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Journal articles on the topic 'Models of political cycle'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Garratt, Dean. "Qualifications to Political Business Cycle Models." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 6, no. 1 (1995): 23–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9500600102.

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The paper analyses the principal four model types that comprise the political business cycle literature. Political business cycle models can be classified according to the political motivations of opportunism and ideology as well as by the nature of the expectations that individuals are assumed to hold. Using this classification we pay particular attention to the underlying assumptions of the models. The paper concludes that a satisfactory model while incorporating the possibility of both ideological and opportunistic behaviour must also consider the appropriate indicator to which government r

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2

Tkáčová, Andrea, Beáta Gavurová, and Viliam Kováč. "POLITICAL-ECONOMIC CYCLE MODELS OF ECONOMY OF GREECE." Journal of Business Economics and Management 19, no. 5 (2018): 742–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jbem.2018.7068.

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The political-economic cycle can be caused as the consequence of the wrong political decisions, made with the aim of re-election and maintaining the political power. These decisions influence the macroeconomic indicators of the country and their presence is problematic in the advanced economies. The main objective of this study is to verify the existence of the political-economic cycle model in the case of Greece and to identify the type of this cycle. The basement is given by the approach of Alesina and Roubini (1992), which observes the relationship between the political dummy variables and

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3

Schultz, Kenneth A. "The Politics of the Political Business Cycle." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (1995): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.

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Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroe

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4

Garratt, Dean, and Joshy Easaw. "Externalities and the Political Business Cycle." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 7, no. 2 (1996): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9600700203.

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Political business cycle theories in modelling the interaction between the polity and the economic system have continually failed to consider questions of economic and political interdependence between nations. In considering the current principal political business cycle models we ask how the reality of integrated economies affects the implications of these models. This is particularly important given the direction of the European Union (EU). The purpose here is to generate a series of hypotheses for future research and for empirical analysis and to show the short-comings of political busines

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5

Haynes, Stephen E., and Joe A. Stone. "POLITICAL MODELS OF THE BUSINESS CYCLE SHOULD BE REVIVED." Economic Inquiry 28, no. 3 (1990): 442–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7295.1990.tb01233.x.

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6

Praščević, Aleksandra. "The Applicability of Political Business Cycle Theories in Transition Economies." Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 23, s1 (2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/zireb-2020-0024.

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Abstract The paper focuses the applicability of political cycles theories in specific circumstances of economies in transition which are at the same time the new democracies. Economic and political transition in these countries change both people’s and politicians’ preferences, institutions and generate specific politically motivated misuse of economic policymaking. Theories of political cycles in macroeconomics have been developed since 1970s, when the fact that policymakers could use economic policy as an efficient tool for increasing their chances for reelection became obvious. In countries

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7

Williams, John T. "The Political Manipulation of Macroeconomic Policy." American Political Science Review 84, no. 3 (1990): 767–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962766.

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Conventional wisdom and some research indicate that macroeconomic policies follow cycles corresponding to political, as well as economic, forces. Using vector autoregression analysis, I test three models of monetary policy determination for the United States, 1953–1984: the electoral cycle model (that reelection motivations on the part of presidents create a policy cycle), the party differences model (that policy changes reflect revolving presidential party administrations), and the referendum model (that changes in presidential approval create, in effect, a continuing referendum, allowing pre

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Ekomie, Jean-Jacques Tony, and Assoumou Ondo. "Political Budget Cycles: The Case of Gabon." Research in World Economy 10, no. 1 (2019): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v10n1p31.

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This article analyzes the political-fiscal cycle in Gabon. In Africa, it seems that the analysis of the politico-fiscal cycle has not attracted much interest. This is particularly the case in Gabon, a small country of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (EMCCA). Unlike approaches based on the estimation of a single model linking the electoral cycle and a dimension of the state budget, we estimate four models each incorporating a different dimension of the state budget, namely: capital expenditures, total expenditures and the budget deficit. The estimation of a VAR Model (2) a

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9

Moita, Rodrigo M. S., and Claudio Paiva. "Political Price Cycles in Regulated Industries: Theory and Evidence." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 5, no. 1 (2013): 94–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.5.1.94.

