Journal articles: 'Modern American Conservatism'

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Murphy, Paul V. "Donald Davidson and Modern American Conservatism." Historically Speaking 5, no. 2 (2003): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2003.0009.

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Moore, Leonard J. "George W. Bush and the Reckoning of American Conservatism." American Review of Politics 29 (January 1, 2009): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.291-309.

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Immediately after the 2004 election, Republicans confidently believed in continued conservative political dominance. Shortly, a string of political and administrative disasters shattered the Bush presidency, and crises yet to come further devastated the political fortunes of American conservatism. Bush’s failures as president, while highly significant, only partially explained the conservative collapse. The deeper cause lay in the long-term weakness of conservative policies and political tactics. An examination of two key aspects of modern conservatism, conservative populism and opposition to government activism, shows that the collapse came primarily because of Bush’s loyalty to entrenched, mainstream conservative ideas and policies that were unrealistic and destined to fail.

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Safrastyan, Ruben. "Modern Conservatism as a World Perception and Political Movement: the Case of American Neocons and Paleocons." WISDOM 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i2.49.

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The article deals with the problems of modern conservatism. Author offers a two-level analysis of maim principles of this wide spread in our times political and social philosophical trend. The first one is based on its interpretation as a world perception of conservative way thinking person. The second considers conservatism political movement and investigates some important peculiarities of polities of neocons and paleocons, which are the main groupings of contemporary conservatisms in USA.

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Silverstein, Helena. "Book Review: Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 1 (January 23, 2019): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872118812117a.

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Schryer, Stephen. "Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism by Jeffrey Dudas." African American Review 53, no. 1 (2020): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2020.0011.

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Reckard, Bryan R. "Asia First: China and the Making of Modern American Conservatism." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00778.

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Powell, Randy. "Social Welfare at the End of the World: How the Mormons Created an Alternative to the New Deal and Helped Build Modern Conservatism." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 04 (September 11, 2019): 488–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000198.

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Abstract:It is common for members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to be considered one of the most conservative religious groups in the United States. What is less well understood is as to when the relationship between Mormonism and American conservatism began. While some historians point to the social upheavals in the 1960s and 1970s as the glue that united Mormons and conservatives, the connection began decades earlier during the Great Depression. Leaders of the Mormon Church interpreted Roosevelt’s New Deal as the fulfillment of eschatological prophecy. Envisioning themselves saving America and the Constitution at the world’s end, Mormon authorities established their own welfare program to inspire Latter-day Saints and Americans in general to eschew the New Deal. Anti–New Dealers used the Mormon welfare plan to construct a conservative ideology. Accordingly, Mormons are essential elements in the formation of a political movement that revolutionized the United States.

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Burns, J. "The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism: A Short History." Journal of American History 97, no. 4 (March 1, 2011): 1093–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaq025.

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Taşgetiren, Ömer. "Ancient Greece and American Conservatism: Classical Influence on the Modern Right." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 20, no. 2 (December 8, 2019): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1700780.

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JONES, EMILY. "CONSERVATISM, EDMUND BURKE, AND THE INVENTION OF A POLITICAL TRADITION, c. 1885–1914." Historical Journal 58, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 1115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000661.

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AbstractThis article addresses the reputation of Edmund Burke and his transformation into the ‘founder of modern conservatism’. It argues that this process occurred primarily between 1885 and 1914 in Britain. In doing so, this article challenges the existing orthodoxy which attributes this development to the work of Peter Stanlis, Russell Kirk, and other conservative American scholars. Moreover, this article historicizes one aspect of the construction of C/conservatism as both an intellectual (small-c) and political (capital-C) tradition. Indeed, though the late Victorian and Edwardian period saw the construction of political traditions of an entirely novel kind, the search for ‘New Conservatism’ has been neglected by comparison with New Liberalism. Thus, this study explores three main themes: the impact of British debates about Irish Home Rule on Burke's reputation and status; the academic systematization of Burke's work into a ‘political philosophy of conservatism’; and, finally, the appropriation of Burke by Conservative Unionists during the late Edwardian constitutional crisis. The result is to show that by 1914 Burke had been firmly established as a ‘conservative’ political thinker whose work was directly associated with British Conservatism.

