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Journal articles on the topic 'Mobilized participation'
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1
Rojas, Hernando, and Eulalia Puig-i-Abril. "Mobilizers Mobilized: Information, Expression, Mobilization and Participation in the Digital Age." Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 14, no. 4 (July 2009): 902–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01475.x.
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McGregor, Alecia J., Laura M. Bogart, Molly Higgins-Biddle, Dara Z. Strolovitch, and Bisola Ojikutu. "MARGINALIZED YET MOBILIZED." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000031.
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AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.
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Falleti, Tulia G., and Thea N. Riofrancos. "Endogenous Participation." World Politics 70, no. 1 (November 27, 2017): 86–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711700020x.
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Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory democracy and resource extraction in Latin America and have important implications for the study of participatory and political institutions worldwide.
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MASON, T. DAVID. "Women's Participation in Central American Revolutions." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 1 (April 1992): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025001003.
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Evidence from Nicaragua and El Salvador indicates that substantial numbers of women from humble backgrounds have participated in those nations' guerrilla armies, and not simply in support roles but as combat soldiers as well. This article analyzes the dynamics of societal change by which nonelite women are mobilized for participation in guerrilla insurgencies. The rapid social, economic, and demographic changes that accompany dependent modes of development erode the stability of rural social structures and contribute to male spouse abandonment of the family. Impoverished female heads of households have become involved in grass roots organizations whose programs address their immediate economic distress and mobilize them for collective action in support of economic and political reforms. When the regime represses this political activism, it seldom discriminates between males and females in the application of repression. Faced with the threat of violence, women have joined insurgent organizations that promise, if nothing else, security from state repression.
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Inclán, María. "Mexican Movers and Shakers: Protest Mobilization and Political Attitudes in Mexico City." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.60.
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AbstractUsing an innovative survey of six major street demonstrations in Mexico City between 2011 and 2013, this study compares political attitudes of protest participants and nonparticipants. The analysis offers three relevant findings. The results suggest that in comparison to protest nonparticipants, demonstrators tend to be more politically involved and experienced individuals, mobilized through their personal and organizational networks. The intensity of these factors’ effects as protest participation predictors varied across demonstrations, showing that protest participation is triggered by different factors. And the diversity of mobilizing factors shows that protest participation in Mexico City is complex, and is a common form of political participation for the plural, mobilized civil society.
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Burden, Barry C., Pamela Herd, Bradley M. Jones, and Donald P. Moynihan. "Education, early life, and political participation: New evidence from a sibling model." Research & Politics 7, no. 3 (July 2020): 205316802095831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020958319.
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Although educational attainment is one of the strongest correlates of mass political participation, researchers disagree about whether it has a causal impact on voter turnout. One prominent theory proposes the observed correlation between higher educational attainment and political participation is spurious, largely reflecting early-life factors such as genetics, family resources, and parental values. To test this claim we analyze siblings in a longitudinal survey to control for the pre-adult environmental effects on official measures of turnout among older adults. We find some support for spurious effects of education, particularly in a midterm election where the most politically engaged individuals are mobilized. Because patterns of political engagement are formed in childhood, early-life experiences may be more influential in midterm elections where fewer stimuli and resources are present to mobilize voters.
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Shamir-Tixell, Edith. "Volunteering in Israel – mobilized culture or norm." Humaniora. Czasopismo Internetowe 25, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/h.2019.1.4.
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The purpose of this paper is to present Israel volunteering norm and Israelis’ attitude toward volunteering. Data shows that the rate of volunteering in Israel is declining and that Israelis attitude towards volunteering has changed. A committee on volunteering within the framework of the Interdisciplinary Round Table in the Prime Minister’s Office was established to promote volunteering and social participation in Israel. There is a high-school program, to promote volunteering among teenagers that everyone must go through for 3 years. Much effort is dedicated to increasing motivation for volunteering, However, the volunteer percentage among adults are not rising. A Situational description.
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Salzbrunn, Monika, Barbara Dellwo, and Sylvain Besençon. "Analyzing participatory cultural practices in a medium-scale Swiss town: How multiple belongings are constructed and consolidated through an interactive filmmaking process." Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation 5, no. 1 (May 24, 2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v5i1.105288.
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This paper deals with a participatory filmmaking project involving young residents of a neighborhood in a Swiss town, local sociocultural and political institutions, representatives of the local police, and an independent filmmaker. Seeking to query what participation means in such a setting, we propose an analytical framework that considers three scales of participation: The participatory node, the participative collaboration, and participation as an argument in the top-down setting of a municipal policy. As researchers, we actively participated in the analysis of the entire raw unedited film material that documents the whole production process. Focusing on the interactions between the filmmaker and the youths, the paper explores how multiple belongings are mobilized in order to negotiate the frontier between participation and authority, namely through joking relationships. We differentiate this form of authority from the symbolic violence exerted by institutional representatives in order to highlight the conditions by which active citizenship is made possible.
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Shineman, Victoria Anne. "If You Mobilize Them, They Will Become Informed: Experimental Evidence that Information Acquisition Is Endogenous to Costs and Incentives to Participate." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 1 (November 23, 2016): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000168.
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Because non-voters are less politically informed than voters, some propose that increasing voter turnout would reduce the quality of information among the active voting population, damaging electoral outcomes. However, the proposed tradeoff between increased participation and informed participation is a false dichotomy. This article demonstrates that political information is endogenous to participation. A field experiment integrates an intensive mobilization treatment into a panel survey conducted before and after a city-wide election. Subjects who were mobilized to vote also became more informed about the content of the election. The results suggest institutions that encourage participation not only increase voter turnout – mobilizing electoral participation also motivates citizens to become more politically informed.
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Jarvis, Sharon E., and Soo-Hye Han. "The Mobilized Voter: Portrayals of Electoral Participation in Print News Coverage of Campaign 2008." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 4 (March 25, 2011): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211398069.