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The early work of Stigler (1971) treats the regulatory process as the arbitration of conflicting economic and political interests rather than a pure welfare-maximizing effort. This paper builds on these ideas and models the regulatory process as a game where the industry-lobby, consumers-voters, and a regulator-politician interact to define the regulated price, in alternating electoral and non-electoral periods. The equilibrium that emerges consists of a fully rational political price cycle in a regulated industry. Using monthly data for regulated gasoline and electricity prices from Brazil, w

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10

Linnemann, Ludger, and Andreas Schabert. "PRODUCTIVE GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE IN MONETARY BUSINESS CYCLE MODELS." Scottish Journal of Political Economy 53, no. 1 (2006): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9485.2006.00369.x.

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11

Štiková, Radka. "Models of political cycles: the czech experience." Prague Economic Papers 17, no. 3 (2008): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.330.

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12

Bodrožić, Zlatko, and Paul S. Adler. "The Evolution of Management Models: A Neo-Schumpeterian Theory." Administrative Science Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2017): 85–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839217704811.

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In the last century and a half, U.S. industry has seen the emergence of several different management models. We propose a theory of this evolution based on three nested and interacting processes. First, we identify several successive waves of technological revolution, each of which prompted a corresponding wave of change in the dominant organizational paradigm. Second, nested within these waves, each of these organizational paradigms emerged through two successive cycles—a primary cycle that generated a new management model making the prior organizational paradigm obsolete, and a secondary cyc

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13

Nureev, R. "Public Choice Theory. A Textbook. Chapter 11. Political Business Cycle and Its Specifics in Contemporary Russia." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 6 (June 20, 2003): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2003-6-135-157.

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The concept of political business cycle proposed by Nordhaus and McRae is analysed in the eleventh chapter of the textbook. The problem of choice between inflation and unemployment is analyzed. The models of partisan cycle by Gibbs and Alesina are described. The model of political business cycle considering rent-seeking behavior is defined. The impact of mass media on electoral behavior is characterized. The chapter also includes further readings, control tests and questions.

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14

KRAUSE, GEORGE A. "Electoral Incentives, Political Business Cycles and Macroeconomic Performance: Empirical Evidence from Post-War US Personal Income Growth." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (2004): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000049.

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Conventional wisdom suggests that macroeconomic outcomes do not follow a political business cycle (PBC) pattern. In this study, the nature of the electoral underpinnings of such opportunistic behaviour are investigated by analysing alternative formulations of PBC theory: (1) a naïve-unconditional PBC, (2) an electoral security-conditional PBC, (3) an electoral uncertainty-conditional PBC; and (4) a partisan-conditional PBC. Data on the US real personal income growth rate for the 1948:1–2000:4 quarterly period reveals support for both naïve-unconditional and partisan-conditional PBCs, yet rejec

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15

Hoover, Kevin D., and Kevin D. Salyer. "Technology Shocks or Coloured Noise? Why real-business-cycle models cannot explain actual business cycles." Review of Political Economy 10, no. 3 (1998): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09538259800000036.

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16

Hoecker, Jay, Debbie Bernal, Alex Brito, Arda Ergonen, and Richard Stiftinger. "THESE MODELS NEED ENTERPRISE DATA MANAGEMENT!" Journal of Information Technology Education: Discussion Cases 6 (2017): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3651.

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17

Johnson, Jeremy. "Housing Vouchers: A Case Study of the Partisan Policy Cycle." Social Science History 40, no. 1 (2016): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.81.

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Federal housing policy reveals an unexpected political cycle of Republican innovation and Democratic appropriation. The political trajectory of rental housing vouchers since their inception reveals a partisan policy cycle. Vouchers were originally proposed as a Republican alternative to Democratic public housing construction and slowly emerged as a viable component of housing policy in the United States. In the mid-1990s, a shift occurred in which Democrats embraced vouchers and Republicans retreated from their innovation. This article suggests a partisanship model of policy making that both c

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18

Andrianto, Tomy, and Ahmad Hudaiby Galih Kusumah. "The Journey of Mapping the Entire Destination Lifecycle." Jurnal Kepariwisataan: Destinasi, Hospitalitas dan Perjalanan 5, no. 1 (2021): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34013/jk.v5i1.278.

