Academic literature on the topic 'Mobilized participation'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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Rojas, Hernando, and Eulalia Puig-i-Abril. "Mobilizers Mobilized: Information, Expression, Mobilization and Participation in the Digital Age." Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 14, no. 4 (July 2009): 902–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01475.x.
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McGregor, Alecia J., Laura M. Bogart, Molly Higgins-Biddle, Dara Z. Strolovitch, and Bisola Ojikutu. "MARGINALIZED YET MOBILIZED." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000031.
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AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.
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Falleti, Tulia G., and Thea N. Riofrancos. "Endogenous Participation." World Politics 70, no. 1 (November 27, 2017): 86–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711700020x.
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Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory democracy and resource extraction in Latin America and have important implications for the study of participatory and political institutions worldwide.
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MASON, T. DAVID. "Women's Participation in Central American Revolutions." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 1 (April 1992): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025001003.
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Evidence from Nicaragua and El Salvador indicates that substantial numbers of women from humble backgrounds have participated in those nations' guerrilla armies, and not simply in support roles but as combat soldiers as well. This article analyzes the dynamics of societal change by which nonelite women are mobilized for participation in guerrilla insurgencies. The rapid social, economic, and demographic changes that accompany dependent modes of development erode the stability of rural social structures and contribute to male spouse abandonment of the family. Impoverished female heads of households have become involved in grass roots organizations whose programs address their immediate economic distress and mobilize them for collective action in support of economic and political reforms. When the regime represses this political activism, it seldom discriminates between males and females in the application of repression. Faced with the threat of violence, women have joined insurgent organizations that promise, if nothing else, security from state repression.
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Inclán, María. "Mexican Movers and Shakers: Protest Mobilization and Political Attitudes in Mexico City." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.60.
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AbstractUsing an innovative survey of six major street demonstrations in Mexico City between 2011 and 2013, this study compares political attitudes of protest participants and nonparticipants. The analysis offers three relevant findings. The results suggest that in comparison to protest nonparticipants, demonstrators tend to be more politically involved and experienced individuals, mobilized through their personal and organizational networks. The intensity of these factors’ effects as protest participation predictors varied across demonstrations, showing that protest participation is triggered by different factors. And the diversity of mobilizing factors shows that protest participation in Mexico City is complex, and is a common form of political participation for the plural, mobilized civil society.
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Burden, Barry C., Pamela Herd, Bradley M. Jones, and Donald P. Moynihan. "Education, early life, and political participation: New evidence from a sibling model." Research & Politics 7, no. 3 (July 2020): 205316802095831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020958319.
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Although educational attainment is one of the strongest correlates of mass political participation, researchers disagree about whether it has a causal impact on voter turnout. One prominent theory proposes the observed correlation between higher educational attainment and political participation is spurious, largely reflecting early-life factors such as genetics, family resources, and parental values. To test this claim we analyze siblings in a longitudinal survey to control for the pre-adult environmental effects on official measures of turnout among older adults. We find some support for spurious effects of education, particularly in a midterm election where the most politically engaged individuals are mobilized. Because patterns of political engagement are formed in childhood, early-life experiences may be more influential in midterm elections where fewer stimuli and resources are present to mobilize voters.
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Shamir-Tixell, Edith. "Volunteering in Israel – mobilized culture or norm." Humaniora. Czasopismo Internetowe 25, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/h.2019.1.4.
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The purpose of this paper is to present Israel volunteering norm and Israelis’ attitude toward volunteering. Data shows that the rate of volunteering in Israel is declining and that Israelis attitude towards volunteering has changed. A committee on volunteering within the framework of the Interdisciplinary Round Table in the Prime Minister’s Office was established to promote volunteering and social participation in Israel. There is a high-school program, to promote volunteering among teenagers that everyone must go through for 3 years. Much effort is dedicated to increasing motivation for volunteering, However, the volunteer percentage among adults are not rising. A Situational description.
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Salzbrunn, Monika, Barbara Dellwo, and Sylvain Besençon. "Analyzing participatory cultural practices in a medium-scale Swiss town: How multiple belongings are constructed and consolidated through an interactive filmmaking process." Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation 5, no. 1 (May 24, 2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v5i1.105288.
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This paper deals with a participatory filmmaking project involving young residents of a neighborhood in a Swiss town, local sociocultural and political institutions, representatives of the local police, and an independent filmmaker. Seeking to query what participation means in such a setting, we propose an analytical framework that considers three scales of participation: The participatory node, the participative collaboration, and participation as an argument in the top-down setting of a municipal policy. As researchers, we actively participated in the analysis of the entire raw unedited film material that documents the whole production process. Focusing on the interactions between the filmmaker and the youths, the paper explores how multiple belongings are mobilized in order to negotiate the frontier between participation and authority, namely through joking relationships. We differentiate this form of authority from the symbolic violence exerted by institutional representatives in order to highlight the conditions by which active citizenship is made possible.
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Shineman, Victoria Anne. "If You Mobilize Them, They Will Become Informed: Experimental Evidence that Information Acquisition Is Endogenous to Costs and Incentives to Participate." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 1 (November 23, 2016): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000168.
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Because non-voters are less politically informed than voters, some propose that increasing voter turnout would reduce the quality of information among the active voting population, damaging electoral outcomes. However, the proposed tradeoff between increased participation and informed participation is a false dichotomy. This article demonstrates that political information is endogenous to participation. A field experiment integrates an intensive mobilization treatment into a panel survey conducted before and after a city-wide election. Subjects who were mobilized to vote also became more informed about the content of the election. The results suggest institutions that encourage participation not only increase voter turnout – mobilizing electoral participation also motivates citizens to become more politically informed.
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Jarvis, Sharon E., and Soo-Hye Han. "The Mobilized Voter: Portrayals of Electoral Participation in Print News Coverage of Campaign 2008." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 4 (March 25, 2011): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211398069.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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Nogueira, Fernando Simões. "A transformação das formas de engajamento associativo no contexto da institucionalização do Orçamento Participativo de Porto Alegre." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143598.