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Viazinkin, Aleksei. "The phenomenon of American paleoconservatism in the Russian historiography." Политика и Общество, no. 2 (February 2020): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2020.2.33395.

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This article examines the phenomenon of American paleoconservatism in the Russian historiography, as well as provides an analytical overview of scientific publications on the problems of evolution of American conservatism of the late XX century that touches upon the questions of ideological establishment and political influence of paleoconservatism in the United States. Paleoconservatism represents a nontrivial version of the modern American conservatism, which is opposite to the mainstream forms of conservatism (for example, neoconservatism), but leans on the fundamental American principles, as an ideological defender of the tradition and freedom. The problem of paleoconservatism in Russian historiography is viewed by the representatives of various scientific directions: historians-Americanologists, political scientists, experts in the area of jurisprudence, etc. However, within the Russians science the phenomenon of American paleoconservatism is studied fragmentarily. The problems of committed genealogy, historical development and ideological evolution of American paleoconservatism remain poorly studied. The political writings and views of the key theoreticians and representatives of paleoconservatism – P. Gottfried, P. Brimelow, S. Francis, etc. Nevertheless, the political potential of paleoconservative ideology, which combines the principles of retention of the tradition and inviolability of freedom, is evident in modern world. The demand of political ideas of American paleoconservatists and paleoconservative discourse outside the United States underlines the need for further research of this ideological and political phenomenon.

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Kowol, Kit. "An Experiment in Conservative Modernity: Interwar Conservatism and Henry Ford's English Farms." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 4 (October 2016): 781–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.69.

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AbstractBetween 1931 and 1947, the American industrialist Henry Ford financed a British agricultural experiment at the Fordson Estate in the Essex countryside. This article analyses the Fordson experiment as it developed from a limited attempt to test the merits of American farming methods into a wider model for remaking British industry and society. Focusing closely on Sir Percival Perry, a Conservative Party activist and Ford's partner in the venture, it explores the extent to which the experiment sought to harmonize modern technology with traditional patterns of life. In doing so, the article places the history of the Fordson Estate within the paradigm of interwar conservative modernity. By tracing Perry's participation within a network of industrial paternalist organizations and delineating his connection to the interwar conservative movement, the article demonstrates that conservative modernity stood largely outside formal party politics but was central to the praxis of interwar conservatism. It highlights an experimental, radical, and utopian form of conservative politics that aimed to foster conservative rural citizens.

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TUCK, STEPHEN. "THE NEW AMERICAN HISTORIES." Historical Journal 48, no. 3 (September 2005): 811–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0500467x.

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For at least a decade, many American historians have bemoaned the downfall of synthesis in the writing of the history of the United States. A wide variety of subfields has replaced a single national narrative. This fragmentation has been caused in part by methodological changes in the historical profession worldwide, but also because of the collapse of American exceptionalism. However, there are still some distinctly American themes that are interwoven throughout these subfields. These themes include the rise of transnational and regional history as replacements for an exceptional national history, and above all the influence of the American present on the study of the American past. This article summarizes the apparent fragmentation of the history of the United States before discussing some of the distinctively American themes that remain. The article then focuses in detail on five subfields in modern American history – the new western history, the new history of the segregated South, the cultural turn in Cold War history, and the histories of modern conservatism and modern evangelicalism – to show how these distinctively American themes recur in seemingly disconnected debates.

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Dudas, Jeffrey R. "Response to Melissa Deckman’s review of Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718004449.

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Brooks, Charlotte. "Review: Asia First: China and the Making of Modern American Conservatism by Joyce Mao." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.2.322.

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Youseop Shin. "A Case of Americanization of Modern Political Thoughs: American Traditional Conservatism in the Early Literature on American Foundation." Korean Political Science Review 41, no. 2 (June 2007): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2007.41.2.006.