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The two destination life cycle models proposed by Plog (1974) and Butler (1980) have been recognizing by most of the tourism destination scholars. Questions tend to arise on the possible use of these models to map the entire destination life cycle from the beginning. Therefore, this study aims to discuss the possibility of entire lifespan of tourism destination by using the destination life cycle models from Plog and Butler. This research analyses the strengths and weaknesses of the models revealed from existing studies using critical inputs of the tourism industry. The main difference between

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19

Polachek, Solomon W. "EARNINGS OVER THE LIFE CYCLE: WHAT DO HUMAN CAPITAL MODELS EXPLAIN?" Scottish Journal of Political Economy 42, no. 3 (1995): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9485.1995.tb01159.x.

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20

Timtchenko, A. N. "Lobbizm in Russia in the context of models of political decision making: is evolution possible?" Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 24, no. 4 (2019): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2018-24-4-168-179.

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The Russian political system decision-making models are evolutionizing. Following the trend lobbying models and methods evolve from policy managing to informal practice. The analytical policy-managerial cycle model shows lowering of public and rising corporative lobbying tools. Which remove the lobbing institutionalisation problem. Russia legislative and managerial institutionalisation examples verify lobbying evolution from interest accommodation framework to obligatory tool for policy and public representatives interactions via lobbyists.

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21

Jain, Manisha, and Mathias Jehling. "Urban cycle models revisited: Insights for regional planning in India." Cities 107 (December 2020): 102923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2020.102923.

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22

Quinn, Dennis P., and Robert Y. Shapiro. "Business Political Power: The Case of Taxation." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (1991): 851–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963853.

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We examine contending views about the forms and mechanisms of business power in U.S. politics by estimating time series models explaining taxation and redistribution. Taxation and redistribution constitute strong cases for theories about business and class power, since all firms have an interest in reducing taxation. We find that changes in corporate taxation and in redistribution between capital gains income and earned income and between corporate taxation and individual taxation are strongly influenced by political partisanship, with Democratic administrations increasing the tax burden on fi

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23

Mach'rek, Martin. "Stabilization function of public finance: fiscal policy in real business cycle models." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 72, no. 2 (2001): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8292.00169.

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24

Hartin, C. A., P. Patel, A. Schwarber, R. P. Link, and B. P. Bond-Lamberty. "A simple object-oriented and open-source model for scientific and policy analyses of the global climate system – Hector v1.0." Geoscientific Model Development 8, no. 4 (2015): 939–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gmd-8-939-2015.

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Abstract. Simple climate models play an integral role in the policy and scientific communities. They are used for climate mitigation scenarios within integrated assessment models, complex climate model emulation, and uncertainty analyses. Here we describe Hector v1.0, an open source, object-oriented, simple global climate carbon-cycle model. This model runs essentially instantaneously while still representing the most critical global-scale earth system processes. Hector has a three-part main carbon cycle: a one-pool atmosphere, land, and ocean. The model's terrestrial carbon cycle includes pri

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25

Fisher, Eloy. "A SFC POLITICAL BUSINESS CYCLE: KALECKI’S 1943 MODEL REVISITED." Investigación Económica 77, no. 306 (2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fe.01851667p.2018.306.67907.

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<p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong><strong></strong></p><p>This paper features a stock-flow consistent (SFC) political business cycle model where the interplay between financial debt, income distribution and fiscal policy is politically mediated by the relative influence of workers and businesses over government policy and publicly provided goods. In countries where taxes are a politically costly alternative to generate fiscal revenue, debt finances fiscal expansionary activity to initially raise wages and increase output. However, institutiona

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26

Merrill, Samuel, Bernard Grofman, and Thomas L. Brunell. "Do British Party Politics Exhibit Cycles?" British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (2010): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341000030x.

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Evidence for long-term cycles in the parliamentary seat share of the major British parties is presented in this article. Spectral analysis of data from 1832 to 2005 suggests a cycle period of about twenty-eight years, similar to findings in US studies and to cycle-length estimates restricted to the post-1950 period in Britain. A four-parameter voter–party interaction model developed by Merrill, Grofman and Brunell is adapted and applied to Britain. That model depends on tensions between parties’ policy and office motivations and between voters’ tendency to sustain the governing party while rea

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27

Evans, Geoffrey, and Kat Chzhen. "Re-evaluating the Valence Model of Political Choice." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 1 (2015): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.11.

