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Books on the topic 'Mobilized participation'
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1
William, Zimmerman. Mobilized participation and the nature of the Soviet dictatorship. Urbana, Ill: University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1986.
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2
Pourquoi se mobilise-t-on: Les théories de l'action collective. Paris: Découverte, 2007.
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3
Media practices and protest politics: How precarious workers mobilise. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012.
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4
La société civile bruxelloise se mobilise: États généraux de Bruxelles, novembre 2008-avril 2009 : thématiques et conclusions. Bruxelles: Le Cri, 2010.
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5
Tilakaratna, S. Praja Sahayaka Sewaya (Community Assistance Service) in Sri Lanka: A case study of an organization of community leaders which mobilizes fellow men/women in low-income urban communities for self-reliant development. Nairobi: United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat), 1995.
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6
Walker, Hannah L. Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.
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7
Walker, Hannah L. Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.
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8
Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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9
Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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10
Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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11
Hess, David J. Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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12
Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions. MIT Press, 2016.
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13
Penney, Joel. Self-Labeled and Visible Identities. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190658052.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on the identity politics of social movements and uses the case study of gay and lesbian activism to examine how citizen media participation is mobilized in strategic projects of public visibility. It charts how citizens use mediated acts of self-labeling, such as changing profile pictures on social media, to announce the presence of their identities and attempt to influence perceptions of social and political reality. This model of “coming out” may have particular resonance for the LGBT community that has long sought to end its historical invisibility, yet it has also been adopted by a wide range of constituencies who seek to challenge notions of who “the people” truly are. Public visibility campaigns may also contribute to a flattening of differences as social identities become branded with a homogenized set of symbolic artifacts, suggesting the potential limits of visibility as a strategy for inducing social and political change.
14
Helping communities mobilize against crime, drugs, and other problems. Washington, DC: National Crime Prevention Council, 1992.
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15
Dalton, Russell J. Political Equality as the Foundation of Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the theoretical arguments for equality in democratic participation. Long-term evidence for the United States shows that participation levels are increasing overall. At the same time, the participation gap in who is active is also widening. It also reviews the civic voluntarism model that describes the factors that affect the inequality of participation within and between nations. Differences in social status are a key determinant of participation, social groups can mobilize individuals to participate, and citizen values affect participation levels. Aspects of the social structure, party system, and institutional structures may also influence the size of the participation gap.
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New Power: How Anyone Can Persuade, Mobilize, and Succeed in Our Chaotic, Connected Age. Anchor, 2019.
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17
Dornschneider, Stephanie. Hot Contention, Cool Abstention. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190693916.001.0001.
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Why did people mobilize for the Arab Spring? While existing research has focused on the roles of authoritarian regimes, oppositional structures, and social grievances in the movement, these explanations fail to address differences in the behavior of individuals, overlooking the fact that even when millions mobilized for the Arab Spring, the majority of the population stayed at home. To investigate this puzzle, this book traces the reasoning processes by which individuals decided to join the uprisings or to refrain from doing so. Drawing from original ethnographic interviews with protestors and non-protestors in Egypt and Morocco, Dornschneider utilizes qualitative methods and computational modeling to identify the main components of reasoning processes: beliefs, inferences (directed connections between beliefs), and decisions. Bridging the psychology literature on reasoning and the political science literature on protest, this book systematically traces how decisions about participating in the Arab Spring were made. It shows that decisions to join the uprisings were “hot,” meaning they were based on positive emotions, while decisions to stay at home were “cool,” meaning they were based on safety considerations. Hot Contention, Cool Abstention adds to the extensive literature on political uprisings, offering insights on how and why movements start, stall, and evolve.
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Moseley, Mason W. Protest from the Top Down. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694005.003.0004.
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This chapter tests another observable implication of the protest state theory; namely that where protest has normalized as an everyday form of political voice, political elites actively mobilize demonstrators in pursuit of their goals. In other words, rather than serving only as a spontaneous political expression of the masses, protest is often orchestrated and managed by formal political organizations. I first investigate how linkages to political organizations fuel contentious behavior in protest states like Argentina and Bolivia, but are more strongly associated with conventional participation in strongly institutionalized contexts like Chile and Uruguay. Then, utilizing a unique battery of questions from the AmericasBarometer national surveys of Argentina and Bolivia, I also test the hypothesis that clientelism can motivate protest participation in a context where protest has normalized as a standard form of political voice.