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Augustine, Acheoah Ofeh. "Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies: A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 8 (November 10, 2019): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.

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This article is a critical input to the national and international debate on Gun Control and the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution since 1791. Auspiciously, the paper interrogates the historical, ideological, and socio-cultural roots of the Gun Rights from Medieval Europe to modern America as well as its implications for homeland security in 21st Century American society. The whole legalistic, philosophical and socio-cultural rationale for and against the Gun Control Question in mainstream American politics elicits many questions: Why has it been legislatively infeasible to address the frailties inherent in the 2nd Amendment texts? Is the Second Amendment immutable amid post-1791 realities? Has morality lost its place in American politics? Was the rights prescribed under 2nd Amendment vested on the individuals as construed impliedly or on the people as expressly stipulated in the constitution? And why has America with the most sophisticated military and intelligence architecture in the world failed to demonstrate the capability to contain sectarian killings in the land? The paper submits that the Gun Control Debate lays bare, one of the internal cleavages within the American political and social system, a nation so admired not just by her military, economic and diplomatic clout but also by the valued she stresses and defend world over: freedom, justice, equality and global peace, ideals for which the United States supplanted pax-Britanica for Pax-Americana. The appalling antecedents of gun killings in America knows no rank with 11 presidential assassination attempts for which four American presidents died: Abraham Lincoln (1865), James Garfield (1881); William McKinley (1901) John F Kennedy (1963) with Theodore Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan seriously injured in the 1912 and 1981 assassination attempts. The quartet presidential assassins: John Wilkes Booth; Charles J. Guiteau; Leon Czolgosz and Lee Harvey Oswald were all some of the first high profile abusers of the 2nd Amendment and the gun rights it granted. The death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X among many also resonates one of the foundational flaws of a nation globally reputed as the policeman of the earth. When will this trend ever end?.Millions have gone yet there seems to be hyper-partisanship about the Gun Control Question. This political cleavage represents a failure of the present generation of the political elites, the people and the American institutions to rise above and repeal the frailty of the 2nd Amendment, couched in one of the most nebulous languages in constitutional framings since the first ten Amendment to the world’s first-ever written constitution was ratified on 15 December 1791.The lessons from the government response to the Gun Question never placed America as a society developing societies should aspire to become, it is totally antithetical to the admirable values known about the greatest nation since the collapse of Nazism, Fascism and in the last decade of the 20th Century Communism for which in the submissions of Francis Fukuyama, Liberal Democracy became the Last Man metaphorically outlasting all other contending ideological contemporaries thus: “The End History”. The moral, spiritual, political leaders of America must converge on one front on the Gun Question, the Republicans must not hide under conservative garb and watch the blood of innocent generation of Americans been wasted by abusers of the Second Amendment. The appropriate measures to put a permanent lid on the mindless gun-related deaths must be carried out. The Democrats must forge a bipartisan consensus to arrest the moral drift in the land under the guise of the 2nd Amendment’s immutability clause: “shall not be infringed upon”. American political leaders must not under whatever guise send the wrong signal to the international community that will characterize the state as a policeman that cannot police his home, Charity begins at home, it is contradictory, antithetical and undermined every value upon which America prides herself under the rubric Pax-Americana. Historical antecedents show that the National Rifle Association is a shadow of itself, haven being skewed from its original goal to promote martial qualities and marksmanship to a lobbyist group without conscience for humanity. The American Institutions must live up to their mandate to tame the sinister and overbearing influence of the group. To the political leaders of the land the patriots of the 1775 Revolution fought for a land of the free it is your bounden duty to ensure their labor never be in vain: Lincoln was conscious of this during the heady days as was Andrew John who put their differences aside to restore national psyche, President Trump must not trade the blood of the children of America with his 2020 presidential re-election ambition as the NRA pro-Trump for 2020 billboards suggests. The Gun-Control debates further lays bare one of the antinomies of American Conservatism “being pro-life, anti-abortion and at the same time, pro-gun” as the abuses and defense of the 2nd Amendment represent one of the Ideological conspiracies against under the garb of Classical Liberalism propagated by contemporary votaries of American conservatism.

