences, Horrible White People examines the complicity of the white Left, obsessed with its own anxiety and suffering, in the rise and maintenance of the Far Right—particularly in the mobilization, representation, and sustenance of structural white supremacy on television. The authors use a combined methodology of media-industry analysis and feminist cultural studies, especially close textual analysis, to interrogate a cycle of US and British programming, like Broad City, Casual, You’re the Worst, Catastrophe, Fleabag, and Transparent, that features the abjection of middle-class, liberal, young white people. Throughout, they put these “horrible white people” in conversation with similar upmarket comedies from creators and casts of color, like Insecure, Atlanta, Dear White People, and Master of None, to highlight the ways those shows negotiate prestige TV’s dominant aesthetics of whiteness to push back against the centering of white suffering in a time of cultural crisis. The authors argue that multiple, concurrent, interrelated crises—recession, the emergent mainstreaming of feminism(s), and the unmasked visibility of racial inequality and violence—have caused upheaval among liberals. These crises are represented in this cycle as a collection of circumstances inextricable from and intertwined with the reactionary conservatism, antifeminism, and racism of the rising Right.
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Hughes, Brandi. Reconstruction’s Revival. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038877.003.0005.
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This chapter explores how missionary work that began as evangelical outreach developed into a system of shared grievances when African Americans began to see the meaningful parallels and symmetries between their own limited political influence in the Reconstruction South and African communities affected by colonialism. Drawing on the minutes of the annual meeting and publication records of the Mission Herald, the National Baptist Convention's monthly newsletter, the chapter traces African American engagement with Africa in the late nineteenth century through the transformation of a historically decentralized religious denomination into a collective space for civic mobilization, shaped by diasporic identification and linked social circumstances.
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Caiani, Manuela, and Donatella della Porta. The Radical Right as Social Movement Organizations. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.17.
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Typically in sociology and political science, the radical right has been addressed through so-called breakdown theories, while left-wing radicalism has been analyzed from the perspective of mobilization theories, which are widespread in social movement studies. The chapter uses concepts taken from social movement studies in order to provide an overview of some scholarship on the contemporary radical right, looking first of all at the organizational structure in the radical right milieu and considering the complex interplay among various actors linked to each other in cooperative as well as competitive interactions. Second, it suggests that these networks use a broad repertoire of collective action. Third, and in line with the “cultural turn” in social movement research, we consider the frames through which the collective actors involved in the radical right construct and communicate their (internal and external) reality.
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The Political Economy of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Economic Liberalization, Mobilizational Resources, and Ethnic Collective Action. Routledge, 2014.
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Jumet, Kira D. The January 25th Uprising. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0004.
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This chapter uses qualitative data and interviewee accounts to explain how government violence and repression affected protest mobilization during the Egyptian Revolution. It examines rational altruistic decisions to protest and the emotional mechanisms, such as moral shock and moral outrage, which produce such decisions. The chapter focuses on the emotion of “moral shock” in the face of government violence, as well as feelings of nationalism and “collective national identity,” as motivators for protest. The chapter also investigates instances where elements of empathy or feelings of injustice were absent from the emotional process. When such elements were missing, individuals were deterred from participating in protest.
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Dorronsoro, Gilles, and Olivier Grojean, eds. Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.001.0001.
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Ethnic and religious identity-markers compete with class and gender as principles shaping the organization and classification of everyday life. But how are an individual's identity-based conflicts transformed and redefined? Identity is a specific form of social capital, hence contexts where multiple identities necessarily come with a hierarchy, with differences, and hence with a certain degree of hostility. It examines the rapid transformation of identity hierarchies affecting Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey, a symptom of political fractures, social-economic transformation, and new regimes of subjectification. They focus on the state's role in organizing access to resources, with its institutions often being the main target of demands, rather than competing social groups. Such contexts enable entrepreneurs of collective action to exploit identity differences, which in turn help them to expand the scale of their mobilization and to align local and national conflicts. The authors also examine how identity-based violence may be autonomous in certain contexts, and serve to prime collective action and transform the relations between communities.