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The influential valence model of voting developed over the last decade by the British Election Study (BES) team assumes that party and leadership performance evaluations have a causal impact on party choice. An alternative perspective argues that such performance evaluations are instead the consequences of party choice. This article examines the analytical and empirical underpinnings of the BES valence model and compares it to the party-driven approach. To do so, it estimates cross-lagged structural equation models of the association between Labour Party preference and evaluations of the Labou

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28

Rousselière, Damien, and Samira Rousselière. "Decomposing the effects of time on the social acceptability of biotechnology using age-period-cohort-country models." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 6 (2016): 650–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662515622394.

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The study of European attitudes toward biotechnologies underlines a situation that is relatively contrasting in Europe. However, as different effects of time can influence the social attitudes (a life-cycle effect, a generational effect, and an exogenous temporal effect potentially affecting the entire population), an appropriate methodology should be used. To this end, age-period-cohort-country models have thus been estimated based on Eurobarometer data from 1991 onward. Applied to different data subsets, these models give similar results underlining the importance of the life-cycle effects a

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Briceño-Ruiz, José. "Times of Change in Latin American Regionalism." Contexto Internacional 40, no. 3 (2018): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2018400300008.

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Abstract After a decade dominated by post-liberal or post-hegemonic initiatives, the advent of conservative governments in Argentina and Brazil and the crisis in Venezuela have led to a resurgence of open regionalism. This could have important consequences in a region divided by different models of economic integration and political cooperation. The study evaluates the complex and changing scenario of Latin American regionalism. First, I trace the trajectory of regionalism in Latin America in recent years. Second, I examine models of economic integration and political cooperation. Third, I ana

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Peña, Alejandro Milcíades, and Thomas Richard Davies. "RESPONDING TO THE STREET: GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO MASS PROTESTS IN DEMOCRACIES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 2 (2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-177.

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This article proposes two models that address the neglected relationship between protests, government countermovement strategies, and democratic politics. By contrasting centrifugal and centripetal dynamics triggered by government responses to mass protest, the models theorize the link between government counterframes and opposition politics in democracies. The strategies deployed by the Argentine and Brazilian governments during the cycle of mass protests that erupted in these countries in 2012–13 are used in illustration. The counterframing models developed in this article shed new light on

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31

Hartin, C. A., P. Patel, A. Schwarber, R. P. Link, and B. P. Bond-Lamberty. "A simple object-oriented and open source model for scientific and policy analyses of the global carbon cycle – Hector v0.1." Geoscientific Model Development Discussions 7, no. 5 (2014): 7075–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gmdd-7-7075-2014.

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Abstract. Simple climate models play an integral role in policy and scientific communities. They are used for climate mitigation scenarios within integrated assessment models, complex climate model emulation, and uncertainty analyses. Here we describe Hector v0.1, an open source, object-oriented, simple global climate carbon-cycle model. This model runs essentially instantaneously while still representing the most critical global scale earth system processes. Hector has three main carbon pools: an atmosphere, land, and ocean. The model's terrestrial carbon cycle includes respiration and primar

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32

McClure, Kirstie M. "Of Research Cycles and Publication Models." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (2016): 1076–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003017.

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This response to Prof. Lieberman’s essay questions its analogy between “biomedical research” and the academic discipline of political science. Focused on the disanalogy of scope and scale between the two, it takes issue not with the “criterial framework” he offers, but with the quality of argumentation that leads us there. Supplementing the essay’s impressionistic account of editorial practice with evidence drawn from the New England Journal of Medicine and the publishing history of APSA journals since the 1960s, I suggest that the issue here is not simply editorial virtue and professional nor

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33

Páez-Farrell, Juan. "OUTPUT AND INFLATION IN MODELS OF THE BUSINESS CYCLE WITH NOMINAL RIGIDITIES: FURTHER COUNTERFACTUAL IMPLICATIONS." Scottish Journal of Political Economy 54, no. 4 (2007): 475–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9485.2007.00425.x.

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Fisher, Eloy. "A Stock-Flow Consistent Political Business Cycle: Kalecki’s 1943 Model Revisited." Investigación y Pensamiento Crítico 6, no. 2 (2018): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37387/ipc.v6i2.89.

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El presente trabajo analiza un modelo de ciclo económico político coherente y consistente donde la interacción entre la deuda financiera, la distribución del ingreso y la política fiscal está mediada políticamente por la influencia relativa de los trabajadores y de las empresas sobre la política gubernamental y los bienes proporcionados públicamente. En países donde los impuestos son una alternativa políticamente costosa para generar ingresos fiscales, la deuda financia la actividad de expansión fiscal para aumentar inicialmente los salarios y aumentar la producción. Sin embargo, los mecanismo

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35

Howlett, Michael. "Issue-Attention and Punctuated Equilibria Models Reconsidered: An Empirical Examination of the Dynamics of Agenda-Setting in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (1997): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900014918.