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Passados 25 anos da emergência do Orçamento Participativo no ano de 1989 em Porto Alegre, a transformação do perfil associativo dos públicos mobilizados nas assembleias regionais do processo é um dado pouco explorado na extensa literatura sobre o tema. Esta pesquisa analisa, através de abordagem processual e explicativa da ação coletiva, parte importante das transformações pelas quais o Orçamento Participativo de Porto Alegre e o contexto de engajamento associativo têm passado nas últimas décadas. O presente trabalho investiga uma tendência histórica observada ao longo dos vinte e cinco anos do OP de Porto Alegre: a transformação longitudinal do perfil associativo do público das assembleias regionais. O problema de pesquisa é subdividido em três questionamentos principais: (a) Quais são os eventos e processos explicativos das mudanças nos padrões de ação coletiva e das formas de engajamento em associações políticas voluntárias na atualidade? (b) Quais são as especificidades desses processos no contexto da participação institucional em uma região específica de Porto Alegre? (c) Por último, em que medida essa transformação do perfil associativo acentuou, no contexto da participação institucional, um perfil de participação mobilizado de forma involuntária e/ou heterônoma? Duas hipóteses básicas orientam o desenvolvimento da pesquisa. A primeira aponta para um processo de transformação organizacional de parcela do associativismo civil, que substituiu um perfil de articulador de movimentos sociais por um perfil de profissionalização e especialização funcional. A segunda hipótese aponta para uma transformação da mobilização reproduzida contexto da participação institucional, marcados por uma participação involuntária e induzida por agentes externos. Os procedimentos metodológicos da pesquisa foram orientados pelo método do estudo de caso – a região Norte – e foi conduzido mediante técnicas de observação participante em assembleias regionais e reuniões intermediárias do processo e de entrevistas semiestruturadas. O número final de entrevistados foi orientado pelo critério de fechamento amostral por saturação teórica, que resultou em um total de treze unidades de análise (entrevistas). O gerenciamento dos dados não estruturados das entrevistas foi realizado através do software de gerenciamento de dados não estruturados NVIVO.Following 25 years of the emergency of the Participatory Budget in Porto Alegre, the transformation of the mobilized public’s associative profile in regional meetings of the process is a little explored date within the extensive bibliography about the subject. This research analyses, using the procedural approach and collective action, an important part of the transformations which the Participatory Budget (PB) in Porto Alegre and the social engagement have been undergoing in the last decades. This work researches a historical trend observed along twenty years of PB in Porto Alegre: the longitudinal transformation of the associative profile in regional assemblies. The research problem is subdivided into three main questions: (a) what are the events and explanatory process of changes in models of collective action and the habits of engagement in voluntary political organizations nowadays? (b) What are the specificities of these processes in a context of institutional participation in a specific region of Porto Alegre? (c) Finally, to what extent does this transformation of the associative profile emphasize, in the context of institutional participation, a participatory profile mobilized in an involuntary and/or heteronomous manner? Two basic hypotheses direct the research development. The first one points to a process of organizational change in a section of civil associations, which replaced a liaison profile with social movements with a professional and expert functional profile. The second hypothesis points to a change in a reproduced mobilization in a context of institutional participation and they were marked by an involuntary participation driven by external agents. The research methodological procedures were guided by the case study method – Northern region – and they were led by observation techniques in regional meetings and intermediate meetings of the process and so unstructured interviews. The number of interviewees was based on data from the sampling research by theoretical saturation, which resulted in thirteen units of analysis (interviews). The data management was done using a qualitative data analysis software program NVIVO.
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Côté, Laurent. "Développement des communautés comment mobiliser et faire participer les citoyens ? : l'exemple de la communauté de Saint-Camille." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2008. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/2575.
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Ce mémoire de maîtrise qui aborde la thématique de la mobilisation et de la participation des citoyens au développement de leur communauté, présente les résultats d'une recherche qualitative menée auprès de citoyens de la communauté de Saint-Camille, au Québec. Le contexte actuel mondial dans lequel nous vivons, avec en trame de fond la mondialisation et le déclin de l'État-providence, a des impacts importants sur nos sociétés. Les collectivités territoriales, qui sont victimes de la délocalisation économique et sociale, se retrouvent en marge du système économique mondial et ont peine à assurer une qualité de vie appréciable à leurs concitoyens. Dans ce contexte, le développement des communautés apparaît être une approche prometteuse qui mise sur l'implication des citoyens pour agir sur leur milieu. Or, cette implication citoyenne demande nécessairement des efforts et du temps, alors que le travail et la famille prennent déjà une place importante dans le quotidien de l'individu. La mobilisation et la participation des citoyens au développement de leur communauté restent donc difficiles à actualiser. Néanmoins, certaines communautés sont des exemples positifs de développement des communautés et les citoyens qui y habitent prennent en charge leur propre développement. C'est le cas du village de Saint-Camille, au Québec. Cette étude de cas a pour objectif principal de comprendre quels sont les éléments interférents auprès des individus et favorisant la mobilisation et la participation à court et à long terme, dans le cadre d'initiatives de développement au sein de la communauté de Saint-Camille. C'est par la réalisation de sept entrevues semi-dirigées auprès de citoyens et citoyennes et d'un groupe de discussion auprès de leaders de ce village, ainsi que 25 heures d'observation participante et une analyse documentaire que nous avons pu dégager une explication du phénomène de la mobilisation et de la participation. Cette explication qui s'articule autour de quatre axes, soit la communauté constituée, les éléments déclencheurs, les éléments interférents et les conditions de maintien de la mobilisation/participation, amène des pistes intéressantes pour tout ceux qui ont à mobiliser et faire participer des citoyens.