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Lee, Francis L. F., and Joseph M. Chan. Social Transformation and the Rise of Protests, 2003–2014. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856779.003.0002.
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This chapter places the Umbrella Movement against the background of the rise of social protests in Hong Kong in the previous 15 years. The development of Hong Kong as a social movement society was traced by the rising number of protests, the diversity of issues addressed and organizers, the increasing level of acceptance of protests by the general public, and the rising levels of generalized protest potential and collective efficacy. The chapter also discusses the precedents and transformation of Internet-based citizen self-mobilization in Hong Kong since 2003. The chapter ends with a discussion of value changes in the population and the emergence of substantial generational differences on value orientations and social perceptions.
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Lichbach, Mark I., and Helma G. E. de Vries. Mechanisms of Globalized Protest Movements. Edited by Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.003.0020.
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This article examines the mechanisms of globalized protest movements. It tries to draw together intellectual resources on this field, and offers a survey of theories of contentious politics. These theories aim to explore their applicability to the new phenomenon of global protest movements (GPMs). The article also suggests that the differences between GPMs may be attributed to their differential use of mobilizational mechanisms. A comparison of these mechanisms involved in different GPMs and contentious politics allows for the redefinition of an understanding of how these mechanisms work in explaining globalized collective action as well as other forms of contention.
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Tsutsui, Kiyoteru. Ainu. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190853105.003.0002.
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This chapter starts with an examination of the long history of Ainu’s subjugation to mainland Japanese and their quiet acquiescence until the 1970s, when the Hokkaido Utari Association began to engage in international exchange. The international experiences from the 1970s gradually transformed Ainu leaders’ movement actorhood, leading to much more assertive collective mobilization by Ainu that leveraged international human rights forums with help from transnational activists. Their international activities exerted significant pressures on the Japanese government, prompting legislation of new laws to protect and promote Ainu culture and an official recognition of Ainu as an indigenous people. Ainu activists also contributed to the consolidation and expansion of international human and indigenous rights forums, legitimating the issue of indigenous rights outside typical settler colonies such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, and bringing in some resources to international indigenous forums.
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Gallo-Cruz, Selina. American Mothers of Nonviolence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0012.
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This chapter explores the historical relationship between and dynamics among feminists and nonviolent activists in the United States, surveying three waves of feminist nonviolent mobilization and interrogating the contributions to and erasure of feminist thinking from popular nonviolence histories. The US feminist and nonviolence movements were born of the same social heart among early, nonviolent abolitionists. It was from the experience of marginalization among nonviolent women abolitionists that the US suffrage movement was born, and again, following women’s activism in the civil rights and antiwar movements, second-wave feminism. The chapter examines and discusses (1) a double-standard of gendered effectiveness and invisibility among nonviolent movements, (2) a radical-feminist challenge to patriarchal tendencies in nonviolent organizing, and (3) the feminist-led transformation from a nonviolence that glorifies “self-sacrifice” to a nonviolence that values self-protection, preservation, and health in the realization of collective social justice.
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Silva, Jennifer M. We're Still Here. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190888046.001.0001.
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The economy has been brutal to American workers. The chance to provide a better life for one’s children—the promise at the heart of the American Dream—is slipping away. In the face of soaring economic inequality and mounting despair, we might expect struggling Americans to rise up together and demand their fair share of opportunity. And yet, the groups who stand to gain the most from collective mobilization appear the least motivated to act in their own self-interest. This book examines why disadvantaged people disable themselves politically. Drawing on in-depth interviews with over one hundred black, white, and Puerto Rican residents in a declining coal town in Pennsylvania, We’re Still Here demonstrates that many working-class people are fiercely critical of growing inequality and of the politicians who have failed to protect them from poverty, exploitation, and social exclusion. However, the institutions that historically mediated between personal suffering and collective political struggle have not only become weak, but have become sites of betrayal. In response, working-class people turn inward, cultivating individualized strategies for triumphing over pain. Convinced that democratic processes are rigged in favor of the wealthy, they search for meaning in internet conspiracy theories or the self-help industry—solitary strategies that turn them inward, or turn them against each other. But as visions of a broken America unite people across gender, race, and age, they also give voice to upended hierarchies, creative re-imaginings of economic justice, and yearnings to be part of a collective whole.