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Castle, Jeremiah J., Shannon Jenkins, Candice D. Ortbals, Lori Poloni-Staudinger, and J. Cherie Strachan. "The Effect of the #MeToo Movement on Political Engagement and Ambition in 2018." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (June 5, 2020): 926–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920924824.
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Conventional wisdom holds that the #MeToo movement increased awareness of sexual harassment and drove sympathizers, particularly women, to increased participation in the 2018 midterm elections. In this paper, we assess whether #MeToo increased awareness of sexual harassment, as well as whether #MeToo increased self-reported interest in various forms of political participation. Using an original dataset from October 2018, we find that although the #MeToo movement increased awareness and concern about sexual harassment and sexual assault, it did not affect interest in political participation among most Americans. We also find that the people most likely to report being aware of and mobilized by the movement were Democrats, those with high levels of political interest, and those who have personally experienced sexual harassment in professional settings. Surprisingly, in most of our models, women were no more likely to report that #MeToo increased their interest in participating than men. The results suggest that the primary effect of #MeToo may have been increasing the salience of sexual harassment and interest in political participation in 2018 among those who possessed the resources to participate and who were ideologically predisposed to support the movement’s goals from the beginning.
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BARRETO, MATT A. "İSí Se Puede! Latino Candidates and the Mobilization of Latino Voters." American Political Science Review 101, no. 3 (July 26, 2007): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070293.
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Traditional studies of political participation assume an electoral environment in which voters decide between two White candidates, and find Latino citizens less politically engaged. Given the growth in the number of Latino candidates for office over the past 20 years, this article tests whether ethnicity impacts Latino voting behavior. I argue that the presence of a Latino candidate mobilizes the Latino electorate, resulting in elevated voter turnout and strong support for the co-ethnic candidates. Although some research provides a theoretical basis for such a claim, this article brings together a comprehensive body of empirical evidence to suggest that ethnicityissalient for Latinos and provides a coherent theory that accounts for the empowering role of co-ethnic candidates. Analysis of recent mayoral elections in five major U.S. cities reveals that Latinos were consistently mobilized by co-ethnic candidates.
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Matos e Nobre, Heloiza Helena, and Jorge Pereira Filho. "A PARTICIPAÇÃO NA COMUNICAÇÃO PÚBLICA: para além do consenso." Revista Observatório 2, no. 5 (December 25, 2016): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2016v2n5p383.
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Mobilizada por diversos discursos contemporâneos, a participação constitui-se em um campo de estudo amplo, cuja definição é proposta em variados referenciais teóricos, às vezes de modo conflitivo. Tema de relevância crescente, tem sido discutido por diversos autores para refletir sobre os impasses do sistema político das democracias modernas e constitui-se também em um conceito-chave da comunicação pública. Como iremos abordar, o fundamento da comunicação assenta-se em procedimentos, que precisam estar abertos à participação ativa da sociedade, e em objetivos, que têm o interesse público como pano de fundo. Este artigo procura, assim, discutir teoricamente o conceito de participação, tecendo algumas relações possíveis entre essa reflexão e o conceito de comunicação pública.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Participação; Comunicação pública; Democracia.
ABSTRACT
Mobilized by various contemporary discourses, participation is on a broad field of study, whose definition is proposed in different theoretical frameworks, sometimes conflicting mode. Subject of growing relevance has been mobilized by several authors to discuss impasses of the political system of modern democracies and also constituted in a key concept of public communication. How will we address the communication plea in procedures that need to be open to the active participation of society, and objectives that have the public interest as a backdrop. This article therefore seeks to theoretically discuss the concept of participation, weaving some possible links between that thought and the concept of public communication.
KEYWORDS: Participation; Public communication; Democracy.
RESUMEN
Movilizados por diversos discursos contemporáneos, la participación es en un amplio campo de estudio, cuya definición se propone en diferentes marcos teóricos, a veces manera conflictiva. Tema de creciente relevancia, ha sido discutido por varios autores para reflexionar sobre los callejones sin salida del sistema político de las democracias modernas, y que también ha constituido en un concepto clave de la comunicación pública. ¿Cómo vamos a abordar el motivo de comunicación en los procedimientos que deben estar abiertos a la participación activa de la sociedad, y los objetivos que tienen el interés público como telón de fondo. Por tanto, este artículo se discute teóricamente el concepto de participación, tejiendo algunas posibles vínculos entre el pensamiento y el concepto de comunicación pública.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Participación; comunicación pública; Democracia.
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Svensson, Jakob. "Polarizing Political Participation Frames in a Nordic Gay Community." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 6, no. 2 (November 4, 2014): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v6i2.299.
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This article is based on a research project studying political discussions in the Swedish LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bi-, Transsexual) community Qruiser. These discussions were very antagonistic and rude. The aim is therefore to understand what motivated participation in these heated discussions. The focus is on Qruiser political forum threads. The research is nethnographic through online interviews, participant observations in, and content analyses of, political discussions threads during the month of November 2012. By using framing theory as an analytical tool, the paper seeks to answer which frames attracted and mobilized participation and how this was done. In the article I find that polarizing frames of the left vs the right, the xenophobic vs the political correct, together with a truth and a game frame was used to motivated participation in the Qruiser forum threads.
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Grasso, Maria T., and Marco Giugni. "Political values and extra-institutional political participation: The impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian preferences on protest behaviour." International Political Science Review 40, no. 4 (August 18, 2018): 470–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118780425.
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Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy.
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Campbell, Scott W., and Nojin Kwak. "Political Involvement in “Mobilized” Society: The Interactive Relationships Among Mobile Communication, Network Characteristics, and Political Participation." Journal of Communication 61, no. 6 (December 2011): 1005–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2011.01601.x.