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Silva, Tiago Parada Costa. "Mobiliza SUS na Bahia: emergência, desenvolvimento e contradições do cotidiano institucional." Programa de pós-graduação em saúde coletiva, 2010. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/10310.
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A temática da participação e controle social é central à afirmação do Direito à Saúde, defendida pelo movimento da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira e constituída na institucionalização do SUS, principalmente na experimentação dos fóruns instituídos para a formulação e controle da execução das políticas de saúde. Essa experimentação tem motivado um crescimento geométrico na produção de conhecimento na área da participação e controle social em saúde, num debate em que a análise crítica das experiências tem considerável valor. Nesse sentido, objetivamos analisar criticamente a emergência e desenvolvimento do projeto MobilizaSUS na Bahia, no período de 2007 a 2009, enfatizando a identificação das contradições enfrentadas no cotidiano institucional, para subsidiar desenhos avaliativos do projeto e colaborar com o debate na área. O projeto apresenta como novidade a re-discussão da relação dos atores da sociedade política (burocracia estatal) com os da sociedade civil (movimentos sociais), guiando-se por diretrizes que envolvem diálogo, participação, consideração da experiência, construção coletiva, autonomia e reflexão crítica. Suas ações e atividades estão hierarquizadas a partir do desenvolvimento de seminários e da formação de rede, envolvendo atores de lócus regional e de lócus municipal. Sua implementação tem apontado fragilidades e limites relacionados à mobilização de poderes político, administrativo e técnico por parte dos atores envolvidos e também uma potência transformadora relacionada principalmente a características do método que o constitui. Assim, para um desenho avaliativo, sugerimos a construção de um modelo teórico-lógico que parta dos componentes do método do MobilizaSUS articulados a um olhar sobre os possíveis efeitos deste nos atores envolvidos.
Salvador
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Rask, Kajsa, and Madeleine Mattsson. "Etablering av medborgardialog kring smart mobilitet : En explorativ studie om medborgardialogens inverkan på människans inställning till digitala innovationer." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för medier och design, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-14401.
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The purpose of our thesis was to examine citizens' attitude in a smaller city to new digital innovations, specifically autonomous vehicles and carpools, as well as opinions about citizens' participation. Through a web-based questionnaire, which was distributed on social media, as well as a discussion group on Facebook, an understanding was formed about the human acceptance, motivation factors, views and mobility habits. This was then analyzed to create an understanding of how a citizen dialogue should be conducted in social media. In line with this, we examined whether connections regarding human acceptance of new digital innovations can be affected, depending on how the dialogue is conducted and how much information the citizens are provided with. The result showed a clear relationship between knowledge and attitude, where a little knowledge created a more negative opinion. Other interesting discoveries that were identified, were that people see both problem areas and opportunities with a more digitized society. We also found how the respondents wanted increased participation, and that citizens' views are taken into account and have a clear impact on urban development. Finally, we conclude that the degree of citizens' participation and how the dialogue is conducted, shape their acceptance and understanding of changes in society and mobility solutions. The research area on human acceptance, participation and dialogue on autonomous vehicles and carpools is an emerging area of research. This means that the essay is exploratory which can enable further and more in-depth research.Syftet med vår uppsats var att undersöka medborgare i en mindre stads inställning till nya digitala innovationer, specifikt autonoma fordon och bilpooler, samt åsikter kring medborgares delaktighet. Genom ett webbaserat frågeformulär, som distribuerades på sociala medier, samt en diskussionsgrupp på Facebook, bildades uppfattning kring människans acceptans, motivationsfaktorer, synpunkter och mobilitetsvanor. Sedan analyserades detta för att skapa en förståelse kring hur en medborgardialog bör föras i sociala medier. I linje med det undersöktes även samband om människans acceptans till nya digitala innovationer påverkas, beroende på hur dialogen förs och hur mycket information medborgarna tillhandahålls. Resultatet visade en tydlig relation mellan kännedom och inställning, där en liten kännedom skapade en mer negativ åsikt. Andra intressanta upptäckter som identifierades var att människor ser både problemområden och möjligheter med ett mer digitaliserat samhälle. Vi fann även att respondenterna önskade en ökad inkludering, samt att medborgares synpunkter beaktas och har en tydlig påverkan inom stadsutveckling. Avslutningsvis drar vi slutsatsen att graden av medborgarnas delaktighet och hur dialogen förs, formar deras acceptans samt förståelse för samhällsomställningar och mobilitetslösningar. Forskningsområdet kring människans acceptans, delaktighet och dialog kring autonoma fordon och bilpooler är ett växande undersökningsområde. Det gör att uppsatsen är explorativ vilket kan möjliggöra ytterligare och en mer djupgående forskning.
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Suwa, Keiko Pantyp Ramasoota. "Approaches to mobilize community participation in nutrition promotion o of children under five among village health volunteers, Wang Nam Yen district, Sakeo province, Thailand /." Abstract, 2004. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2547/cd364/4637896.pdf.
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Gonzalvez, Alvarez Antonio. "Mobilien et le PDU d'Ile-de-France : l'innovation dans les politiques de déplacements au risque de la concertation." Marne-la-vallée, ENPC, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006ENPC0005.
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Kostelka, Filip. "To mobilise and demobilise : the puzzling decline of voter turnout in post-communist democracies." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0022.
