Academic literature on the topic 'Mohammed Reza Pahlavi'

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Journal articles on the topic "Mohammed Reza Pahlavi"

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Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "Art, Love and Jewels. Treasure of the Iranian Shahs in the “Shahrazad” Ballet." Oriental Courier, no. 3-4 (2021): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310018019-8.

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Using the framework of the plot and staging peculiarities of the recent ballet sensation — “Scheherazade” to the music of Nikolai A. Rimsky-Korsakov, the author gives detailed characteristics and provides the history of the most significant treasures of the Iranian crown. The author researches the origin and the location of two parts of the famous pink ‘table’ diamond — the Big Diamond Tablet, divided into two parts (Darya-i-Nur and Nur-al-Ain), the history and stages of making the wedding tiara and the coronation headdress of Farah Pahlavi are traced. The article provides information on the origin and storage of the most iconic treasures of the Iranian crown after the Islamic Revolution — starting from the throne on which Mohammed Reza Pahlavi was the last to sit, to the two most famous shah’s crowns — the Kiani crown and the crown of the last Shah. The author especially notes the importance of the interpretation of precious artifacts in the ballet, staged by Alexei Miroshnichenko, to awaken the interest of the Russian public in the culture and art of Iran.
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Iqbal, Muhammad. "أغراض خطابة الإمام الخميني و خصائص أسلوبها." Buletin Al-Turas 19, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v19i1.3708.

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Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".---Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".
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von Eggert, Konstantin. "THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAST SHAH: MOHAMMED REZA PAHLAVI AND THE DEAD END OF ENLIGHTENED AUTHORITARIANISM." Security Index: A Russian Journal on International Security 17, no. 1 (March 2011): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19934270.2011.553119.

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Ostrum, Nicholas. "“Technologie für Öl” und “Recycling der Ölmilliarden“. Die Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu Iran unter der Herrschaft von Mohammed Reza Schah Pahlavi, 1972—1979 By Alexander Lurz. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2022. Pp. 487. Hardcover €79.00. ISBN: 978-3515131612." Central European History 57, no. 1 (March 2024): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938923001401.

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Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "The Most Luxurious Royal Celebration in Modern History: Celebrating 2,500th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Persian Empire in Iran." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015772-7.

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The article describes a unique in terms of luxury and used resources celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire, held near the ruins of the ancient Achaemenid capital on the initiative of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The author suggests that this inadequately expensive event was one of the reasons for the 1979 revolution and the flight of the Shah from the country.
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Schayegh, Cyrus. "Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Autocracy: Governmental Constraints, 1960s–1970s." Iranian Studies 51, no. 6 (October 22, 2018): 889–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1522949.

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Karimi, Maryam, and Sarjit Singh Darshan Singh. "Political Development Concept by Looking Briefly at the Iran’s Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Rule." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (November 13, 2014): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.6627.

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Concept of political development such as other concepts of political science has a lack of consensus among researchers and scholars. This article is going to review the concept of political development. It begins with an overview on definitions of political development. Presumably, it presents different aspects and characteristics of political development. This article establishes Iran’s efforts towards political development during Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Rule. Moreover, this article concludes that process of political development in Iran was affected by two main theories of political development by some western and Iranian political thinker’s definition on this concept.
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Abdel Razzaq, M. Shaheen Siham. "Iraq's official position on political developments in Iran (1941-1945)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.333.