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Ewing, Adam. Global Garveyism. Edited by Ronald J. Stephens. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056210.001.0001.
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Garveyism was carried across the globe following the First World War, generating the largest mass movement in the history of the African diaspora. Throughout Africa and Europe, the Americas and Oceania, the ideas and praxis of Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey and his followers sparked anti-colonial and anti-racist mobilizations, both within Garvey’s organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and without. This volume—the first edited collection devoted to Garveyism studies in three decades—showcases original essays by scholars working in Africa, the West Indies, the Hispanic Caribbean, North America, and Australia. The work in this volume and elsewhere has rendered untenable the longstanding idea that Garveyism was a brief and misguided phenomenon, or that it was a sideshow to the normative political trajectories of African American, Caribbean, African, and global history. The essays in this volume instead encourage students and scholars to rethink the emergence of black nationalism and modern black politics in a manner that moves Garveyism from the margins of analysis to the center. They suggest the need to revisit local, regional, national, and global histories in light of what Garveyism scholars have uncovered.
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Dixon, Marc. Heartland Blues. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917036.001.0001.
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Heartland Blues provides a new perspective on union decline by revisiting the labor movement at its historical peak in the 1950s and analyzing campaigns over right-to-work laws and public-sector collective bargaining rights in the industrial Midwest. The focus on 1950s labor conflicts, including union failures, departs from popular and academic treatments of the period that emphasize consensus, an accord between capital and labor in collective bargaining, or the conservative drift and bureaucratization of the labor movement. The state campaigns examined in Heartland Blues instead reveal a labor movement often beset by dysfunctional divisions, ambivalent political allies, and substantial employer opposition. Drawing on social movement theories, the book shows how many of the key ingredients necessary for activist groups to succeed, including effective organization and influential political allies, were not a given for labor at its historical peak but instead varied in important ways across the industrial heartland. These limits slowed unions in the 1950s. Not only did labor fail to crack the Sunbelt, it never really conquered the industrial Midwest, where most union members resided in the mid-twentieth century. This diminished union influence within the Democratic Party and in society. The 1950s are far more than an interesting side story. Indeed, the labor movement never solved many of these basic problems. The labor movement’s social and political isolation and its limited responses to employer mobilization became a death knell in the coming decades as unions sought organizational and legislative remedies to industrial decline and the rising anti-union tide.
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Saguy, Abigail C. Come Out, Come Out, Whoever You Are. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931650.001.0001.
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This book examines how and why people use the concept of coming out as a certain kind of person to resist stigma and collectively mobilize for social change. It examines how the concept of coming out has taken on different meanings as people adopt it for varying purposes—across time, space, and social context. Most other books about coming out—whether fiction, academic, or memoir—focus on the experience of gay men and lesbians in the United States. This is the first book to examine how a variety of people and groups use the concept of coming out in new and creative ways to resist stigma and mobilize for social change. It examines how the use of coming out among American lesbians, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ+) people has shifted over time. It also examines how four diverse US social movements—including the fat acceptance movement, undocumented immigrant youth movement, the plural-marriage family movement among Mormon fundamentalist polygamists, and the #MeToo movement—have employed the concept of coming out to advance their cause. Doing so sheds light on these particular struggles for social recognition, while illuminating broader questions regarding social change, cultural meaning, and collective mobilization.
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Jumet, Kira D. Contesting the Repressive State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.001.0001.
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This book advances research on the collective action dilemma in protest movements by examining protest mobilization leading up to, and during, the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and 2013 June 30th Coup in Cairo, Egypt. The book is organized chronologically and touches on why and how people make the decision to protest or not protest during different periods of the revolutionary process. The overarching question is: Why and how do individuals who are not members of political groups or organizers of political movements choose to engage or not engage in anti-government protest under a repressive regime? In answering the question, the book argues that individual decisions to protest or not protest are based on the intersection of the following three factors: political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes. It further demonstrates that the way these decisions to protest or not protest take place is through emotional mechanisms that are activated by specific combinations of these factors. The goal of the book is to investigate the relationship between key structural factors and the emotional responses they produce. By examining 170 interviews with individuals who either protested or did not protest, it explores how social media, violent government repression, changes in political opportunities, and the military influenced individual decisions to protest or not protest.