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Cette thèse porte sur le déclin de la participation électorale dans les dix démocraties postcommunistes qui ont intégré l’Union européenne en 2004 et 2007. Ces pays ont connu la plus forte baisse de participation électorale observée en régimes démocratiques depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Afin de comprendre ce phénomène, la thèse adopte une approche qui est à la fois systématique, théorisée, quantitative et comparative. Elle est structurée autour d’un nouveau schéma directeur conceptuel pour l’étude de la participation électorale au niveau agrégé. Ce cadre théorique distingue quatre types de facteurs qui affectent la participation en fonction de la nature et la temporalité de leurs effets. Le rôle de chaque type dans le déclin postcommuniste est théorisé et considéré l’un après l’autre. Les sections empiriques emploient des méthodes quantitatives et une comparaison à l’intérieur des dix pays mais également avec d’autres démocraties établies ou nouvelles. Elles analysent plusieurs bases de données originales, dont la principale contient pratiquement toutes les élections législatives intervenues dans le monde démocratique entre 1939 et 2010. Les résultats remettent en cause l’idée selon laquelle le déclin participatif est principalement dû à un désenchantement démocratique. Ils montrent qu’au moins six autres facteurs causaux y contribuent. Ils tiennent aux contextes de démocratisation, aux changements institutionnels et aux évolutions dans la composition des électorats. La magnitude exceptionnelle du phénomène étudié est, ainsi, le produit d’une multiplicité des causesThis dissertation studies the puzzling decline of voter turnout in ten postcommunist democracies that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007. These countries experienced the most spectacular erosion of electoral participation in democratic regimes since World War Two. To solve this puzzle, my dissertation follows a systematic, theorybased, quantitative and comparative approach. It is structured by a newlyconceived master conceptual scheme for the study of aggregated voter turnout. This theoretical framework distinguishes between four types of turnout drivers based on the nature and temporality of their effects. The role of each type in the postcommunist decline is theorised and considered in turn. The empirical sections employ several types of quantitative methods and intra but also interregional comparisons with established and other new democracies. They draw on several original datasets, the most important of which comprises the quasitotality of democratic legislative elections held around the globe between 1939 and 2010. The results question the conventional wisdom that the postcommunist turnout decline is mostly due to citizens’ dissatisfaction. Instead, they show that it is driven by no less than six other causes that relate to democratisation, institutional change and shifts in the composition of the electorate. It is the multiplicity of causal factors that explains the unparalleled startling magnitude by which voting rates decreased in the ten countries at hand. Besides solving the central puzzle, this dissertation yields a number of new middlerange theories and insights that pertain to electoral participation in both new and established democracies
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Albuquerque, Neta Terezinha Cabral de. "Entre a pot?ncia e o ato: atitudes pol?ticas e percep??es de mobiliza??o em Natal e Porto Alegre." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2010. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13621.
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The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities
O recente processo democr?tico no Brasil colocou como elemento principal para a sua consolida??o a id?ia de participa??o. ? requerido um modelo de Estado que contemple em sua agenda democr?tica a participa??o da sociedade no processo de tomada de decis?o, e uma sociedade que tenha como princ?pio base, a consci?ncia participativa cidad?. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo fazer uma an?lise sobre o n?vel de participa??o pol?tica de duas capitais brasileiras, Natal/RN e Porto Alegre/RS. Os dados analisados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa quantitativa a partir da aplica??o de 384 question?rios para ambas as capitais. Elegemos algumas vari?veis que serviram de base para o nosso estudo; Deveres de um bom cidad?o; Direitos de um bom cidad?o; Confian?a; ?ndice de socializa??o; Exposi??o ? m?dia; Grau de interesse pela pol?tica; Mobiliza??o; Associativismo. J? a pesquisa qualitativa procurou abordar os aspectos pol?ticos, culturais e institucionais dos dois munic?pios
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Bélisle, Annick. "Expérimentation d'une démarche d'apprentissage dans l'action visant l'adoption de comportements à mobiliser lors d'animations de réunions éclair, chez des gestionnaires d'un centre hospitalier." Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 2011. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/2831.
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La possibilité pour les employés de participer aux décisions qui les concernent a une incidence sur leur santé psychologique au travail. Les comportements de mobilisation adoptés par les gestionnaires envers les employés ont également une influence sur la santé psychologique au travail de ces derniers. Loin d'être simple à développer, la compétence à mobiliser nécessite pour l'individu de modifier ses façons de penser, ses représentations et ses comportements : des aspects profonds de l'identité. Ce type de transformation est toutefois facilité par une réflexion sur son propre comportement et ses propres actions.La démarche d'apprentissage dans l'action expérimentée dans cette thèse s'inscrit dans le cadre d'une recherche-intervention visant à aider trois gestionnaires d'un centre hospitalier, à adopter de nouveaux comportements favorisant la mobilisation, à partir de leur action d'animation de réunions éclair avec les employés. Elle cherche à concilier le besoin de formation des gestionnaires avec un contexte de travail où le temps disponible pour la formation est restreint, compte tenu de la continuité des services à offrir, de la charge de travail élevée et de la pénurie de personnel. Le cadre d'intervention a la particularité d'être à la fois une situation de perfectionnement et un contexte d'exploration, dans lequel la chercheure agit également à titre de facilitatrice. L'action d'animation des réunions éclairs sert de point d'ancrage à la période de réflexion-sur-l'action, qui permet aux gestionnaires d'examiner leur action et d'apprendre de nouvelles stratégies d'animation plus mobilisatrices. Plusieurs types de données sont recueillies : observations des réunions éclair, enregistrements des sessions individuelles avec chacun des gestionnaires (période de réflexion-sur-l'action), des rencontres avec les trois gestionnaires et des entrevues de groupe ou individuelles avec les employés. Le traitement des données, à partir de l'analyse thématique, permet de construire des arbres thématiques et de reconstituer trois récits de leur expérience. Les récits donnent accès à la description de trois situations distinctes. Les résultats sont modestes, mais démontrent que pour un des trois gestionnaires, la démarche est concluante. Elle lui permet d'adopter de nouveaux comportements à mobiliser : un plus grand niveau d'écoute et une lucidité accrue en réunion quant aux réactions des employés et quant à l'impact de ses interventions sur le niveau de la mobilisation des employés ainsi qu'une capacité nouvelle à s'autoréguler dans l'action afin d'utiliser des stratégies plus mobilisatrices. L'analyse met en lumière deux facteurs qui favorisent l'adoption de comportements à mobiliser. Premièrement, il doit y avoir un cadre et un contexte qui permettent d'apprendre à partir de l'action, incluant l'accompagnement d'un facilitateur capable à la fois de soutenir et de confronter le gestionnaire. Le facilitateur doit privilégier des interventions favorisant la responsabilisation du gestionnaire dans le choix de ses stratégies d'animation et le maintenant centré sur son action. À cet effet, le Test personnel d'efficacité s'avère être un outil efficace. Deuxièmement, il faut tenir compte des facteurs individuels propres aux gestionnaires participant à ce type de démarche d'apprentissage dans l'action.