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The events that took place in Iran during the second world war are considered an important item for Iraqi diplomacy and follow-up by the Foreign Ministry in Iraq. On the other hand, this Iraqi diplomacy was considered to be quite flexible when a reshuffle occurred. It was looking for its causes and linking them, and then adopting accurate scenarios to protect its interests. Iraq was not far from what was happening in Iran .When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi took power in Iran, The oil conflict has also existed. In addition to Iran's strategic position, making US intervention clear. Which prompted Iran to build an intimate relationship with the United States and strengthen its relations in all respects, especially when Ahmed assigned the strength of the Sultanate to form the ministry on the ninth of August 1924 and consider America a third force used by Ahmed Qawam as a bargaining chip to confront the British and Soviet Union in the region. After the issue of oil emerged on the political scene and at that time, the Iranian government took a deep breath in the embrace of the United States. In fact, Reza Shah Pahlawi inherited a backward country, especially in the economic field. He tried to reform the country's economic recession and make Iran to acquire a new stage, and the result of foreign demand for Iranian oil led to widespread reactions at the internal level and became pro-Western groups to reject the Soviet demand and solidarity with the independent. While the Iranian Communist Party (Toda Party) supported the request and held demonstrations for the immediate admission of the Soviet Union
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Khoshnood, Ardavan, and Arvin Khoshnood. "The death of an emperor – Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and his political cancer." Alexandria Journal of Medicine 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajme.2015.11.002.

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Al - Mousawi, Abdul Hamid Al Eid. "Iran's regional relations after 2000 (Study in relation between Iran and Arab countries)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, no. 3 (February 27, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v2i3.79.

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Relations between Iran and the Arab countries have seen a real fluctuations ranging from support, if not the coalition to tension limit the severance of diplomatic relations, and then the war, since the success of the Islamic revolution in Iran, and fears of the spread of Shiism, and export it to neighboring Arab countries, which are dominated by Sunnis. If the Iranian politics before the Islamic revolution has been characterized Bastbdadah Shah (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), the leader of the pro-Western, this policy after the Islamic revolution had known Jdida.ovi turning point of this study to review these policies in the two pre-Revolution and Beyond two sections.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mohammed Reza Pahlavi"

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Ansari, Ali Massoud. "Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the myth of imperial authority." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28497/.

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The thesis is an investigation into the concept of modem political myth and its relationship to ideology. It argues that political myth can best be understood as the personalisation or familiarisation of ideology, by which ideological constructions are identified either with an individual, normally a political leader, or are expressed in mythic representations familiar within a given state and drawn from the traditional myths which permeate the political cultures of that state. The thesis argues that the personalisation and possible personification of ideology is one of the most obvious methods of political myth production and notes that the inherent contradictions and tensions resulting from an attempt to identify an individual with a principle almost always results in the construction of political myth. Political myth construction and development remains dynamic and reciprocal in relation to its ideational and material environment. Iran during the Pahlavi period (1921-79) provides the case-study for the thesis, as a society in the process of profound social and economic change led by a government both enthusiastic and economically able to impose its own particular conception of development and modernity within a nationalistic framework, upon the country. The continued importance of personalities to the political process and then attempts to identify with particular ideologies provided cogent examples of political myth construction and development. With particular emphasis on Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the thesis shows the development of his ideological world-view, the initial reciprocal dynamic of these views, leading towards increasing identification, polarisation and isolation by the end of his reign. The thesis seeks to show how political myth was employed to naturalise and legitimise the Pahlavi Dynasty within the Iranian state. In charting the ideological development in the Pahlavi era, from traditional state towards a particular conception of modernity, political myth is seen to be not a uniquely modem phenomenon. However, the emergence of the modem mass media, especially in electronic form has resulted in the acceleration of political myth construction and its widespread and rapid dissemination. This technological change helps to differentiate modern political myth from its predecessors and given the continuing growth of the mass media, is likely to ensure that the concept of political myth wall be increasingly important to political discourse.
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Neary, Brigitte U. "Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini: in Light of Shi'i History." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625376.

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Sarabi, Saïd. "L'évolution du discours politique en Iran : de la prise de pouvoir du shah d'Iran à la révolution islamique, 1941-1979." Toulouse 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994TOU10004.