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Nugent, Elizabeth R., and Chantal E. Berman. "Ctrl-Alt-Revolt?" Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01001007.
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Analyses of the 2011 Egyptian uprising assign a significant mobilizing role to the interpersonal networks created through Facebook and Twitter. However, these studies fail to investigate online networks in comparison with more traditional “offline” networks, which are similarly theorized to mobilize members to protest participation. In this paper, we analyze nationally representative Arab Barometer survey data from Egypt 2011 to compare the mobilizing effects of memberships in four different types of networks: online, union, community, and religious. We test whether these networks were distinct and operated in competition, or overlapping and operated in tandem to mobilize Egyptians to protest. We demonstrate that different networks mobilized different segments of the population, consistent with theories about the negative revolutionary coalition necessary for successful uprisings. We also show that multiple network membership increases protest propensity, and that individuals at the intersection of online networks and community group networks, such as those formed through membership in charity groups or sports clubs, are most likely to engage in revolutionary protest. These results speak to an important interactive effect between online and offline networks in terms of facilitating successful revolutionary uprisings.
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Kinchy, Abby. "Epistemic Boomerang: Expert Policy Advice As Leverage in the Campaign Against Transgenic Maize in Mexico." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.2.a568g55h0k663k30.
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This article introduces the term "epistemic boomerang" to describe a distinctive pattern of activism in which activists, frustrated by exclusion from national politics, attempt to mobilize expert advice in support of social goals. Using expertise as leverage can be a desirable option for activists when political authorities favor technocratic decision making. Epistemic boomerang formation is possible when expert organizations encourage citizen participation in agenda setting and spaces are made for encounters between experts and activists. These processes are evident in the contentious politics of genetically engineered maize in Mexico. In this case, maize producers and community activists mobilized to confront an expert advisory group assembled by the tri-national Commission for Environmental Cooperation. As a result, the values and perspectives of many of the protesters were conveyed in the expert report and recommendations. This article examines the political outcomes of this epistemic boomerang and considers its implications for the study of social movements.
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Fisher, Dana, and Paul-Brian McInerney. "The Limits of Networks in Social Movement Retention: On Canvassers and their Careers." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.2.y8g9r5m2261p7222.
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Although scholars have examined the different pathways to participation in social movements, far less research has looked at the endurance of activists once they mobilize. This article specifically explores the relationship between the pathways to mobilization and retention. Our data show that both social ties and individual motivations play a role in mobilizing participants of social movements. Contrary to what one might expect, we find that those activists who were mobilized with personal connections were less likely to be working for the organization a year later versus those who came to the organization as strangers. We find instead that self-starters—those canvassers who entered the canvass through their own volition—stayed on longer. Although those canvassers who came to the job through network ties were less likely to be working for the organization a year later, they were more likely to be engaged in other civic and political groups and they were more likely to be leaders of these groups.
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Pilarski, Linda M., Eva Pruski, Juanita Wizniak, Darlene Paine, Karen Seeberger, Michael J. Mant, Christopher B. Brown, and Andrew R. Belch. "Potential Role for Hyaluronan and the Hyaluronan Receptor RHAMM in Mobilization and Trafficking of Hematopoietic Progenitor Cells." Blood 93, no. 9 (May 1, 1999): 2918–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v93.9.2918.
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Abstract Although the mechanism(s) underlying mobilization of hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPCs) is unknown, detachment from the bone marrow (BM) microenvironment and motility are likely to play a role. This work analyzes the motile behavior of HPCs and the receptors involved. CD34+45lo/medScatterlo/med HPCs from granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF)–mobilized blood and mobilized BM were compared with steady-state BM for their ability to bind hyaluronan (HA), their expression of the HA receptors RHAMM and CD44, and their motogenic behavior. Although RHAMM and CD44 are expressed by mobilized blood HPCs, function blocking monoclonal antibodies (MoAbs) identified RHAMM as a major HA binding receptor, with a less consistent participation by CD44. Permeabilization of mobilized blood HPCs showed a pool of intracellular (ic) RHAMM and a smaller pool of icCD44. In contrast, steady-state BM HPCs have significantly larger pools of icRHAMM and icCD44. Also, in contrast to mobilized blood HPCs, for steady-state BM HPCs, MoAbs to RHAMM and CD44 act as agonists to upregulate HA binding. The comparison between mobilized and steady-state BM HPCs suggests that G-CSF mobilization is associated with depletion of intracellular stores of HA receptors and modulates HA receptor usage. To confirm that mobilization alters the HA receptor distribution and usage by HPCs, samples of BM were collected at the peak of G-CSF mobilization in parallel with mobilized blood samples. HA receptor distribution of mobilized BM HPCs was closely matched with mobilized blood HPCs and different from steady-state BM HPCs. Mobilized BM HPCs had lower pools of icHA receptors, similar to those of mobilized blood HPCs. Treatment of mobilized BM HPCs with anti-RHAMM MoAb decreased HA binding, in contrast to steady-state BM HPCs. Thus, G-CSF mobilization may stimulate an autocrine stimulatory loop for HPCs in which HA interacts with basal levels of RHAMM and/or CD44 to stimulate receptor recycling. Consistent with this, treatment of HPCs with azide, nystatin, or cytochalasin B increased HA binding, implicating an energy-dependent process involving lipid rafts and the cytoskeleton. Of the sorted HPCs, 66% were adherent and 27% were motile on fibronectin plus HA. HPC adherence was inhibited by MoAbs to β1 integrin and CD44, but not to RHAMM, whereas HPC motility was inhibited by MoAb to RHAMM and β1 integrin, but not to CD44. This finding suggests that RHAMM and CD44 play reciprocal roles in adhesion and motility by HPCs. The G-CSF–associated alterations in RHAMM distribution and the RHAMM-dependent motility of HPCs suggest a potential role for HA and RHAMM in trafficking of HPCs and the possible use of HA as a mobilizing agent in vivo.