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Thiandoum, Barbara. "Se mobiliser contre la violence et le VIH : dynamiques subjectives de l'engagement associatif des femmes à la Guadeloupe et à Saint-Martin." Thesis, Antilles, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ANTI0196/document.
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La fréquentation d’une association de lutte contre le VIH/SIDA et/ou contre les violences (et lesdiscriminations) n’est pas seulement une pratique, elle est aussi un rapport social, c’est-à-direqu’elle se déploie dans un espace caractérisé par des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. EnGuadeloupe, une étude exploratoire sur les processus de structuration du milieu associatif de luttecontre le VIH/SIDA a fait émerger une organisation autour de trois positions associatives defemmes – celles d’ « usagère », de « petite main » et d’ « entrepreneuse ». Au-delà de cettedifférence de position, les récits autobiographiques des femmes concernées sont largementstructurés autour de l’expérience de situations de violence (ou de discrimination). Nous faisonsl’hypothèse que ces positions associatives s’étayent, entre autres, sur les spécificités des rapports àl’expérience de la violence et des discriminations des femmes concernées. Aussi, la thèse proposéecherche à mettre en relation la position occupée par ces femmes dans des associations de luttecontre le VIH/SIDA et/ou les violences et les modes de subjectivation adoptés par celles-ci dans uncontexte postcolonial marqué par la problématique socio-raciale. Ce qui est à l’étude, c’est doncfinalement la manière dont ces femmes s’expriment et ra-content des situations vécues de violence(ou de discrimination) selon leur position associative et les ressources et modèles interprétatifs,discursifs et affectifs dont elles disposent. Le problème est résolument posé dans le cadre destravaux sur les rapports de domination se fondant sur une approche intersectionnelle. Sacompréhension s’appuie, dans le prolongement d’un terrain ethnographique, d’une part sur desdonnées recueillies lors d’entretiens individuels de type récit de vie et de pratique (n=15) et d’autrepart sur dix-sept focus-groups qui ont mobilisé trente femmes fréquentant des associations de luttecontre le VIH/SIDA et/ou les violences à la Guadeloupe et à Saint-Martin. Il apparaît que lespositions associatives observées sont déterminées par une combinaison spécifique de ressources etde dispositions à l’engagement de soi, et correspondent à des modes de subjectivation spécifiquesdans cet espaceBeing involved in an associative movement against HIV/AIDS and/or violence (and discrimination)is not only a practice, it is a social relationship, because it takes place in a context which ischaracterized by power and domination relationships. In Guadeloupe, an exploratory study on thestructuring processes of associations against HIV/AIDS led to the discovery of an organizationbased on three associative positions of women – the « consumer », the « worker » and the« entrepreneur ». Beyond their different positions, the autobiographical narratives of these womenare mainly structured around experienced violence (or discrimination). Our hypothesis is that theseassociative positions are based, among other things, on the specificities of these women’sexperience of violence and discrimination. Thus, the proposed thesis seeks to relate the positionoccupied by these women in associations fighting HIV/AIDS and/or the violence to the modes ofsubjectification they have adopted in a postcolonial context marked by socioracial issues. The studyfocuses on how these women express themselves and narrate their experiences of violence (ordiscrimination) according to their associative position and the interpretative, discursive andemotional resources and models that were available to them. The issues are raised in the context of research on dominance based on an intersectional approach. Their resolution is set in theethnographic field, based on data collected during personal interviews such as life and practice (n =15) narratives and on seventeen Focus groups of thirty women involved in associative movementsagainst HIV/AIDS and/or violence in Guadeloupe and Saint Martin. It seems that the observedassociative positions are determined by a specific combination of resources and a tendency to getinvolved, which correspond to specific modes of subjectification in this spatial context
Books on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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William, Zimmerman. Mobilized participation and the nature of the Soviet dictatorship. Urbana, Ill: University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1986.
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Pourquoi se mobilise-t-on: Les théories de l'action collective. Paris: Découverte, 2007.
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Media practices and protest politics: How precarious workers mobilise. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012.
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La société civile bruxelloise se mobilise: États généraux de Bruxelles, novembre 2008-avril 2009 : thématiques et conclusions. Bruxelles: Le Cri, 2010.
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Tilakaratna, S. Praja Sahayaka Sewaya (Community Assistance Service) in Sri Lanka: A case study of an organization of community leaders which mobilizes fellow men/women in low-income urban communities for self-reliant development. Nairobi: United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat), 1995.
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Walker, Hannah L. Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.
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Walker, Hannah L. Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.
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Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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Toma, Stefánia. "Counteracting the Schools’ Demon: Local Social Changes and Their Effects on the Participation of Roma Children in School Education." In Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People, 117–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52588-0_8.