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Methodieva, Milena B. Between Empire and Nation. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613379.001.0001.
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This book tells the story of the Muslim community in modern Bulgaria during a period of imperial dissolution, conflicting national and imperial enterprises, and the emergence of new national and ethnic identities. Following the Ottoman-Russian war of 1877-1878 that paved the way for Bulgarian independence, a movement for cultural reform and political mobilization gained momentum within Bulgaria’s sizable Muslim population. From the establishment of the Bulgarian state in 1878 until the 1908 Young Turk revolution, this reform movement emerged as part of a struggle to redefine Muslim collective identity without severing ties to the Ottomans, during a period when Muslims were losing faith in the Sultan, while also fearing Young Turk secularism. This book draws on both Ottoman and Eastern European historiographies, and approaches the question of Balkan Muslims’ engagement with modernity through a transnational lens, demonstrating how Bulgarian Muslims debated similar questions as Muslims elsewhere around the world. This book situates the Bulgarian story within a global narrative of Muslim political and cultural reform movements, analyzes how Muslims understood and conceptualized “Europe,” and reveals the centrality of the Bulgarian Muslims to the Young Turk Revolution. Milena Methodieva makes a compelling case for how the experience of a Muslim minority provides new insight into the nature of nationalism, citizenship, and state formation.
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Roychowdhury, Poulami. Capable Women, Incapable States. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881894.001.0001.
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How do women claim rights against violence in India and with what consequences? By observing how women navigate the Indian criminal justice system, Roychowdhury provides a unique lens on rights negotiations in the world’s largest democracy. She finds that women interact with the law not by following legal procedure or abiding by the rules but by deploying collective threats and doing the work of the state themselves. They do so because law enforcement personnel are incapacitated and unwilling to enforce the law. As a result, rights negotiations do not necessarily lead to more woman-friendly outcomes or better legal enforcement. Instead, they allow some women to make gains outside the law: repossess property and children, negotiate cash settlements, join women’s groups, access paid employment, develop a sense of self-assurance, and become members of the public sphere. Capable Women, Incapable States shows how the Indian criminal justice system governs violence against women not by protecting them from harm but by forcing them to become “capable”: to take the law into their own hands and complete the hard work that incapable and unwilling state officials refuse to complete. Roychowdhury’s book houses implications for how we understand gender inequality and governance not just in India but in large parts of the world where political mobilization for rights confronts negligent and incapacitated criminal justice systems.
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Liu, Jun. Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190887261.001.0001.
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Over the past decades, waves of political contention involving the use of information and communication technologies have swept across the globe. The phenomenon stimulates the scholarship on digital communication technologies and contentious collective action to thrive as an exciting, relevant, but highly fragmentary and contested field with disciplinary boundaries. To advance the interdisciplinary understanding, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age outlines a communication-centered framework that articulates the intricate relationship between technology, communication, and contention. It further prods us to engage more critically with existing theories from communication, sociology, and political science on digital technologies and political movements. Given the theoretical endeavor, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age systematically explores, for the first time, the influence of mobile technology on political contention in China, the country with the world’s largest number of mobile and Internet users. Using first-hand in-depth interview and fieldwork data, it tracks the strategic choice of mobile phones as repertoires of contention, illustrates the effective mobilization of mobile communication on the basis of its strong and reciprocal social ties, and identifies the communicative practice of forwarding officially alleged “rumors” as a form of everyday resistance. Through this ground-breaking study, Shifting Dynamics of Contention in the Digital Age presents a nuanced portrayal of an emerging dynamics of contention—both its strengths and limitations—through the embedding of mobile communication into Chinese society and politics.
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Lee, Francis L. F., and Joseph M. Chan. Media and Protest Logics in the Digital Era. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856779.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media—understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms—in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.