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Pilarski, Linda M., Eva Pruski, Juanita Wizniak, Darlene Paine, Karen Seeberger, Michael J. Mant, Christopher B. Brown, and Andrew R. Belch. "Potential Role for Hyaluronan and the Hyaluronan Receptor RHAMM in Mobilization and Trafficking of Hematopoietic Progenitor Cells." Blood 93, no. 9 (May 1, 1999): 2918–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v93.9.2918.409k19_2918_2927.
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Although the mechanism(s) underlying mobilization of hematopoietic progenitor cells (HPCs) is unknown, detachment from the bone marrow (BM) microenvironment and motility are likely to play a role. This work analyzes the motile behavior of HPCs and the receptors involved. CD34+45lo/medScatterlo/med HPCs from granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF)–mobilized blood and mobilized BM were compared with steady-state BM for their ability to bind hyaluronan (HA), their expression of the HA receptors RHAMM and CD44, and their motogenic behavior. Although RHAMM and CD44 are expressed by mobilized blood HPCs, function blocking monoclonal antibodies (MoAbs) identified RHAMM as a major HA binding receptor, with a less consistent participation by CD44. Permeabilization of mobilized blood HPCs showed a pool of intracellular (ic) RHAMM and a smaller pool of icCD44. In contrast, steady-state BM HPCs have significantly larger pools of icRHAMM and icCD44. Also, in contrast to mobilized blood HPCs, for steady-state BM HPCs, MoAbs to RHAMM and CD44 act as agonists to upregulate HA binding. The comparison between mobilized and steady-state BM HPCs suggests that G-CSF mobilization is associated with depletion of intracellular stores of HA receptors and modulates HA receptor usage. To confirm that mobilization alters the HA receptor distribution and usage by HPCs, samples of BM were collected at the peak of G-CSF mobilization in parallel with mobilized blood samples. HA receptor distribution of mobilized BM HPCs was closely matched with mobilized blood HPCs and different from steady-state BM HPCs. Mobilized BM HPCs had lower pools of icHA receptors, similar to those of mobilized blood HPCs. Treatment of mobilized BM HPCs with anti-RHAMM MoAb decreased HA binding, in contrast to steady-state BM HPCs. Thus, G-CSF mobilization may stimulate an autocrine stimulatory loop for HPCs in which HA interacts with basal levels of RHAMM and/or CD44 to stimulate receptor recycling. Consistent with this, treatment of HPCs with azide, nystatin, or cytochalasin B increased HA binding, implicating an energy-dependent process involving lipid rafts and the cytoskeleton. Of the sorted HPCs, 66% were adherent and 27% were motile on fibronectin plus HA. HPC adherence was inhibited by MoAbs to β1 integrin and CD44, but not to RHAMM, whereas HPC motility was inhibited by MoAb to RHAMM and β1 integrin, but not to CD44. This finding suggests that RHAMM and CD44 play reciprocal roles in adhesion and motility by HPCs. The G-CSF–associated alterations in RHAMM distribution and the RHAMM-dependent motility of HPCs suggest a potential role for HA and RHAMM in trafficking of HPCs and the possible use of HA as a mobilizing agent in vivo.
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Gengler, Justin, and Buthaina Al-Khelaifi. "Crisis, State Legitimacy, and Political Participation in a Non-Democracy: How Qatar Withstood the 2017 Blockade." Middle East Journal 73, no. 3 (October 15, 2019): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.3.13.
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This article uses rare, nationally representative survey data collected before and after the blockade of Qatar that began in June 2017 to assess its impact on citizens' orientations toward the Gulf Cooperation Council, relations with key foreign countries, and domestic politics. The study illuminates a critical element missing from existing explanations of Qatar's unforeseen resilience in the face of the blockade, namely the role of ordinary Qataris, who mobilized in defense of the political status quo.
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HERMAWAN, Dedy, and Simon Sumanjoyo HUTAGALUNG. "Coopetition as a Model of Tourism Participation Management in South Lampung Indonesia." Journal of Environmental Management and Tourism 11, no. 6 (September 13, 2020): 1571. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jemt.v11.6(46)27.
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This article discusses the community participation forms in tourism management and review a model that can be a solution. The study conducted by mixed methods which surveyed 100 respondents, also interview, observation and focus group discussions. The results identified that participation tends to emerge in tourism destination areas with the patterns: (1). Society has a readiness to participate which is dominant in the form of thought and energy, (2). Most people are participated if mobilized, there is also a portion which is willing to contribute without waiting to be invited. (3). The public are willing to actively participate but are not in the position of competitors. Model to intervening these conditions is model that adopts the concept of coopetition in the aspect of community empowerment.
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Razavi, Nasya S. "‘Social Control’ and the Politics of Public Participation in Water Remunicipalization, Cochabamba, Bolivia." Water 11, no. 7 (July 14, 2019): 1455. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11071455.
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During the Water War in 2000, residents of Cochabamba, Bolivia, famously mobilized against water privatization and gained back public control of the city’s water utility. Nearly two decades later, the water movement’s vision of democratic water provision under the participatory management of ‘social control’ remains largely unfulfilled. This paper points to the difficulties in rebuilding a strong public water service in Cochabamba, focusing on the different—and often incompatible—understandings and interpretations of public participation. Addressing the concept’s malleability to a spectrum of ideologies, this paper builds a typology of different kinds of participation according to their intentionality, outcomes, tools, and practices. Applying this framework to the water politics in Bolivia serves to untangle competing perspectives of participation, uncover whose interests are served, and which groups are included or excluded from access to water and decision-making. This analysis reveals how transformative participation has failed to take hold within the municipal service provider in Cochabamba.
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Ohme, Jakob. "Mobile but Not Mobilized? Differential Gains from Mobile News Consumption for Citizens’ Political Knowledge and Campaign Participation." Digital Journalism 8, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2019.1697625.