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Tsyrkun, Nina Aleksandrovna. "Superhero Cinema Comics: Gender Transposition." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 6, no. 2 (June 15, 2014): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik62110-119.

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The article treats symbolic exchange of gender roles in modern American cinema comics. The author comes to the conclusion that the narrative functions force female characters to act under a male algorithm while their visual representation brings to a classic "patriarchal" discourse, which testifies to superhero cinema comics' conservatism, characteristic of its genre basis.

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Adler, Eric. "Ancient Greece and American Conservatism: Classical Influence on the Modern Right, written by John Bloxham." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 371–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340219.

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Hamilton, Shane. "From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism. By Joseph E. Lowndes. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. 224p. $35.00." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 379–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090902.

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Amid swirling talk of a “postracial” politics in the wake of Barack Obama's election as the forty-fourth president of the United States, Joseph Lowndes offers a needed reminder of the central role played by race in American political culture. Nowhere is the discourse of race more apparent, according to Lowndes, than in the supposedly “color-blind” politics of modern U.S. conservatism. Using language that fashioned New Deal liberalism as a “racial synecdoche” (p. 158) for all that conservatives reviled in the four decades following World War II, conservative strategists forged a triumphant pro-business Republican platform that could simultaneously claim to be postracial while serving as the key vote getter of closet racists throughout the nation.

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Wong, Sam, and Brian Wong. "Chinese Perceptions of American Democracy: Late Qing Observers and Their Experiences with the Chinese Exclusion Act." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 315–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27040002.

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Abstract Analysis of the writings of Kuang Qizhao and other Chinese self-strengtheners suggests that their emphasis on promoting education before democracy and continuing to endorse classical Confucianism were not signs of a retrograde kind of conservatism, but an entirely rational decision based on the actual experiences of late Qing observers of 19th Century American democracy. Observing the U.S. Congress’s passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Chinese officials observed the real dangers of demagogue led populism without an educated, moral citizenry and the apparent importance of Christianity to creating the moral foundation for an effective modern society. For Kuang, Confucianism was equivalent to Christianity to establish that moral basis, and not a conservative desire to preserve the old social order. Kuang would pass on his thoughts to some of China’s most important reformers and officials on his return home, suggesting he and the officials he associated with had a more realistic and sophisticated understanding of American society and democracy than is currently assumed.

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Chatellier, Courtney. "“Not of the Modern French School”: Literary Conservatism and the Ancien Régime in Early American Periodicals." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 16, no. 3 (2018): 489–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.2018.0017.

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LEE, Seok-Won. "Shimizu Ikutarō and the Precarious Coexistence of Progressivism and Conservatism." Social Science Japan Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab021.

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Abstract Shimizu Ikutarō (1907–1988) is one of the most controversial postwar Japanese intellectuals. His transition from the icon of the Anpo protests to an advocate of a nuclear Japan has been considered an intellectual conversion (tenkō). Instead of revisiting the notion of conversion, this study shows that his wartime thoughts—bottom-up nationalism in particular—continued to influence Shimizu’s postwar writings and activism on both conservative and liberal sides. Shimizu delineated his historical concept of how ordinary people in Meiji and Taisho Japan had contributed to the development of a modern society and called for the construction of a new system. Endorsing Japan’s wartime efforts, Shimizu strove to center nationalist energies by ordinary Japanese on his concept of a new Japan. However, Shimizu’s adherence to bottom-up movements in wartime and postwar Japan reflects his problematic interpretation of Japanese history. Neglecting Japan’s nationalistic path to colonial violence, his writings on the society and culture of wartime and postwar Japan affirm grass-root nationalism as Japan’s key to modern development. This line of thinking was later associated with anti-American nationalist movements in the 1950s. His notion of civil society movements soon encountered a highly nationalistic project of a nuclear Japan in the 1970s.

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Veith, George J. "The Pro-War Movement: Domestic Support for the Vietnam War and the Making of Modern American Conservatism." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00500.