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AbstractMost of the work on policy dynamics focuses on the agenda-setting stage of the policy cycle and argues that policy issues wax and wane in public attention, generating either a cyclical or evolutionary pattern of governmental activity in particular policy sectors. Anthony Downs's notion of a periodic “issue-attention cycle” and Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones's notion of a stepped or “punctuated equilibrium” pattern of policy change are prominent in the literature, but have received little empirical and virtually no cross-national verification. Utilizing the analysis of time-series da

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36

Liping, Zhang. "The Models of Power Shifts: An Explanation for the Cycle of Ups-and-Downs in Sino-U.S. Relations." Pacific Focus 19, no. 1 (2004): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2004.tb00301.x.

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37

Altug, Sumru, and Warren Young. "REAL BUSINESS CYCLES AFTER THREE DECADES." Macroeconomic Dynamics 19, no. 2 (2013): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100513000424.

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The transcript of a panel discussion marking three decades of the real business cycle approach to macroeconomic analysis as manifested in Kydland and Prescott's “Time to Build” (Econometrica, 1982) and Long and Plosser's “Real Business Cycles” (Journal of Political Economy, 1983). The panel consists of Edward Prescott, Finn Kydland, Charles Plosser, John Long, Thomas Cooley, and Gary Hansen. The discussion is moderated by Sumru Altug and Warren Young. The panel touches on a wide variety of issues related to real business cycle models, including their history and methodology, starting with the

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Kodera, Jan, and Quang Van Tran. "An Inflation Analysis Using an Endogenous Business Cycle Model." Politická ekonomie 64, no. 7 (2016): 769–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.1096.

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Yu, Andrew. "The policy process model and the systems model in monarchy: The case of the United Kingdom and Saudi Arabia." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (2020): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0005.

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AbstractBy taking two monarchy countries as examples, this paper discusses the differences and similarities of the policy process model and the systems model. The difference has first been discussed. Policies in the United Kingdom can be applied to the policy process model, due to the fact that step-by-step policymaking procedures can be observed during the policymaking process in the United Kingdom. The case shows that policies made by countries with democracy can also be analyzed by using the policy process model. On the contrary, policies in Saudi Arabia can be studied by using the systems

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McCrea, Rod, Zoe Leviston, and Iain A. Walker. "Climate Change Skepticism and Voting Behavior." Environment and Behavior 48, no. 10 (2016): 1309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013916515599571.

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Political will for action on climate change requires support from the electorate and low levels of climate change skepticism. Rational models suggest that skepticism influences voting behavior; however, other theories suggest the reverse direction of influence may also hold. There is a body of research on associations between climate change skepticism and political preferences, but this has been limited to cross-sectional analyses. This article uses longitudinal data and cross-lagged modeling to infer the direction of influence in a post-election context. We found that voting behavior influenc

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Só, Bassiro, Eduardo Ferreira Franco, Hamilton Coimbra Carvalho, Joaquim Rocha dos Santos, and Stefano Armenia. "Nobody deserves this fate: the vicious cycle of low human development in Guinea-Bissau." Kybernetes 47, no. 2 (2018): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/k-05-2017-0191.

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Purpose This paper aims to understand and explore the causal relationship of elements responsible for the macro vicious cycle of poverty in Guinea-Bissau, and discuss policies to break it. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used in this study is based on the system dynamics simulation paradigm. Findings Breaking the Guinean poverty cycle requires a multifaceted approach involving more resources and the building of several national capabilities. Traditional approaches tend to fail. Research limitations/implications Limitations come from the level of abstraction used in the model, which

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Rattu, P., and R. Véron. "How to govern the urban hydrosocial cycle: archaeo-genealogy of hydromentalities in the Swiss urban water sector between 1850 and 1950." Geographica Helvetica 70, no. 1 (2015): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-70-33-2015.