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AbstractThe aim of the article (The empirical material leading to the present chapter results from the research effort “MigRom—The Immigration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe: Causes, effects, and future engagement strategies”, a project funded by the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme under the call “Dealing with diversity and cohesion: the case of the Roma in the European Union” (GA319901). I also used the results and experiences of earlier fieldworks starting with 2000 in Bighal (the name of the localities were changed in order to respect the identities of the people) that were financed through Open Society Institute, Visegrad Funds, CERGE-EI through GDN and WIIW, respectively Inclusion 2007 through PHARE 2004. Earlier version of the article was presented at the GLS Conference in Nicosia (Cyprus) in 2017. The article was finalized in the framework of a visiting research programme at TARKI-POLC receiving funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 730998, “InGRID-2—Integrating Research Infrastructure for European expertise on Inclusive Growth from data to policy”.) is to inquire into the interconnectedness of large number of factors that carry the opportunity and possibility of improving school participation of Roma children in Romania.I argue that the inherent deficiencies of the educational system, starting with the structural constraints and ending with the psycho-social context in which Roma (or minoritized, marginalized, vulnerable) children learn, can be and are challenged by initiatives, strategies or processes that fall out of the immediate range of the strict framework of the educational system. Bourdieu used the Maxwell’s demon as a metaphor to illustrate the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities in the framework of school system. But this ‘demon’ might be challenged with more or less success if we step out and look for possible ‘tools’ to counteract this demon. Two such cases are presented in this chapter. One is a project implemented with and by the local Roma community using external financing and the other one is the participation of the members of the communities in international migration and use of remittances. I will emphasize that independently of the type and amount of the mobilized resources the individuals and/or communities are able to create and proactively make good use of path-departing opportunities through mechanisms of redefining and changing contextual constraints thus improvements can be observed in the school participation of the Roma children (PS. PS. The article was written before the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world. Its effects seems to neutralize the positive impact of the above mentioned processes: the slow steps taken in improving the socio-economic situation of the Roma seems to be stopped; prejudices and ethnic hatred seems to be stronger; access to services for Roma communities get more difficult, including to education: in this context, a further research question is how on-line schooling changed or will change the participation of Roma children?).
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Meyer, Susanne, and Robert Hawlik. "City Engagement in the Joint Programming Initiative Urban Europe and the Role of Intermediary Organizations in R&I Policies for Urban Transition." In Smart and Sustainable Planning for Cities and Regions, 291–307. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57764-3_19.
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AbstractThis research investigates the case of the Joint Programming Initiative (JPI) Urban Europe and its role as an intermediary organization, developing research, and innovation programs for urban transition. In the literature, the role of an intermediary organization has recently been discussed as an effective promoter and developer of connecting visions, strategies, activities, and stakeholders. A conceptual approach to intermediary organizations for urban transition is operationalized, and its functions are discussed in this paper. As an example, the Joint Programming Initiative Urban Europe reveals how a transnational R&I initiative, represented by 20 national R&I programs in Europe, can provide scientific evidence for sustainable urbanization with a cross-sectoral, integrated, inter- and transdisciplinary approach implemented through activities beyond joint calls. The findings show that JPI Urban Europe acts as broker and facilitator of joint visions and starts to build communities for innovation, which is one of the important functions of intermediaries. The development of its Strategic Research and Innovation Agenda clearly followed a co-creation process, putting the dilemmas of city practitioners in the center. JPI Urban Europe managed to attract high levels of commitment from a diversity of stakeholders to its strategic priorities and mobilized respective budgets for its implementation. The analysis of JPI Urban Europe participation in funded projects shows that challenge-driven calls (putting the problem owners in the center) seems to successfully develop a common language for all stakeholders and has a higher likelihood to generate more transformative outcomes. The number of funded urban living labs in projects shows that room for experimentation in niches and their extension is provided. The number of city representatives as funded project partners could be increased to further stimulate active involvement. The JPI Urban Europe also acts as a translator and enabler for learning in the urban—as well as in the policy sphere—the third function. This can be confirmed by the number and type of organizations reached with its specific formats. JPI Urban Europe coordinates joint activities of mainly national R&I programs but has only indirect influence on change in these organizations and limited influence on changes within research organizations, businesses, or cities that are even less connected. Overall, it can be concluded that the strategic ambition of JPI Urban Europe towards transformative change is obvious, but some instruments and formats to translate the ambition into action need further refinement, and it needs further in-depth research to better understand the outcomes and impacts of its diverse activities.
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Walker, Hannah L. "Injustice in Black and White." In Mobilized by Injustice, 75–97. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940645.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 examines the divergent narratives leveraged by White and Black Americans to make sense of their carceral experiences. In-depth interviews suggest that Whites arrive at a sense of injustice through the lens of class, whereas Blacks centralize race, layered with classed undertones. Data from the Harvard-Kaiser Foundation African American Men’s Survey (AAMS 2006) supports this perspective. Yet, when they view their experiences through the lens of injustice, both groups translate their systemic analyses into political action. Findings from the NCPS suggest that the mobilizing effect is most pronounced among those with proximal contact and is particularly important for the participation of Black Americans, since among this group absent injustice proximal contact is negatively associated with participation.
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Walker, Hannah L. "The Political Logic of Injustice." In Mobilized by Injustice, 50–74. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940645.003.0003.
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Chapter 3 mainly aims to offer evidence for the claim that a sense of systemic injustice links personal and proximal contact to political mobilization. Findings from the National Crime and Politics Survey (NCPS) empirically validate that criminal justice contact can mobilize and show, crucially, that a sense of injustice can moderate the otherwise demobilizing effects of contact. The chapter’s secondary aim chapter is to offer empirical evidence for the claim that contact with a CBO is an institutional mechanism that can increase participation among custodial citizens. The importance of CBO contact to participation increases with the intensity of contact with the criminal justice system. To support this view, the chapter draws on the Chicago Area Survey (CAS) collected in 2014 and demonstrates that CBO contact plays a critical role in mobilizing custodial citizens.
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Zimmerman, William. "Mobilized participation and the nature of the Soviet dictatorship." In Politics, Work, and Daily Life in the USSR, 332–53. Cambridge University Press, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511664182.012.
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"8. The Mobilized Community: Protest and Participation, 1965- 1975." In Contested Ground, 141–74. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501721199-009.
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Rosenfeld, Bryn. "Rethinking the Middle-Class Protest Paradigm." In The Autocratic Middle Class, 100–133. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691192185.003.0004.