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Il s'est agi de retracer les étapes essentielles du discours politique des acteurs du pouvoir en Iran de 1941 à 1979. Tout d'abord en analysant la complexité des relations entre la nation et ses élites dépendantes des puissances étrangères ; puis, dans un second temps le renforcement sans précédent d'un appareil d'Etat autoritaire et de ses moyens, à partir du coup d'état militaire de 1953 qui a permis le rétablissement sur le trône de Mohammadreza Pahlavi. La dépendance de l'Etat par rapport à l'impérialisme est apparue comme un fait central. Le processus rapide de modernisation "mimétique" et d'occidentalisation par "le haut" a mis en danger la permanence identitaire. Dès lors, le processus autocratique, visant à étendre le contrôle de l'Etat sur les affaires économiques du pays avec la "révolution blanche" en 1963, a suscité un mouvement de résistance populaire où la contestation politique a été indissociable d'un refus de changement importe. La légitimité nationale de l'état Pahlavi étant contesté, la modernisation qu'il introduisit devint suspecte de servir l'étranger au détriment de l'intérêt national. L'articulation spécifique des facteurs économiques, socio-politiques ideologico-culturels a été à l'origine de l'insurrection populaire qui a conduit à l'avènement de la révolution islamique de 1979
We have related the main steps of the political speech by governors in Iran from 1941 to 1979. Firstly by analysing the complexity of relationships between the nation and its elite depending on foreign powers; then the unprecedented reinforcement of an authoritarian state wachinery and of its means since the military coup in 1953 which allowed the re-establishment on the throne of Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi. The dependence of the state on imperialism appeared as a central fact. The quick process of mimetic modernization and of upper westernization endangered the keeping of one's identity. From then on, the autocratic process, aiming at extending state control over economic affairs of the country with the "white revolution" in 1963, has aroused a movement of popular resistance where political contesting could not be separated from a refusal of imported change. The national legitimacy of the Pahlavi state being contesting, the modernization he introduced cause to be suspected of serving foreign people to the detriment of national interest. The specific articulation of economic, socio-political and ideological-cultural factors has been at the origin of the popular insurrection which led to the coming of the 1979 Islamic revolution
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Mollajani, Ali Akbar. "Sociogénèse de la révolution iranienne de 1979." Rennes 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997REN20043.

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Les couches sociales représentatives de la société iranienne ont été exclues du pouvoir par deux coups d'état de 1923 et 1953. Cette façon artificielle de maintien de pouvoir a fait que le régime Pahlavi ne jouissait pas d'une légitimité sociale pour gérer la société. L'ordre social était gardé par la force et non par des mécanismes sociétaux endogènes. Par la révolution blanche le régime du Shah a voulu constituer une nouvelle structure sociale qui lui donnerait une nouvelle légitimité. Mais l'inadaptabilité des mesures et de reformes réalisées avec la constitution sociale du pays amena vers l'échec les projets gouvernementaux. Le résultat en était une dislocation sociétale qui, faute d'un champ politique autorisé, s'est orientée vers un radicalisme politique propagé et a donné naissance a la révolution iranienne de 1979
The social layers representative of the Iranian society have been excluded from power by the two coups d'Etat, of 1923 and of 1953. This artificial manner of maintaining power resulted in the Pahlavi regime not achieving a social legitimacy for managing the society. The social order was guarded by force and not by indigenous societal mecanismes. By the white revolution, the Shah's regime wanted to constitute a new social structure which would give it a new legitimacy. But. The inadaptability of the measures and of the reforms realized on the social constitution of the country lead to the failure of the government's projects. The result was a societal dislocation which, in the absence of an authorized political field, oriented itself towards a propagated political radicalism and gave birth to the Iranian revolution of 1979
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Steele, R. "The 2500th Anniversary Celebrations and cultural politics in Late Pahlavi Iran." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/35230.