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Polyakova, Alina. "From the provinces to the parliament: How the Ukrainian radical right mobilized in Galicia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 17, 2014): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.012.
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This article traces the on-the-ground mobilization and recruitment strategies of Ukraine’s radical right party, Svoboda (Freedom) in the years prior to its 2012 electoral breakthrough. Ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews with Svoboda party leaders and activists in Galicia show how party leaders strategically created an organizational structure aimed at recruiting young people, making linkages with pre-existing nationalist groups, and shifting the ideological focus away from cultural and toward economic issues. Interviews with party activists reveal how personal networks were key in the recruitment and radicalization process, showing that radical right activists were radicalized, or “made,” through political participation. Consequently, Svoboda’s organizational capacity allowed the party to take advantage of a political opportunity — Yanukovych’s unpopularity and weakened national democratic parties — in the 2012 parliamentary elections.
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Rossi, Benedetta. "From Unfree Work to Working for Free: Labor, Aid, and Gender in the Nigerien Sahel, 1930–2000." International Labor and Working-Class History 92 (2017): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000072.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the consequences of twentieth-century developmentalism for labor practices in the Nigerien Sahel under French rule and in the postindependence period. It examines labor regime transformations at the desert's edge; the ways in which state-led developmentalism influenced labor relations; and gender disparities in the history of emancipation from slavery. Following the abolition of forced labor in 1946, the rhetoric of human investment was used to promote the “voluntary” participation of workers in colonial development initiatives. This continued under Niger's independent governments. Seyni Kountché’s dictatorship relabeled Niger “Development Society” and mobilized Nigeriens’ “voluntary” work in development projects. Concurrently, drought in the Sahel attracted unprecedented levels of international funding. In the Ader region this led to the establishment of a major antidesertification project that paid local labor on a food-for-work basis. Since most men migrated seasonally to West African cities, the majority of workers in the project's worksites were women who welcomed “project work” to avoid destitution. In the name of development, it continued to be possible to mobilize workers without remuneration beyond the cost of a meal.
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Phoenix, Davin L. "Black hope floats: Racial emotion regulation and the uniquely motivating effects of hope on black political participation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 662–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i2.847.
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Drawing upon theories of group based emotion, group based efficacy and appraisal, I propose a model of racial emotion regulation to explain variations in how Black and White Americans respond emotionally and behaviorally to policy opportunity cues. I test the major claims of this model with data from an original experiment and national survey. Findings from the studies indicate that expressions of hope carry a strong and consistent mobilizing effect on the political participation of African Americans, while producing null effects on White participation. I discuss the implications of this model for our understanding of the potential of hope to shape appraisals and perceptions of efficacy among socially marginalized groups, opening up a distinct pathway through which they can be mobilized for political engagement.
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Kettunen, Marika. "“We need to make our voices heard”: Claiming space for young people’s everyday environmental politics in northern Finland." Nordia Geographical Publications 49, no. 5 (January 12, 2021): 32–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30671/nordia.98115.
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Recent years have seen a critical shift in young people’s political participation, as young people around the world have mobilized to demand greater climate actions. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork that consist of participant observation and 47 qualitative interviews with 15–16-year-olds residing in rural and urban areas in northern Finland, the paper contributes rural, regional and mundane perspectives on the topic of young people’s environmental politics. The paper sheds light on the myriad of ways in which young people practice environmental politics and construct their environmental citizenship and also discusses young people’s political action in relation to the friction and resistance their participation stirs up in the local communities. Although promoting active citizenship is a stated goal of the Finnish education system, young people’s active participation in mundane and local environmental politics is not always embraced in local communities. The paper argues for better recognition of and support for young people’s everyday environmental politics and for youth participation as a way to spark wider social, cultural, and political change.
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HE, BAOGANG. "A Survey Study of Voting Behavior and Political Participation in Zhejiang." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 3 (October 26, 2006): 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109906002349.
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Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness.This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.
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Marzec, Wiktor. "The Birth of the Militant Self." East Central Europe 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04601003.
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The 1905 Revolution was often considered by workers writing memoirs as the most important event in their lives. This paper examines biographical reminiscences of the political participation of working-class militants in the 1905 Revolution. I scrutinize four tropes used by working-class writers to describe their life stories narrated around their political identity. These are: (1) overcoming misery and destitution, (2) autodidacticism, (3) political initiation, and (4) feeling of belonging to the community of equals. All four demonstrate that the militant self cannot be understood in separation from the life context of the mobilized workers. Participation in party politics was an important factor modifying the life course of workers in the direction resonating with their aspirations and longings. The argument is informed by analysis of over a hundred of biographical testimonies written by militants from various political parties in different political circumstances.
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Green, Juana. "The Sempster's Wares: Merchandising and Marrying in The Fair Maid of the Exchange (1607)*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 4 (2000): 1084–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901457.
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This essay demonstrates how handkerchiefs in The Fair Maid map out the cultural anxieties about courtship and marriage practices that were mobilized by women's participation in early modern England's expanding market economy. It locates handkerchiefs within the material culture of the period, examining the status of handkerchiefs as commodities as well as women's relationships to these commodities, and it considers how handkerchiefs are transformed into love tokens when women personalize them with embroidery. Contextualizing the play's use of handkerchiefs with historical evidence from matrimonial cases, the essay shows how handkerchiefs embody the social contradictions embedded within early modern marriage practices.
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Sperber, Elizabeth, and Erin Hern. "Pentecostal Identity and Citizen Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: New Evidence from Zambia." Politics and Religion 11, no. 4 (June 13, 2018): 830–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000330.