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Schoenwald, J. M. "The Pro-war Movement: Domestic Support for the Vietnam War and the Making of Modern American Conservatism." Journal of American History 101, no. 1 (May 22, 2014): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau310.

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STEPHENS, RANDALL J. "“It Has to Come from the Hearts of the People”: Evangelicals, Fundamentalists, Race, and the 1964 Civil Rights Act." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 3 (May 18, 2015): 559–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875815000687.

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In recent years historians and scholars of religious studies have chronicled and debated the critical role that black and white liberal Protestants, Catholics, and Jews played in the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. At every stage of the movement, mainline and traditional black churches proved vital. Less is known about the actions and reactions of conservative or moderate white believers. The churches that these fundamentalists and evangelicals belonged to would grow tremendously in the coming decades, eventually claiming roughly 26 percent of the American population. From the 1960s forward, conservative Protestants would also become key political players, helping to decide national elections. Their responses to the landmark 1964 Civil Rights Act, which intended to end discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, or national origin, and the heated debates that led up to the law reveal much about how conservative Christians related to the state and to a changing society. Responses to the bill ranged from resigned acceptance to racist denunciation. But believers were united in their antistatism and in their opposition to political and theological liberalism. This article examines how evangelicals and fundamentalists engaged in politics and understood race and racism in personal terms. It also analyzes the religious dimensions of modern American conservatism.

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Voss, Kim. "Disposition Is Not Action: The Rise and Demise of the Knights of Labor." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 2 (1992): 272–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000997.

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Recent theoretical and historical studies of working-class formation have raised important doubts about standard interpretations of the American working class. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the renewed debate over “American exceptionalism,” that unexpected combination of political conservatism and weak working-class institutions in the nation that underwent the modern world's first democratic revolution. Once it was popular to argue that American workers felt no need for collective action, either because of a classlessness that was firmly rooted in the psyche of the first new nation or because of an innate job consciousness that was able to attain full flowering only in the United States, that most bourgeois of countries. But two decades of social history have documented such a rich diversity of militant working-class activity that such explanations are now rarely invoked.

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Oyen, Meredith. "Charlotte Brooks.Between Mao and McCarthy: Chinese American Politics in the Cold War Years.Joyce Mao.Asia First: China and the Making of Modern American Conservatism." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 603–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.603.

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Selverstone, Marc. "Sandra Scanlon. The Pro-War Movement: Domestic Support for the Vietnam War and the Making of Modern American Conservatism." American Historical Review 119, no. 3 (June 2014): 943–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.3.943.

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MOUND, JOSH. "Stirrings of Revolt: Regressive Levies, the Pocketbook Squeeze, and the 1960s Roots of the 1970s Tax Revolt." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 2 (March 5, 2020): 105–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030620000019.

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Abstract:In most accounts, the modern American “tax revolt” begins with Proposition 13, passed by California voters in June 1978. In this telling, the revolt represents an antigovernment, antiliberal shift among white homeowners instrumental in the “rise of the right” and the fall of the “New Deal order” that culminated in Ronald Reagan’s election in 1980 and his subsequent tax cuts. This article challenges that account by demonstrating that the revolt began more than a decade before Prop 13 as approval rates for local levies and bonds reached all-time lows. This local revolt was not limited to whites, nor did it portend rising conservatism. Instead, it was rooted in lower- and middle-income Americans’ frustrations with steep rises in unfair, regressive taxes during the post–World War II decades. The Kennedy-Johnson “Growth Liberals,” who were busy cutting progressive federal taxes at the same time that regressive state and local taxes were soaring, missed this pocketbook squeeze, thereby setting the stage for later events like Prop 13.

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Posen, Barry R. "Competing Images of the Soviet Union." World Politics 39, no. 4 (July 1987): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010293.