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Reilly, James. Orchestration. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526347.001.0001.
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Orchestration explores the origins, operations, and effectiveness of China’s distinctive “orchestration” approach to economic statecraft. It describes how China engages in economic statecraft, explains why China uses this approach, and identifies when Beijing’s efforts are most effective. The first two chapters trace how China’s unique historical experiences and complex political-economic structures led to Beijing’s orchestration approach. Today, Chinese leaders deploy incentives and innovative policies to mobilize a vast array of companies, banks, and local officials to rapidly expand trade and investment with targeted countries around the world. China’s economic statecraft thus requires only a light touch. Four chapters comparing China’s economic statecraft across Europe, and in Myanmar and North Korea, reveal Beijing’s orchestration in action. Policymakers combined delegation with incentives, encouraged participation by regional authorities and enterprises, and facilitated interest alignment among implementing actors to successfully mobilize domestic actors. When problems with enterprise malfeasance, policy stretching, and moral hazards emerged, central leaders adroitly reversed course. Despite successful implementation, Beijing’s economic statecraft exacerbated populist anxieties, undermining China’s foreign policy goals. The policy implications for countries targeted by China’s economic statecraft are thus broadly reassuring. Orchestration concludes by laying a foundation for future studies in comparative economic statecraft.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.63.
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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy of Latin America and the Caribbean at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key findings include: • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the pandemic, with some countries suffering from democratic erosion or backsliding, others from democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust in democracy had been in steady decline in the decade preceding the pandemic. Citizen discontent has culminated in a protest wave hitting several countries in the region at the end of 2019. • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved structural problems of high crime and violence, political fragmentation and polarization, high poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak states. • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms have compounded the health and economic crises caused by the pandemic. This, coupled with heavy-handed approaches to curb the virus, risk further entrenching or exacerbating the concerning democratic trends observed in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • The challenges to democracy Latin America and the Caribbean during the pandemic include: the postponement of elections; excessive use of police force to enforce restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent crime and violence; new dangers for the right to privacy; increases in gender inequality and domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; reduced parliamentary oversight; political polarization and clashes between democratic institutions; new openings for corruption; and a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that rejects traditional forms of political representation. • Despite the challenges, the crisis ultimately provides a historic opportunity to redefine the terms of social contracts across the region, and for governments to think innovatively about how to open up spaces for dialogue and civic participation in order to build more inclusive, sustainable and interconnected societies, as well as more accountable, transparent and efficient democratic systems of government. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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Costley White, Khadijah. The Tea Party as Brand. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879310.003.0002.
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Throughout the coverage of its emergence, news stories explicitly described the Tea Party as a brand of politics that attracted white working-class or middle-class Americans and generated profit, publicity, and political power. Not only did reporters specifically refer to the Tea Party as a brand, the news coverage about the Tea Party was complicit in promoting, defining, and publicizing the Tea Party as a political brand. This chapter tracks the ways in which the news media (including both reporters and pundits) actively mobilized and constructed the Tea Party brand by explicitly discussing and advising its brand strategy, describing its values, serving as a platform for Tea Party messaging and brand promotion, attributing human emotional characteristics to the Tea Party brand, identifying and serving as its spokespersons, and participating in brand placement through advertising and publicity.
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McCammon, Holly J., Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner, eds. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.001.0001.
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Women have long been involved in social movement activism in the United States, from the nation’s beginning up to the present, and in waves of feminist activism as well as in a variety of other social movements, including the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, and conservative mobilizations. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women’s Social Movement Activism provides both a detailed and extensive examination of the wide range of U.S. women’s collective efforts, as well as a broad overview of the scholarship on women’s social movement struggles. The volume’s five sections consider various dimensions of women’s social movement activism: (1) women’s collective action over time exploring the long history of women’s social movement participation, (2) the variety of social issues that mobilize women to act collectively, (3) the myriad types of resistance strategies and tactics utilized by activists, (4) both the forums and targets of women’s mobilizations, and (5) women’s participation in a diversity of activist efforts beyond women’s movements. The five sections present a total of thirty-six chapters, each written by leading scholars of women’s social movement mobilizations. The chapters, in addition to describing women’s activism and reviewing the scholarly literature, also define important directions for future research on women and social movements, providing scholars with a guide to what we still do not know about women’s collective struggles.