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This chapter raises micro-foundational questions about the expectation that a rising middle-class will lead a democratic civic revolution. It focuses on political behavior and examines observed patterns of mobilized contention during Russia's 2011–2012 electoral cycle by nesting a unique series of protest surveys within detailed data on the population from which protesters were recruited. It also shows how one enters the middle-class and what alternatives one possesses to affect participation in risky collective action. The chapter sheds light on why professionals in the state-sector were significantly less likely to mobilize against electoral fraud amid heightened middle-class participation in anti-regime protests. It emphasizes that middle-class protesters from the private sector were much more likely than the working class to join the protests' democratic coalition.
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Field, Thomas C. "Bolivia between Washington, Prague, and Havana." In Latin America and the Global Cold War, 44–72. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469655697.003.0003.
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Challenging the bipolar lens that dominated the framings of traditional Cold War studies, this chapter analyses the polarizing effects of the Cuban revolution on Bolivia’s nonaligned national revolution. Participation in Washington’s anticommunist Alliance for Progress pulled the rug out from Paz’s bold strategy of fence-riding, however, and his eager participation in President John F. Kennedy’s well-funded Alliance for Progress aid program led his government to bitterly break relations with Cuba in September 1964. Paz’s sudden abandonment of Third Worldism mobilized many local leftists and nationalist military officers, who pointed to his volte face as proof that the Bolivian revolution had been hallowed out by the many political and economic conditions that accompanied massive U.S. aid funding.
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Hassett, Dónal. "Communal Contributions and Racial Hierarchies." In Mobilizing Memory, 108–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831686.003.0004.
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This chapter analyses the place of the Great War in the rhetoric of the extreme-right movements that played a central role in the politics of interwar Algeria. It argues that the visions of the Great War that they promoted reflected an intrinsically racial understanding of Algeria’s wartime contribution. It examines the rhetoric these organizations developed around the participation of the Jewish, Muslim, and European communities, considering how these organisations’ evocation of the war embodied their wider aspirations for the reshaping of colonial society in line with imagined racial hierarchies. It also explores how those who resisted these exclusionary visions of Algeria’s past, present, and future mobilized their own counter-narratives of the colony’s contribution to the First World War in the struggle against the extreme right. In doing so, the chapter demonstrates both the potential positives and the potential pitfalls for political movements who mobilized the memory of the Great War in Algeria.
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Vaccari, Cristian, and Augusto Valeriani. "Introduction." In Outside the Bubble, 1–14. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190858476.003.0001.
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To understand the relationship between social media and political participation, the book focuses on politically relevant outcomes of citizens’ use of social media rather than on the technical affordances of digital platforms or the sheer frequency with which people use them. Encountering political content one agrees with, being accidentally exposed to political news, and being targeted by electoral mobilization can all lead citizens to participate more in politics. This is especially the case among citizens who are less interested in politics and less attentive to a general election campaign. Differences in the kinds of voters who may be mobilized by social media may also affect electoral competition. Political institutions can also shape the relationships between political experiences on social media and participation.
Conference papers on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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Xin, Li, and Liao Danyan. "Practice research on community micro renewal from the perspective of healthy community." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/dxlj2564.
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With the acceleration of urbanization and the frequent occurrence of residents' physical and mental health problems, public health has become one of the most important factors in urban development. And building healthy communities is an effective measure to improve public health. In the context of smart growth planning, community renewal is an important part of building healthy communities. To a certain extent, introducing the concept of healthy city into community micro-renewal can promote residents' physical and mental health and social equity, among which we introduce the method of health impact assessment. Community health impact assessment points of three stages, including micro update assessment preparation, project evaluation analysis and implementation, in order to determine the factors affecting health, the health improvement measures and the results of evaluation, planning and design projects to residents health gain role play to the largest. This Assessment implementation mobilized public participation, strengthen the cooperation of the parties, also let residents pay attention to health problems. Taking the renewal of public space in Dashilan community courtyard as an example, this paper explores the application of health impact assessment in practical projects and summarizes the shortcomings in practice. It is a new exploration to introduce the concept of healthy community in community microrenewal, which provides new ideas for building healthy cities and improving public health in China.
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Parotte, C. "Social Scientist on Board in Long-Term Management of High Level and/or Long-Lived Radioactive Waste in Belgium." In ASME 2013 15th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2013-96369.
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In Belgium, the long-term management of radioactive waste is under the exclusive competence of the Belgian Agency for Radioactive Waste and Enriched Fissile Materials (knew as ONDRAF/NIRAS). Unlike low-level waste, no institutional policy has yet been formally approved for the long-term management of high level and/or long-lived radioactive waste (knew as B&C waste). In this context, ONDRAF/NIRAS considers the public and stakeholders’ participation as an essential factor in the formulation of an effective and legitimate policy. This is why it has decided to integrate them in different ways during the elaboration of the Waste Plan (ONDRAF/NIRAS-document containing guidelines to make a principled policy decision about nuclear waste management). To do so, social scientists have been regularly mobilized either as external evaluators, follow-up committee members, or participatory observants. Hence, the Waste Plan is only the first step in a long decision-making process. For a PhD student under contract with ONDRAF/NIRAS, this mandate consists of thinking out a way to construct an inter-organizational innovative communication system that would be participative, transparent and embedded in a long-term perspective, thus integrating all the further legal steps to take throughout the decision-making process. In this regard, two paradoxical constraints must be taken into account: on the one hand, my own influence on the legal decision-making process should remain limited, because of a series of constraints, lock-ins and previous decisions which have to be respected; on the other hand, ONDRAF/NIRAS expects the research conclusions to be policy relevant and useful. In this paper, the purpose is twofold. Firstly, the issues raised by this policy mandate is an opportunity to question the performative dimensions of the social scientist in the decision-making process and, more specifically, to have a reflexive view on our position as PhD Student. Secondly, assuming the role of “embarked” social scientist, numerous of answers will discuss to face the different dilemmas of the researcher “in action”. Those reflections follow on, among others, those from previous papers discussed in Quimper in April 2013 [1] and in Leuven in June 2013 [2].