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Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control community, the NATO allies, and some American academics. In its foreign policy, the Soviet Union is seen as a fairly typical great power whose behavior in international politics can be explained by the mixture of fear, greed, and stupidity that has characterized most great powers in the past as they have tried to secure their borders and pursue their interests in a world without law. It does not like to take great risks, it fears war, and it is, at worst, opportunistically expansionist. In sharp contrast to Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union is more conservative than reckless; if anything, nuclear weapons have reinforced this conservatism.

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Smant, Kevin. "AN EXAGGERATED REPORT - David Farber: The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010. Pp. 296. $29.95.)." Review of Politics 74, no. 1 (2012): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670512000125.

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Brenes, Michael. "Review: The Pro-War Movement: Domestic Support for the Vietnam War and the Making of Modern American Conservatism by Sandra Scanlon." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 11, no. 1 (2016): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2016.11.1.142.

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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.

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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.

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Deckman, Melissa. "Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism. By Jeffrey R. Dudas. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2017. 224p. $80.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718004437.

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Crespino, Joseph. "Book Review: Scanlon, The Pro-War Movement: Domestic Support for the Vietnam War and the Making of Modern American Conservatism, by Joseph Crespino." Pacific Historical Review 84, no. 2 (2014): 244–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2015.84.2.244.

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Lanza, Fabio. "Asia First: China and the Making of Modern American Conservatism. By Joyce Mao. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2015. viii, 226 pp. ISBN: 9780226252711 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 2 (May 2016): 510–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000139.

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Petro, Anthony M. "Ray Navarro’s Jesus Camp, AIDS Activist Video, and the “New Anti-Catholicism”." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 85, no. 4 (May 4, 2017): 920–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfx011.

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AbstractThis essay examines the 1990 documentary Like a Prayer, emphasizing performances by Chicano AIDS activist Ray Navarro, to reassess two prevailing narratives in religion and politics. First, it challenges the culture wars distinction between secular progressivism and religious conservatism that haunts histories of religion and sexuality. It locates American AIDS activism at the center of religious and sexual narratives to question the range of subjects that become visible as “religious.” Second, reading Like a Prayer as part of the archive of modern Catholicism exposes scholarly assumptions about the relationships between religion and politics, sincerity and performance, religion and secularism. This essay expands the archive of the culture wars—and of queer and Catholic history—to include another form of religious engagement: the use of camp. Thinking with an analytics of camp suggests how AIDS activists employed religious imagery in ways that confound the very division between Catholic and anti-Catholic, religious and secular.

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HAMPSHER-MONK, IAIN. "THE SPIRITS OF EDMUND BURKE." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 3 (September 25, 2017): 865–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000130.

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In the 1970s, when I began to take interest in Burke, not only was there was no collected Correspondence, but there was not even any modern edition of his Works. I successively purchased secondhand copies of the six-volume Bohn edition, and then (in the flush of a modest pay rise) of the Boston Little, Brown edition. The interpretive work was not extensive, and heavily influenced by two kinds of presentist preoccupation—both distinctively anglophone. One was the preoccupation with Burke's “contribution” to elements of the English Constitution—party government, the nature of representation, financial management—and his success in characterizing its customary, gradualist, pragmatic political culture, subsequently identified as “conservatism.” The other—prominent in American readings—comprised energetic attempts to recruit Burke into Cold War polemics: the clash between Burke and the French Revolutionaries (and their British supporters) presaging the clash between Marxism–Leninism and Western, free-market democracy. For scholars of a Straussian persuasion this involved reading into Burke a commitment to neo-Thomist natural law. These parameters spun an intellectually vertiginous confusion of issues. Quite how Burke's opposition to Paine was supposed to cohere with their shared defence of the America he (Paine) helped to create raised a number of historical issues. But instead of resolving these it was the implications of merely supposing them to be coherent that constituted the interpretive field. Controversies focused on whether Burke's political identity was conservative or liberal—anachronistic lexical markers, further complicated by their different connotations on either side of the Atlantic—and on how to characterize the “philosophical core” of his thinking. These too were contested in often disarmingly proleptic categories: liberal, utilitarian, collectivist. Looking back, this ideological fog was only made possible by the absence of any reasonably clear sense of eighteenth-century political-theoretical discourse within the categories and preoccupations of which to situate the man.