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AbstractSince the 1980s, Pentecostal and other born again Christian movements have become increasingly prominent in the public spheres of many sub-Saharan African states. A dearth of reliable survey data has constrained investigation of the potential influence of these religious movements on political attitudes and participation. This article analyzes original survey data from Zambia, a majority-Christian nation. These data, from a stratified random sample of 1,500 Zambians, indicate that Pentecostals do in fact share partisan preferences and report higher levels of political interest and participation than other Christians. They are less likely, however, to contact elected officials—a finding that accords with ethnographic accounts of Pentecostal pastors as political interlocutors for their politically mobilized congregations. We further contextualize and explore the external validity of our findings using cross-national survey data collected by the Pew Forum (2010,N = 9,500). We conclude by underscoring the value of further survey research on religion and politics in the region.
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Nepstad, Sharon, and Christian Smith. "Rethinking Recruitment to High-Risk/Cost Activism: The Case of Nicaragua Exchange." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.1.8152670287r21558.
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We report the findings of our research on differing levels of movement involvement by focusing on participation in a high-risk/cost campaign mobilized by Nicaragua Exchange, a solidarity organization in the U.S.-Central America peace movement of the 1980s. Our data confirm the importance of relational ties in high-risk activism, yet raise questions about the relevance of biographical availability and the unique functions of organizational ties. We argue that McAdam's model is an important advance in our understanding of the factors that facilitate high-risk/cost activism, yet its micro-structural approach does not sufficiently account for human agency and individual abilities to negotiate and overcome barriers to activism.
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Stoler, Ann Laura. "Working the Revolution: Plantation Laborers and the People's Militia in North Sumatra." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (May 1988): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056166.
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Nationalist struggles are invariably civil as well as anticolonial wars. The processes of popular politicization are shaped as much by internal contests as by mobilized sentiments against foreign rule. Political engagement by the rural poor is typically influenced by local power struggles, ethnic conflicts, and class tensions that may deflect the poor's stakes in and concern for national liberation. To discover the quotidian contours of revolution, we must turn to these sorts of relationships and constraints. To understand the conditions that foster or discourage the active participation of subordinate groups in revolution, we must appreciate the local relations under which people labor as much as the political context in which they fight.
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Gellott, Laura S. "Mobilizing Conservative Women: The Viennese Katholische Frauenorganisationin the 1920s." Austrian History Yearbook 22 (January 1991): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800019901.
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In the 1920s newly enfranchised Austrian women crossed the line separating the private sphere of home and family and entered the arena of political participation. Catholic women, schooled in the experience of their church organizations, were no exception. But although they mobilized within the democratic framework and under the rights and privileges provided by the First Republic, their initial agenda consisted of a commitment to the primacy of woman's role as mother and homemaker, and saw involvement in the political arena merely as an expedient in defense of the domestic sphere. Furthermore, the Weltanschauung of Catholic women was initially hostile to parliamentary democracy, to the very system that allowed—or in their eyes made necessary—their political mobilization.
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Sukiada, I. Nyoman. "Antara Partisipasi dan Mobilisasi: Perempuan dalam Kancah Politik Praktis di Kabupaten Jembrana, Bali." Jurnal Kajian Bali (Journal of Bali Studies) 8, no. 1 (April 29, 2018): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jkb.2018.v08.i01.p12.
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Representation of women in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution in 2009 election reached 20%. Although it has not reached 30% in accordance with the mandate of Law No. 10 of 2008, the representation of women in the Legislative Institution of Jembrana Regency is the highest among the regencies/cities in Bali. When closely examined, the participation of women in the political sphere has deconstructed itself due to a struggle of power and mobilization. Automatically the law that sets the quota of women’s involvement in practical politics is 30%, especially those si ing in the legislative institution can signal a practice of mobilization. Within certain limits, the process of mobilization appears in the election of women legislators, because women are not really interested in practical politics, but are mobilized by the state, political parties and by the closest people such as husbands. The paper aims to explain the election of female legislators in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution which indicates that there has been a struggle of power between participation and mobilization.
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Connolly, Jon H., Walter C. Shortle, and Jody Jellison. "Translocation and incorporation of strontium carbonate derived strontium into calcium oxalate crystals by the wood decay fungus Resinicium bicolor." Canadian Journal of Botany 77, no. 1 (June 1, 1999): 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/b99-018.
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The white-rot wood decay fungus Resinicium bicolor (Abertini & Schwein.: Fr.) Parmasto was studied for its ability to solubilize and translocate ions from the naturally occurring mineral strontianite. Resinicium bicolor colonized a soil mixture culture medium containing strontianite sand, solubilized strontium ions from this mineral phase, translocated the ions vertically, and reprecipitated the strontium into strontium-containing calcium oxalate crystals. Storage of the Sr in crystals was highest in mycelial cords and was dynamic in character. These results suggest that non-mycorrhizal saprotrophic fungi should be evaluated for their potential participation in forest nutrient cycling via biologically weathering parent material and translocating the mobilized mineral nutrients vertically within soils.Key words: fungi, strontium, calcium oxalate, translocation, soil, minerals nutrient cycling.
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Kim, Hyun Woo, and John D. McCarthy. "Accounting for the Decreasing Willingness of U.S. High School Seniors to Protest, 1976–2015." Social Currents 5, no. 6 (February 23, 2018): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518759078.
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Protest waves ebb and flow in contemporary America. Willingness to protest is a key precursor to a fledgling citizen’s potential for eventually being mobilized to participate in a public demonstration. Here, we explore trends in high school seniors’ willingness to protest from 1976 through 2015, employing annual data from the Monitoring the Future survey. After modest increases in willingness to protest that occurred for cohorts during the early-1990s, willingness to protest has steadily decreased for subsequent cohorts. We found that political interest, prior political experiences, and social engagement have a significant impact on time-series and cross-sectional variations in the willingness to protest for all cohorts. We address the larger implications of our research findings for theories of political participation and social movements.