23
Ritter, Julia M. Tandem Dances. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190051303.001.0001.
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Tandem Dances: Choreographing Immersive Performance proposes dance and choreography as frames through which to examine immersive theatre, more broadly known as immersive performance. The idea of tandemness—suggesting motion that is achieved by two bodies working together and acting in conjunction with one another—is critical throughout the book. Author Julia M. Ritter persuasively argues that practitioners of immersive productions deploy choreography as a structural mechanism to mobilize the bodies of cast and audience members to perform together. Furthermore, choreography is contextualized as an effective tool for facilitating audience participation towards immersion as an affect. Ritter’s close choreographic analysis of immersive productions, along with unique insights from choreographers, directors, performers, and spectators enlivens discourse across dramaturgy, kinesthesia, affect, and co-authorship. By foregrounding the choreographic in order to examine its specific impact on the evolution of immersive theater, Tandem Dances explores choreography as a discursive domain that is fundamentally related to creative practice, agendas of power and control, and concomitant issues of freedom and agency.
24
Hansen, Magnus Paulsen. The Moral Economy of Activation. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447349969.001.0001.
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Activation policies which promote and enforce labour market participation continue to proliferate in Europe and constitute the reform blueprint from centre-left to centre-right, as well as for most international organizations. Rather than being disrupted the ‘active turn’ has consolidated by the recent financial and sovereign debt crises. Through an in-depth study of four major reforms in Denmark and France the book aims to answer how such reforms are legitimised by political actors. By mapping how co-existing ideas are mobilised to justify, criticise and reach activation compromises and how their morality sediment into the instruments governing the unemployed. Inspired by French pragmatic sociology it develops an innovative framework of analysis to study the role of ideas and morality in gradual but nonetheless radical social and employment policy changes. The book shows how a composite and heterogeneous set of ideas, the ‘moral economy of activation’, leads to a continuous behaviourist testing of the unemployed in public debate as well as in the local jobcentres. The moral economy of activation thus not only shapes the every-day life of the unemployment, it also has profound implications for the threshold between unemployment and work can be approached and criticised.
25
Ahuja, Amit. Mobilizing the Marginalized. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916428.001.0001.
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In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.
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Hellwig, Timothy, Yesola Kweon, and Jack Vowles. Democracy Under Siege? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846208.001.0001.
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For the worlds democracies, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–9 was catalyst for the most precipitous economic downturn in eight decades. This book examines how the GFC and ensuing Great Recession affected the workings of mass politics in the established democracies. The initial wave of research on the crisis concluded it did little to change the established relationships between voters, parties, and elections. Yet, nearly a decade since the initial shock, we are witnessing a wave of political changes, the extent to which has not been fully explained by existing studies. How did the economic malaise bear on the political preferences of citizens? This book pushes against the received wisdom by advancing a framework for understanding citizen attitudes, preferences, and behaviour. We make two main claims. First, while previous studies of the GFC tend to focus on an immediate impact of the crisis, we argue that economic malaise had a long-lasting impact. In addition to economic shock, we emphasize that economic recovery has a significant impact on citizens assessment of political elites. Second, we argue that unanticipated exogenous shocks like the GFC grant party elites an opening for political manoeuvre through public policy and rhetoric. As a result, political elites have a high degree of agency to shape public perceptions and behaviour. Political parties can strategically moderate citizens economic uncertainty, mobilize/demobilize voters, and alter individuals political preferences. By leveraging data from over 150,000 individuals across over 100 nationally representative post-election surveys from the 1990s to 2017, this book tests these research claims across a range of outcomes, including economic perceptions, policy demands, political participation, and the vote.