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LIU, Chao. "Racism in the Early-20th-Century U.S. and Sun Yatsen’s Outlook on Chinese Culture." Cultura 15, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul.2018.02.07.

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Abstract Confronted with the decline of Western hegemony, the post-Great-War American society witnessed a prevailing trend of racism represented by Lothrop Stoddard, who proposed to suppress the nationalist movements in Asia and completely prohibit the immigration of Asians into the United States to maintain white supremacy across the world. His racist discourse also constituted the historical context of Sun Yat-sen’s speech to The Kobe Chamber of Commerce. Unlike previous studies of the speech that focused on Sun’s expression of “Greater Asianism,” this paper examines his critical remarks on Stoddard, intending to explore the intellectual origin of the renewed outlook held by Sun on Chinese culture in his later years, as he intentionally misinterpreted Stoddard’s main idea as cultural revolt, neutralied such notions as biological determination and human inequality, and replaced white supremacy with the ascendancy of Chinese culture by emphasizing its originality, historical unity and moral superiority. On the very basis, Sun presented an alternative mode of modern civilization that diverged from the Euro-centric capitalist modernity. Echoing various anti-capitalist and counter-enlightenment thoughts of this period, Sun’s proposal could be taken as an integral part of the “new cultural conservatism” promoted by Chinese intellectuals in the 1920s.

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Zafirovski, Milan. "Contemporary conservatism and medievalism." Social Science Information 50, no. 2 (May 26, 2011): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018410396617.

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This article explores the historical and sociological relations between contemporary conservatism and medievalism. It first registers the reemergence and increasing prominence of conservatism in contemporary society, most notably in America during the late 20th and the early 21st centuries. It then places conservatism and medievalism and their relationship within a historical-comparative framework. The article concludes that modern conservatism originates in and continues, with some adaptations or innovations, medievalism seen as the ‘golden past’, becoming the original and persisting conservative ideal and model of society and history.

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Brandt, Lydia Mattice. "An Introduction to Making Modern Architecture Matter." Public Historian 42, no. 4 (October 23, 2020): 137–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2020.42.4.137.

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Regardless of their interest in historic architecture, Americans often dismiss Modern architecture for being too boring, ugly, or recent to be worthy of preservation. Using the author’s advocacy experience in Columbia, South Carolina, as a case study, this article offers strategies for those looking to advocate and educate for Modern buildings constructed outside of major American cities between 1945 and 1975. The essay introduces the historical context for local Modern architecture, dissects its most common derisions, and suggests ways to convince skeptics to move past their assumptions.

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SHEPARD, KRIS. "CONSERVATISM AND ITS COUSINS IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY AMERICA." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 901–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9800805x.

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The conservative tradition in America. By Charles W. Dunn and J. David Woodard. Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1996. Pp. ix+199. ISBN 0-8476-8167-X. $14.95.Hoods and shirts: the extreme right in Pennsylvania, 1925–1950. By Philip Jenkins. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. Pp. 343. ISBN 0-8078-2316-3. $29.95.From demagogue to Dixiecrat: Horace Wilkinson and the politics of race. By Glenn Feldman. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, Inc., 1995. Pp. xviii+311. ISBN 0-8191-9783-1. $32.50.From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: race in the conservative counterrevolution, 1963–1994. By Dan T. Carter. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Pp. xv+134. ISBN 0-8071-2118-5. £21.95.According to political scientists Charles W. Dunn and David Woodward in The conservative tradition in America, the dramatic Republican gains in the 1994 elections exemplified the eclilse of New Deal liberalism by a resurgent conservatism, a politcal shift that began in the late 1960s and which Ronald Reagan's victory in the 1980 fortified. In their short survey the authors investigate the intellectual roots of modern conservatism and attempt to define and explain the recent manifestation of this heritage. The three other recent works reviewed here provide a larger historical context, which Dunn and Woodward ignore, for understanding conservatism and right extremism in America.