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Choi, Myung Suh, Seung Ah Choi, Jacquelyn Ryu, and Yuli Choi. "Study of the Role and Impact of SNS in Protests." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 8, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v8i1.543.
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This study explores how social media act as a tool to communicate with the government and the world through the research of the role of social media and the processes by which people can be mobilized to engage in protests. Focusing primarily on Facebook and Instagram as Social Networking Sites (SNS), the study uses survey data collected through Typeform online survey (N=100). Findings indicate that the frequency of SNS has been strongly correlated with protest activities. SNS promoted on-site news consumption and political speech, which in turn facilitated protest participation. Despite the prevalence of incidental exposure to news on SNS, the exposure did not give rise to more political action, such as the voicing of political opinions on SNS.
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Lacourciere, Gerard M. "Selenium Is Mobilized In Vivo from Free Selenocysteine and Is Incorporated Specifically into Formate Dehydrogenase H and tRNA Nucleosides." Journal of Bacteriology 184, no. 7 (April 1, 2002): 1940–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jb.184.7.1940-1946.2002.
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ABSTRACT Selenophosphate synthetase (SPS), the selD gene product from Escherichia coli, catalyzes the biosynthesis of monoselenophosphate, AMP, and orthophosphate in a 1:1:1 ratio from selenide and ATP. It was recently demonstrated that selenium delivered from selenocysteine by an E. coli NifS-like protein could replace free selenide in the in vitro SPS assay for selenophosphate formation (G. M. Lacourciere, H. Mihara, T. Kurihara, N. Esaki, and T. C. Stadtman, J. Biol. Chem. 275:23769-23773, 2000). During growth of E. coli in the presence of 0.1 μM 75SeO3 2− and increasing amounts of l-selenocysteine, a concomitant decrease in 75Se incorporation into formate dehydrogenase H and nucleosides of bulk tRNA was observed. This is consistent with the mobilization of selenium from l-selenocysteine in vivo and its use in selenophosphate formation. The ability of E. coli to utilize selenocysteine as a selenium source for selenophosphate biosynthesis in vivo supports the participation of the NifS-like proteins in selenium metabolism.
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Baral, P., R. Paudel, B. B. Adhikari, M. Sudedi, and M. Jaishi. "Effectiveness of Extension Methods: A Case of Western Mid-Hills in Nepal." Journal of the Institute of Agriculture and Animal Science 35, no. 1 (December 3, 2018): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jiaas.v35i1.22513.
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A study was carried out to assess the effectiveness of the extension methods used by IRRI-STRASA project in three municipalities namely Bhanu, Rainas and Sundarbazar of Lamjung and Tanahun districts. 101 sample households were taken purposively from beneficiaries of the project and survey design with structured questionnaire was used for data collection. The study showed that the participation of farmers in project was in increasing trend; mainly for technical support and assistance from the project. The group extension method was highly preferred by the farmers and it was found that the extension personnel contact under the project was satisfactory with methods like minikit, demonstrations and trainings having higher contact, thus helping in increasing social network of farmers. About 39 percent of study household had women participation at decision making level and 8 percent had socially mobilized level which was due to awareness and participation in the project activities. The adoption of the improved varieties was about 95 percent in the households, the reason for such high adoption being increased yield, lower cost of production, climate adaptability, higher pest resistance and higher grain quality. Finally, the overall effectiveness index of project was assessed using five indicators and was found 0.64 implying that the project was effective and the methods were classified into two groups: effective methods (trainings, study visits and tours, minikit, group and demonstrations) and moderately effective methods (PVS, FFS and ICTs).
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Givoni, Michal. "Between micro mappers and missing maps: Digital humanitarianism and the politics of material participation in disaster response." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 34, no. 6 (July 26, 2016): 1025–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775816652899.
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Crisis mapping is a new modality of participatory humanitarian action in which global publics are mobilized to trace digital maps of disaster-stricken sites and to classify, verify, and plot on maps Big Data produced by disaster-affected people. This article untangles the political rationalities behind this emergent form of digital humanitarianism by looking at two platforms that shape the self-organizing crowds in which crisis mapping is grounded: MicroMappers, a microtasking platform for processing messages from disaster zones, and the Missing Maps Project, which traces maps of disaster-prone areas in poor countries. While looking at the increasingly prominent interplay between device-based participation and technologies of advanced liberal governance in humanitarianism, I make two interrelated claims. First, I argue that ICTs do not promote the democratization of disaster response as much as they put at its disposal new tools for establishing order and security in crisis zones by facilitating the transfer of responsibility to humanitarian crowds. Second, I claim that the emergence of the crowd as a new humanitarian actor that serves the dual and potentially incommensurate purposes of resilience and witnessing perpetuates the ambiguities of a humanitarian endeavor whose inherent tensions had grown deeper since it gained its current political prominence.
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Adamy, Edlamar Kátia, Denise Antunes de Azambuja Zocche, Carine Vendruscolo, José Luis Guedes dos Santos, and Miriam de Abreu Almeida. "Validation in grounded theory: conversation circles as a methodological strategy." Revista Brasileira de Enfermagem 71, no. 6 (December 2018): 3121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7167-2017-0488.
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ABSTRACT Objective: To present the validation of a theoretical model through conversation circles in a qualitative research guided by the Grounded Theory. Method: Study carried out from a thesis developed in a reference hospital in the south region of Brazil. Two conversation circles happened, with participation of representatives of the “Training Prism”, in the months of October and November, 2016. Results: The conversation circle enabled an in depth dialogic approach of the subject of research, broadening the vision on the phenomenon and on the research. The circle also mobilized thinking as it highlighted the subjectivity of individuals, expanding the group’s ability of understanding and assisting in the validation process of a theoretical model. Conclusion: The conversation circle emerges as a powerful strategy for the development of qualitative research in nursing, more specifically in the validation step of the Grounded Theory.