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This thesis presents a thorough investigation of the 2500th Anniversary Celebrations of the Founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great, held in Persepolis by the Shah of Iran in 1971. Since the time of the Celebrations they have been routinely demonised by historians and critics of the Pahlavi regime, who present them as evidence of the delusion and megalomania of an Oriental despot. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a more sober, balanced account of the events of 1971 and the preparations leading up to them, in order to understand more fully the aims and motivations of the Shah and his entourage in organising such a nationalist spectacle. It will argue that Iran benefitted greatly from the international exposure the event generated, politically, economically and culturally. Most accounts of the Celebrations have focussed primarily on the sumptuous Pahlavi hospitality, enjoyed by the world’s elite over the course of a few days in purpose-built accommodation at Persepolis, the former ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid dynasty. In contrast, the premise of this thesis is that the ceremonies at Persepolis and Pasargadae were just a small, albeit highly visible, part of the programme for the Celebrations. From the time the Celebrations were conceived in the late 1950s, exhibitions were organised, publications commissioned and buildings constructed. All were intended to contribute to the development and modernisation of Iran, and all were conceived with the Anniversary Celebrations in mind. Internationally too, the Celebrations aroused great interest. Hundreds of books and articles were published in conjunction with the event, and museum exhibitions, academic conferences and other special cultural events were organised around the world, giving an important boost to the field of Persian studies worldwide. Meanwhile, the Shah’s Iran was presented as a significant regional and global power. This thesis will contribute, therefore, to our understanding of the Celebrations, and more broadly the material effects of the politicisation of culture in the late Pahlavi period.
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Tremblay, Jane. "Une analyse de l'ideologie de Moḥammad Rez̤ā Shāh Pahlavī /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56770.

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Ce memoire tentera de decrire ce que fut l'ideologie defendue par le Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi d'Iran (1919-1980). Malgre que le Shah n'ait pas lui-meme ecrit ses positions politiques, il adherara a ce systeme de pensee qui pourrait avoir toutes les caracteristiques d'une ideologie. Ce systeme, qui a domine la vie politique iranienne pendant pres de trente ans, est fonde sur trois principes, soit la tradition monarchique iranienne, la constitution de 1906 et la revolution blanche. Ces trois fondements devaient permettre le developpement accelere de l'Iran et qui se traduit par une modernisation de la societe ainsi que par une separation stricte entre l'eglise et de l'etat. L'autorite de l'Islam et du clerge shiite sera alors progressivement evince des affaires publiques durant le regne de Mohammad Reza Shah, laissant la place a une doctrine valorisant a la fois le modernisme, l'occidentalisation et les traditions royales issues de l'Iran ancien. Toutefois ce sera ces memes fondements--constitution, monarchie, revolution blanche--pourtant incompatibles entre eux, qui feront en sorte que ce systeme n'a pu, devenir une ideologie au sens propre du terme.
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Zarikfar, Fard Mohsen. "L'armée en Iran sous le régime de la dynastie Pahlavi." Montpellier 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987MON10061.

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Les observateurs, les politologues et les historiens tant etrangers qu'iraniens ont eu du mal a comprendre l'attitude de l'armee iranienne et celle de washington lors des evevements qui ont entraine en 1979, la chute du regime imperial en la personne de mohammad reza pahlavi. Ce dernier, certes, a ete quelque peu piege par ses reves de grandeur qui non seulement l'ont conduit a dilapider les richesses nationales dans un programme d'armement (30 a 40% du budget national) qui a depasse largement les besoins et les moyens techniques du pays, mais egalement, ils l'ont prive du pouvoir de determiner luimeme sa propre strategie et ce du fait, d'une part de l'integration des forces armees iraniennes a celles des etats-unis et d'autre part, a la forte presence des instructeurs et les conseillers militaires americains en iran. Outre ceux-ci; le nombre important de conscrit (75% environ de l'effectif militaire iranien), dont l'appartenance a la societe militaire se doublait d'autres attaches multiples et fortes a des ensembles divers, par exemple ethniques, religieux, regionaux, a eu un impact certain sur l'attitude de l'armee pendant la c
Observers, political analysts, and historians, wether foreigners or iranians have great difficulty to understand the attitudes of the events which leaded in 1979 to the fall of the system of mohammad reza pahlavi. Indeed, this later, has been, to some extent, trapped by his dreams of greatness, which did not only leaded him to squande the national wealths in a programe of armement - (30 to 40% of the national bu - dget) and exceeding by for the needs and the technical means of the country -but also deprived him from the power to determine by him- self his own strategy. Resulted from that ,from one side,the integra- tion of the iranian army with that of the united states,and from other side, the massive presence of the americans instructers and military counels in iran. Add to that the important number of conscripts (75% of the to- tal force) have their multiple attachments e. G religions, ethnics and regionals, which have had its impact over the attitude of the army during the crisis. (. . . )
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Pye, Michael. "In the belly of the bear? : Soviet-Iranian relations during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9501.