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Bolay, Jean-Claude, and Eléonore Labattut. "Sustainable development, planning and poverty alleviation." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/dogy3890.
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In 2018, the world population is around 7.6 billion, 4.2 billion in urban settlements and 3.4 billion in rural areas. Of this total, according to UN-Habitat, 3.2 billion of urban inhabitants live in southern countries. Of them, one billion, or nearly a third, live in slums. Urban poverty is therefore an endemic problem that has not been solved despite all initiatives taken to date by public and private sectors. This global transformation of our contemporary societies is particularly challenging in Asia and Africa, knowing that on these two continents, less than half of the population currently lives in urban areas. In addition, over the next decades, 90% of the urbanization process will take place in these major regions of the world. Urban planning is not an end in itself. It is a way, human and technological, to foresee the future and to act in a consistent and responsible way in order to guarantee the wellbeing of the populations residing in cities or in their peripheries. Many writers and urban actors in the South have criticized the inadequacy of urban planning to the problems faced by the cities confronting spatial and demographic growth. For many of them the reproduction of Western models of planning is ineffective when the urban context responds to very different logics. It is therefore a question of reinventing urban planning on different bases. And in order to address the real problems that urban inhabitants and authorities are facing, and offering infrastructures and access to services for all, this with the prospect of reducing poverty, to develop a more inclusive city, with a more efficient organization, in order to make it sustainable, both environmental than social and economic. The field work carried out during recent years in small and medium-sized cities in Burkina Faso, Brazil, Argentina and Vietnam allows us to focus the attention of specialists and decision makers on intermediate cities that have been little studied but which are home to half of the world's urban population. From local diagnoses, we come to a first conclusion. Many small and medium-sized cities in the South can be considered as poor cities, from four criteria. They have a relatively large percentage of the population is considered to be poor; the local government and its administration do not have enough money to invest in solving the problems they face; these same authorities lack the human resources to initiate and manage an efficient planning process; urban governance remains little open to democratic participation and poorly integrates social demand into its development plans. Based on this analysis, we consider it is imperative to renovate urban planning as part of a more participatory process that meets the expectations of citizens with more realistic criteria. This process incorporates different stages: an analysis grounded on the identification of urban investment needed to improve the city; the consideration of the social demands; a realistic assessment of the financial resources to be mobilized (municipal budget, taxes, public and international external grants, public private partnership); a continuous dialogue between urban actors to determine the urban priorities to be addressed in the coming years. This protocol serves as a basis for comparative studies between cities in the South and a training program initiated in Argentina for urban actors in small and medium sized cities, which we wish to extend later to other countries of the South
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PILVERE, Irina, and Mihails SILOVS. "ECONOMIC RATIONALE FOR PROTECTED GEOGRAPHICAL IDENTIFICATION INTRODUCTION FOR LATVIAN CANNED SPRATS." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.119.
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The article raises the question of economic rationale of including Latvian sprat to the protected geographical identification (GI) register of the European Commission. GIs aims to address the situation of asymmetric information on the market specifically a situation when high-quality foodstuffs customers’ loyalty and trust can be jeopardized by presence of sub-optimal products. One of the means to help customers and producers confront the information asymmetries and possess more control over the situation is the institute of trademarking. GIs can be understood as a type of trademarking, however, since the GI does not belong to a single company but rather to a product and is used by many companies simultaneously, the GIs are rather seen as a type of collective monopoly right reinforcing collective responsibility of producers. The aim of the current research to evaluate theoretical and economic background of GI-labelling and possibilities for GIs introduction to canned sprat industry in Latvia as well as sketch the relevance of GI introduction to Latvian canned sprats. According to the economic theory, a number of acute problems in the canned sprat industry in Latvia can be resolved by participating in the GI scheme and protecting the traditional producing of Latvian sprat at the European level. Latvian canned sprats is one of the food stuffs that would benefit from the certification both in the local market and exported. The key structural events to be mobilized to realize the potential of a GI-labelling introduction to the canned sprats sector in Latvia are indicated in the article along with the GIs theoretic introduction and discussion.
Reports on the topic "Mobilized participation"
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Vieira, Gonçalo, Maria Teresa Cabrita, and Ana David. Portuguese Polar Program: Annual Report 2019. Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Universidade de Lisboa, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33787/ceg20200002.
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This Annual Report of the Portuguese Polar Program, PROPOLAR reports the main activities conducted between August 2018 and December 2019 The PROPOLAR is led by the CEG/IGOT University of Lisbon, under a Coordinating Committee that includes members of other 4 Portuguese research institutions CCMAR University of the Algarve, MARE University of Coimbra, CQE University of Lisbon, and CIIMAR University of Oporto The Program is funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia MCTES FCT) as a development of its former Polar Office The activities herein disclosed reflect a very busy and inspiring year The PROPOLAR supported fifteen projects that were successfully carried out in the Arctic and Antarctica Logistics continued to be based on international cooperation and on a Portuguese funded Antarctic flight open to partner programs Logistical support in Antarctica was mainly provided by Spain, Chile and the Republic of Korea, also with strong cooperation in research and facilities with Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, China, Peru, Turkey, United States of America and Uruguay Participation in international meetings and workshops, as well as the organisation of a symposium and an international meeting, and the support provided to the Portuguese Conference on Polar Science, fulfilled and enriched this very active period, also helping to reinforce the credibility and relevance of the program in the international polar arena B ringing together all these efforts and resources will surely attract and mobilise more young researchers into a Polar scientific career, thus ensuring the future of the Portuguese Polar science, and that the program will continue to blossom We are confident that the successes that PROPOLAR has had in 2019 will serve as an impetus for our very dynamic and committed community of polar researchers to move forward in in vesting in the future of the Portuguese P olar science and preparing to seize new opportunities