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Abstract. Switzerland appears to be a privileged place to investigate the urban political ecology of tap water because of the specificities of its political culture and organization and the relative abundance of drinking water in the country. In this paper, we refer to a Foucauldian theorization of power that is increasingly employed in the social sciences, including in human geography and political ecology. We also implement a Foucauldian methodology. In particular, we propose an archaeo-genealogical analysis of discourse to apprehend the links between urban water and the forms of governmenta

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DROZDOVA, A. P., S. M. MOLCHANOVA, and A. V. SAMOYLOV. "CLOSED-LOOP BUSINESS MODELS AS A MODERN APPROACH TO THE PROBLEM OF SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 11 (2020): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2020.11.02.018.

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The article notes the impact of urbanization and industrialization on the deterioration of the ecological situation, the formation of a destructive way of thinking and the emergence of economic, social and political problems in the world community. The necessity of minimizing the negative consequences of production processes through a closed life cycle of a product through reduction, processing and reuse is revealed. The features of the implementation of modern business models by a circular economy in sectors of the economy, focusing on a circular approach to energy and material resources, pos

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Rosert, Elvira. "Norm emergence as agenda diffusion: Failure and success in the regulation of cluster munitions." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 4 (2019): 1103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119842644.

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The research on international norms offers several models of their evolution; however, a convincing model specifically depicting the phase of norm emergence is still lacking. Macro models (e.g. the norm life cycle) focus on the overall evolution of norms and distinguish the emergence phase as one among others, but they remain too rough. Meso models focus on a specific phase, but on phases other than norm emergence, such as diffusion (e.g. the signalling model) or enforcement (e.g. the spiral model). If they do focus on emergence, this focus remains case-specific and lacks theorisation. Micro m

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Proaño, Christian R., and Artur Tarassow. "Evaluating the predicting power of ordered probit models for multiple business cycle phases in the U.S. and Japan." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 50 (December 2018): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2018.08.002.

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Trabelsi Mnif, Afef. "Political uncertainty and behavior of Tunisian stock market cycles: Structural unobserved components time series models." Research in International Business and Finance 39 (January 2017): 206–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ribaf.2016.07.029.

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Gallarotti, Giulio M. "Toward a business-cycle model of tariffs." International Organization 39, no. 1 (1985): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004896.

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A modified interest-group model links movements in tariffs to changes in the level of economic activity within nations. This model is introduced and tested for tariff behavior in the 19th and early 20th centuries in three nations: the United States, Great Britain, and Germany. Empirical analysis lends strong support to the model's central thesis, that tariffs are sensitive to movements within a business cycle. Tariff changes occurring in the three nations, with the exception of British tariff increases, generally conform to the expectations of the model. Furthermore, business-cycle sensitivity

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I., Onishchenko. "Do we need social sciences and humanities in the 21st century (Optimization of social sciences and humanities in the European and American higher school)." Economics and Management, no. 86(1) (February 28, 2020): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36919/2312-7812.1.2020.133.

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This article explores the level of teaching of social sciences and humanities cycle within the frameworks of Ukrainian educational system, crisis and optimization of curricula as well. Attention is paid to the fact that, the correspondence of modern education system to the task (challenges) of contemporary society can be viewed as a sharp question for consideration that the scientists have been coming across for almost twenty years of the 21st century. It is argued that the impending revolution will affect (if not completely destroy) the political world order, to which humanity must be prepare

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Hielscher, Kai. "Growth in European Crisis Countries: Cyclical Normality or the Result of Structural Reforms?" Review of Economics 67, no. 1 (2016): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/roe-2015-1009.

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AbstractIn mid-2013 the macroeconomic situation in European crisis economies started to show signs of recovery. In the political debate, improving economic conditions were often attributed to recently enacted structural reforms. In this paper, we use empirical business cycle models to indirectly assess the short term impact of recent structural reforms on growth. Given the past deep recession, a typical cyclical movement would imply far higher growth rates than have been observed in such countries in the recent recovery. Short-term economic performance is rather a sign of a long-lasting and se

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Bojar, Abel. "Counter-cyclical Voting in the United Kingdom." Political Studies 65, no. 4 (2017): 1040–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717702399.

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By extending the time-tested reward–punishment hypothesis in economic voting, this article argues that rational voters hold incumbents accountable for the macroeconomic policies they pursue rather than purely for the economic climate that prevails under their tenure. Building on this premise, I first put forward a theory where business cycle fluctuations realign relative fiscal preferences among income groups. This theory’s implications predict that the aggregate electoral response to fiscal decisions evolves in a counter-cyclical fashion. Using quarterly measures of vote intention shares of i

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