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McBride, Kameron. "Dealing With Our Bloody Past." Digital Literature Review 1 (January 6, 2014): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/dlr.1.0.30-40.

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This essay explores how director Stanley Kubrick’s The Shining establishes the Overlook Hotelas an environment where conservative complacency has become the norm and all hope ofprogression is lost. By using a maze motif and the backdrop of Native American genocide TheShining explores and critiques how modern America was constructed.

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WILLIAMS, DANIEL K. "American Evangelical Politics before the Christian Right." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 2 (August 29, 2017): 367–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917000811.

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Is American Evangelicalism a politically progressive tradition? For contemporary observers who are familiar with American Evangelicalism only in its modern, politically conservative guise, the idea that many American Evangelicals have traditionally been on the left end of the political spectrum might come as a surprise. Yet, according to Randall Balmer's Evangelicalism in America and Frances Fitzgerald's The Evangelicals, both of which offer two-hundred-year surveys of Evangelical political activism in the United States, the Christian Right is an aberration in American Evangelicalism and not representative of the tradition's political orientation.

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Childers, Christopher. "The Rise of Andrew Jackson: Myth, Manipulation, and the Making of Modern Politics by David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, and: Preserving the White Man's Republic: Jacksonian Democracy, Race, and the Transformation of American Conservatism. by Joshua A. Lynn." Journal of the Early Republic 40, no. 3 (2020): 591–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2020.0085.

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West, Thomas G. "FREE SPEECH IN THE AMERICAN FOUNDING AND IN MODERN LIBERALISM." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 2 (June 4, 2004): 310–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504212110.

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It is widely believed that there is more freedom of speech in America today than there was at the time of the founding. Indeed, this view is shared by liberal commentators, as one would expect, as well as by leading conservatives, which is more surprising. “The body of law presently defining First Amendment liberties,” writes liberal law professor Archibald Cox, grew out of a “continual expansion of individual freedom of expression.” Conservative constitutional scholar Walter Berns agrees: “Legally we enjoy a greater liberty [of speech] than ever before in our history.” This shared assessment is correct—from the point of view of the political theory of today's liberalism—but it is incorrect from the point of view of the political theory of the American founding.

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Datta, Neil. "Modern-Day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property." Političke perspektive 8, no. 3 (May 23, 2019): 69–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.8.3.03.

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Three recent events affecting human rights in sexuality and reproduction (a proposed ban on abortion in Poland, blocking support for She Decides in Croatia and halting a civil union law in Estonia) were spearheaded by organizations which appear to be the national antennae of the transnational, socially conservative network called Tradition, Family and Property (TFP). TFP refers to a set of interrelated conservative, Catholic-inspired organizations which share a common world view inspired by the TFP founder, Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira. Originating in Brazil in 1960 and eventually spreading throughout the world, TFP has long been an insurrection movement within Catholicism, with a distinct way of working by fusing social conservatism with economic hyper-liberalism and a legacy of complicity with far-right movements. Having withered away from Latin America, TFP is now an active European network with positions against sexual and reproductive rights (SRR ) among its priorities. TFP’s influence on SRR takes three main routes: social mobilization; norm entrepreneur and entering decision-making spaces. TFP has found new horizons in Eastern Europe and ambitions to influence the European Union and the United Nations. The reactionary narrative of TFP espousing religious orthodoxy and sanctifying economic inequality could become attractive to some by offering religious legitimization for illiberalism and authoritarianism.

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Meagher, Richard J. "Backlash: Race, Sexuality, and American ConservatismJoseph E. Lowndes. Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism from the New Deal to the New Right. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008.Bruce J. Schulman and Julian E. Zelizer, eds. Rightward Bound: Making America Conservative in the 1970s. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008." Polity 41, no. 2 (April 2009): 256–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pol.2008.33.

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Brilliant, Virginia. "The Americas Revealed: Collecting colonial and modern Latin American art in the United States." Journal of the History of Collections 32, no. 2 (June 19, 2020): 398–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhaa013.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Modern American Conservatism'

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