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The question mark of the project's title alludes to a critical reexamination of Soviet- Iranian relations during the period and aims to offer an original contribution to scholarship in the field by exploring an aspect of Pahlavi foreign relations that lacks any detailed treatment in the literature presently available. In pursuit of this goal, research has been concentrated on recently-released western archival documentation, the Iranian Studies collection held at the University of St Andrews, and similarly materials from the Russian Federal Archive for Foreign Relations, to which the author was granted access, including ambassadorial papers relating to the premiership of Mohammad Mosaddeq. As far as can be ascertained, the majority of the Russian archival evidence presented in the dissertation has not been previously been utilised by any Western-based scholar. At core, the thesis argues that the trajectory of Pahlavi foreign relations specifically (and to a certain degree Mohammad Reza's regency more broadly) owed principally to a deeply-rooted belief in, and perceived necessity to guard against, the Soviet Union's (and Russia's) historical 'objectives' vis-à-vis Iran. While the Shah proved himself to be a very effective advocate of this approach, it is suggested that the importance attached to the spectre of Soviet interference cannot solely be explained as a means of leverage in relation to Iran's western allies, although at times it was undoubtedly used in this manner. Rather, the anxieties of Iranian politicians were the genuine consequence of a painfully proximate history, significantly reinforced by the unfortunate disconnect between public Soviet diplomacy towards Iran and the activities of various 'deniable' Communist elements operating both within and outwith Iran‟s borders.
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Homayun, Sepehr Mohammad. "La société iranienne au travers des nouvelles de Nader Ebrahimi, 19 août 1953-11 février 1979." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213528.

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Mohi, Fatemeh. "La propriété foncière agricole en Iran de l'introduction de l'islam a la révolution islamique : analyse géographique." Angers, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1990ANGE0006.

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La thèse présente les conditions de l'évolution de la propriété foncière agricole en Iran, de l'introduction de l'islam (VIIème siècle) à la fin du royaume du shah (1978). Construite à partir de l'étude de documents varies (statistiques officielles, archives, cartes, textes d'origine française, anglaise, allemande, iranienne), elle permet, d'une part de mettre en évidence les rapports étroits existant entre l'état et la propriété terrienne à travers les différentes dynasties et, d'autre part, de montrer comment les transformations du secteur agricole après 1960 ont du s'accommoder de la structure socioéconomique dominante pour finalement aboutir à une nouvelle agriculture dépendante de la politique extérieure. Enfin, nous conclurons que, grâce aux exportations de pétrole, nous avons réussi à atteindre un équilibre entre les importations et les exportations. Mais, étant donne que le pétrole est une source d’Energie épuisable, nous ne pouvons pas trop compter sur elle, dans un avenir lointain. Il est indispensable de développer davantage l'agriculture, non seulement pour satisfaire nos propres besoins, mais aussi pour exporter
The thesis will introduce the conditions of the evolution of farmland ownership in Iran, starting from the introduction of Islam (seventh century) to the end of the kingdom of the shah (1978). The thesis was basically built thanks to the study of various documents (official statistics, records, maps and texts, from Iran, Germany, France and great Britain) and makes it possible to set up on one hand, narrow links between the state and 1and ownership throughout the different irani dynasties; on the other hand, it will show how the agricultural transformations after 1960 had to comply with the cominant social and economical structure and how they finally reached to a new agriculture dependant on the foreign affairs policy. As a conclusion, thanks to oil exports, we have succeeded in balancing total exports and imports. However, oil is not a durable source of energy and we can therefore not rely on it for ever and it is absolutely essential that we develop agriculture more than we used to do, not only to satisfy our own needs but also in order to export abroad
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Books on the topic "Mohammed Reza Pahlavi"

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Cockcroft, James D. Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1989.