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Asriani, Desintha Dwi. "Teenage Pregnancy and the Quest for a Place for Pregnant Girls: A Study on the Rule of Pregnant Student Expulsion in Yogyakarta, Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 22, no. 1 (September 5, 2018): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.31888.
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This study attempts to reveal the problem that lies behind the discourse of teenage pregnancy in relation to the politics of place. It primarily derives from the tendency of a number of schools in Indonesia to expel pregnant students. The quest of a “place” simply refers to public spaces that are more contested for pregnant girls. However, the term place is not limited to its literal definition of physical location. Rather, it involves more complex dimensions such as gender dichotomy, body politics, and the politics of modernity. By examining interview data acquired from several school teachers and girls, this research will contextualize such case within the paradoxical relation between the conception of modernity in delivering the idea of progress and participation, and the extent to which the maternal body is mobilized within the discourse of gender dichotomy in public.
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Kang, Jiyeon. "Internet activism transforming street politics: South Korea’s 2008 ‘Mad Cow’ protests and new democratic sensibilities." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 5 (June 8, 2017): 750–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717709444.
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This article examines South Korea’s Internet-born ‘candlelight festivals’ of 2008, with a focus on online movement transforming protesters’ communicative patterns and sensibilities in the street. When the government resumed importation of US beef despite widespread concern about mad cow disease, Korea’s young Internet users criticized the government and mobilized for street protests. In the resulting protests, the festive crowd directly spoke back to authority with irreverent humor and carnivalesque defiance. This novel mode of political participation indicates new democratic sensibilities liberated from authoritarian preconceptions and limits that had dominated Korean politics. The transformation of protest modalities observed in Korea – a nation that has experienced the maturation of Internet activism – suggests that scholars should pay attention to how Internet users traverse online and offline spaces, and to how online politics reshapes local actors’ broader political experiences and expectations.
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Bennett, W. Lance. "The Personalization of Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212451428.
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This article proposes a framework for understanding large-scale individualized collective action that is often coordinated through digital media technologies. Social fragmentation and the decline of group loyalties have given rise to an era of personalized politics in which individually expressive personal action frames displace collective action frames in many protest causes. This trend can be spotted in the rise of large-scale, rapidly forming political participation aimed at a variety of targets, ranging from parties and candidates, to corporations, brands, and transnational organizations. The group-based “identity politics” of the “new social movements” that arose after the 1960s still exist, but the recent period has seen more diverse mobilizations in which individuals are mobilized around personal lifestyle values to engage with multiple causes such as economic justice (fair trade, inequality, and development policies), environmental protection, and worker and human rights.
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MAEd SMRIEdr, Cris T. Zita LPT. "Empowering Academic Stakeholders through Distributive Leadership." Instabright International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52877/instabright.002.02.0005.
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The Philippine educational system has engaged into an intensive strategic collaborative pedagogical setting in which education is not only mobilized by educators and school administrators; but more so with the participation of all concerned sectors of society. Everyone is an academic stakeholder par excellence – family, community, local government units, religious sectors, and private industry partners. Moreover, the focus of this present paper is to put forward a discursive analysis among various academic stakeholders into a strategic leadership framework as contextualized into local academic school setup. The primary argument of this paper is that constructivist education at least in the Philippine context is interpretatively structured into a distributive type of academic leadership wherein leadership is primarily decentralized yet collaboratively distributed among primary and secondary stakeholders. Hence, this study is advancing a principle of “distributive leadership through stakeholder mobilization”.
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Hernández Sánchez, Adriana. "Programas Integrales Urbano-Sociales PIUS y Casa Analco FABUAP. Dos proyectos en la periferia y el centro de la ciudad en búsqueda de la participación ciudadana." on the w terfront Public Art Urban Design Civic Participation Urban Regeneration 63, no. 5 (June 25, 2021): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/waterfront2021.63.5.01.
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This work exemplifies a search for participation for the promotion of urban-architectural projects both in the center and in the periphery of a Mexican city such as Puebla, where twenty years ago few activities were developed in which the main actors were the inhabitants. Fortunately, in recent years it has been possible to carry out specific actions where participation is a key part of having a less technical vision on the part of architects, urban planners and heritage conservators.The first project is the Integral Urban Social Program in which, through a municipal action, an attempt was made to implement a participatory process in sectors considered to be of extreme poverty where municipal government programs tried to impact the areas called PIUS. An important part was the Participatory Design process that mobilized the main universities of the city through young architecture students to carry out a series of projects where the condition was to have contact with the communities.In the case of the Casa Analco project, a university initiative in the historic centre of the city in a very traditional neighbourhood (16th century) with problems of deterioration, abandonment and insecurity, with which the university-neighbourhood link is currently promoted and in where space has been the pretext to promote university participation in the rehabilitation of a building, but at the same time in a rapprochement with the neighbourhood.Through these two cases it is confirmed that it is possible to make participation possible through a process that must be adapted to each place, these experiences leave a series of reflections in different areas, from which a basic process can be broken down to encourage it through organization, promotion, awareness of the work team, knowledge of the place, time, evaluation, management and adaptability.
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WHITE, ARIEL. "Family Matters? Voting Behavior in Households with Criminal Justice Contact." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 607–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000862.
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Contact with the criminal legal system has been shown to reduce individuals’ political participation, but its effect on friends and family members is less clear. Do people who see loved ones arrested or incarcerated become mobilized to change the system, or do they withdraw from political life? I address this question using administrative data from one large county, identifying registered voters who live with someone facing misdemeanor charges. Court records and vote histories allow me to accurately measure proximate criminal justice exposure and voting for a broader sample of people than survey data would. Using case timing for arrests shortly before and shortly after the election allows me to avoid bias from omitted variables. I find evidence of a short-term demobilization effect for people who see household members convicted or jailed in the weeks before the election, but no evidence of a lasting turnout effect from these experiences.