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Farah. Kuhan Diyārā: Farah Pahlavi Khāṭirāt. [Paris]: Farzad, 2003.

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Farah. Kuhan Diyārā: Farah Pahlavi Khāṭirāt. [Paris]: Farzad, 2003.

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Taheri, Amir. The unknown life of the Shah. London: Hutchinson, 1991.

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Zonis, Marvin. Majestic failure: The fall of the Shah. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.

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Milani, Abbas. The Shah. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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author, Deghati Manoocher, ed. Iran, rêves et dérive: 1978-1985. Paris: Hoëbeke, 2019.

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Alam, Asadollah. The Shah and I: The confidential diary of Iran's royal court, 1969-1977. London: I.B. Tauris, 1991.

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Alam, Asadollah. Guftugū-yi man bā Shāh: Khāṭirāt-i maḥramānah-i Amīr Asad Allāh ʻAlam. Tihrān: Ṭarḥ-i Naw, 1992.

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Alam, Asadollah. The Shah and I: The confidential diary of Iran's royal court, 1969-1977. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mohammed Reza Pahlavi"

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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi." In Political Leadership in an Era of Decolonisation, 164–83. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003426165-9.

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Meißner, Thomas. "Mohammad Reza Pahlavi: Die Odyssee des letzten Schahs von Persien." In Der prominente Patient, 333–35. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-57731-8_82.

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Beisner, Robert L. "Jousting with mosadeq, waiting for nasser." In Dean Acheson, 551–67. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195045789.003.0032.

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Abstract Jousting with Mosadeq Muhammad Mosadeq led the endeavor to free Iran of outsiders’ domination. Often ailing and given to fainting and weeping spells, he habitually lay in hotel or hospital beds, robed and beslippered, talking to diplomats or reporters. Such eccentric conduct was misleading, for this Persian was a man of parts. Not London’s hated lunatic, he was a formidable leader feared by Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi. Born in 1882 in a landholding family, he studied in France, took a doctorate in law in Switzerland, and returned to Iran imbued with both rationalist and nationalist values. Serving as both a finance and foreign minister and helping establish the National Front in 1949 was part of his hope to bring Iran into a modern age, but these did not stop the Shah’s father, Reza Shah Pahlavi, from briefly throwing him in prison. First as legislator and then as prime minister, he pursued an ambitious agenda to improve ordinary Iranians’ lives and develop democratic and constitutional institutions at the Shah’s expense. He hated British imperialism, and Britons in turn despised him. But Americans often took pleasure in his company. George McGhee talked to him twenty odd times and thought him “a delightful fellow,” spending half their time “laughing at his jokes.” But he also thought Mosadeq was unrealistic about how far the United States would go to retain Iranian oil for the west.
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4

Osiewicz, Przemyslaw. "Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi." In Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 19–40. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003018285-4.

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5

"Reza Pahlavi, Mohammad (Iran)." In The Statesman’s Yearbook Companion, 328–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_659.

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Shams, Fatemeh. "Introduction." In A Revolution in Rhyme, 1–33. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858829.003.0001.

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On November 4, 1964, under the orders of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, Ruhollah Khomeini, was forcibly exiled following his arrest by the Shah’s Secret Police (SAVAK). Iran, still haunted by the memory of the CIA/MI6-backed 1953 coup, which toppled the democratically elected prime minister, Mohammad Mosaddegh (d. 1967), was in the grip of rising protests against the Shah....
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Cubbon, Alexandra. "Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art (TMoCA)." In Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. London: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781135000356-rem2095-1.

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The Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art (TMoCA) is an art museum located next to Laleh Park, in Tehran, Iran. The museum houses a large collection of modern and contemporary Iranian art, as well as one of the most valued collections of modern Western art outside Europe and North America, mostly dating from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. In 1977, having purchased large quantities of art during Iran’s 1970s oil boom, the European-educated Iranian Empress Farah Pahlavi inaugurated TMoCA. The Iranian architect Kamran Diba designed the museum, incorporating elements of traditional Persian architecture into a structure that many consider to be a piece of contemporary art itself. The inauguration of TMoCA prior to the 1979 Iranian Revolution exemplified Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s secular monarchy and symbolised a common bond between Iran and the West.
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Tabatabai, Ariane M. "The Last King." In No Conquest, No Defeat, 97–146. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197534601.003.0004.

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This chapter looks at the life of the last king to rule over Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and his security thinking. The chapter surveys key reforms undertaken in this period, particularly those pertaining to national and internal security and military affairs. The chapter also discusses the 1953 coup and the emerging forces opposing the Shah and his reforms, as well as how the Shah shaped Iran’s current security thinking and policies.
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"Mohammad Reza Shah and the Collapse of the Pahlavi State." In Revolutions and the Collapse of Monarchy. I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755609789.ch0006.

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Shannon, Matthew K. "Epilogue." In Losing Hearts and Minds. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713132.003.0008.

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Losing Hearts and Minds is the first book to investigate the multifaceted educational connections between the United States and Iran during the reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It unearths the human experiences, institutional commitments, national interests, ideologies of development, and networks of resistance that contributed to the fundamental tension in the American-Iranian relationship. That tension—the incompatibility between an authoritarian variety of “modernization” and a political interpretation of “rights”—was inextricably intertwined with a binational educational project that paradoxically strengthened and subverted the official alliance between Washington and Tehran, in the process reshaping the acceptable boundaries for the exercise of state power during the cold war era and beyond....
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Conference papers on the topic "Mohammed Reza Pahlavi"

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PINTO, Felipe Ramos de Carvalho. "Revivendo o Império Persa: nacionalismo, modernização e discurso histórico em Mohammad Reza Pahlavi." In VIII Semana de Ciências Sociais UNIFESP - Educação com o Recorte de Combate às Opressões. São Paulo: Editora Edgard Blücher, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/socsci-secunifesp2015-0015.

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Taheri, Mehdi. "Heritage Conservation versus Urban Development and Politics: Persepolis Tent City in the Aftermath of the Imperial Celebration, 1971-1979." In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5046ptsmg.

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In 1971, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the former Shah of Iran, invited the most then-influential individuals of the world to Iran to commemorate the 2,500-year Anniversary of the Founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great (The Imperial Celebration). To accommodate the guests, Iran set up a city of prefabricated apartments by Persepolis that looked like tents, hence Persepolis Tent City. In the aftermath of the Imperial Celebration, the government proposed or received six different plans to reuse the Tent City. Such attempts were mostly to make the site profitable, hence responding to criticisms of its extravagance. The primary stakeholders in the conception and realisation of these plans were NASCO, an architectural and urban planning consultancy firm; Homa, the National Airline of Iran that owned the Tent City; and the Planning and Budget Organisation, a governmental body that planned and supervised the public budget. There was also a Shah whose orders had to be accommodated. The plans, however, could not bring reconciliation between active stakeholders, leading to their rejection or abandonment. As a result, the Tent City slowly deteriorated to the degree that no more than its steel structures exist today. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the relations between nationalism, heritage conservation, institutional architecture and political disputes manifested in Persepolis Tent City. The paper also offers an account of a remarkable architectural intervention, the largest-ever intervention in the first-level buffer zone of the 2500-year-old site, now a UNESCO World Heritage site, that either because of the content or the (mis)reading of the messages it carried, has remained undervalued. To pursue these objectives, the research draws on previously unexamined archival documents retrieved from the National Archive of Iran and print media published in the 1970s.
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