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Journal articles on the topic 'Mohammed Reza Pahlavi'
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1
Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "Art, Love and Jewels. Treasure of the Iranian Shahs in the “Shahrazad” Ballet." Oriental Courier, no. 3-4 (2021): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310018019-8.
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Using the framework of the plot and staging peculiarities of the recent ballet sensation — “Scheherazade” to the music of Nikolai A. Rimsky-Korsakov, the author gives detailed characteristics and provides the history of the most significant treasures of the Iranian crown. The author researches the origin and the location of two parts of the famous pink ‘table’ diamond — the Big Diamond Tablet, divided into two parts (Darya-i-Nur and Nur-al-Ain), the history and stages of making the wedding tiara and the coronation headdress of Farah Pahlavi are traced. The article provides information on the origin and storage of the most iconic treasures of the Iranian crown after the Islamic Revolution — starting from the throne on which Mohammed Reza Pahlavi was the last to sit, to the two most famous shah’s crowns — the Kiani crown and the crown of the last Shah. The author especially notes the importance of the interpretation of precious artifacts in the ballet, staged by Alexei Miroshnichenko, to awaken the interest of the Russian public in the culture and art of Iran.
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Iqbal, Muhammad. "أغراض خطابة الإمام الخميني و خصائص أسلوبها." Buletin Al-Turas 19, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v19i1.3708.
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Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".---Abstract Al-Khumayni is the first Iranian Supreme Leader had a big hand in the Iranian revolution. He was born on 24 September 1902 in Khomein, Markazi Province. Together with his followers in the city of Qum, al-Al-Khumayni began to build a political base against the royal family especially the Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, who later became an important part of the power steering Iran's Islamic Revolution. The main weapon held by al-Khumayni was political speeches capable of moving masses in large numbers so as to make future milestone Iranian empire felled. He was a great orator capable of sorting out the words and put them into a strand of pearls that evoke a spirit listeners to dissolve in their struggle against the Iranian royal family and American intervention. The style of language in his speech (Uslub Khithaby) which was the rhetorical speech trigger the urge author to analyze it more deeply through one of his speeches was phenomenal "American intervention in Iranian affairs".
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von Eggert, Konstantin. "THE TRAGEDY OF THE LAST SHAH: MOHAMMED REZA PAHLAVI AND THE DEAD END OF ENLIGHTENED AUTHORITARIANISM." Security Index: A Russian Journal on International Security 17, no. 1 (March 2011): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19934270.2011.553119.
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Ostrum, Nicholas. "“Technologie für Öl” und “Recycling der Ölmilliarden“. Die Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu Iran unter der Herrschaft von Mohammed Reza Schah Pahlavi, 1972—1979 By Alexander Lurz. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2022. Pp. 487. Hardcover €79.00. ISBN: 978-3515131612." Central European History 57, no. 1 (March 2024): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938923001401.
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Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "The Most Luxurious Royal Celebration in Modern History: Celebrating 2,500th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Persian Empire in Iran." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015772-7.
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The article describes a unique in terms of luxury and used resources celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire, held near the ruins of the ancient Achaemenid capital on the initiative of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The author suggests that this inadequately expensive event was one of the reasons for the 1979 revolution and the flight of the Shah from the country.
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Schayegh, Cyrus. "Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Autocracy: Governmental Constraints, 1960s–1970s." Iranian Studies 51, no. 6 (October 22, 2018): 889–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1522949.
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Karimi, Maryam, and Sarjit Singh Darshan Singh. "Political Development Concept by Looking Briefly at the Iran’s Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Rule." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (November 13, 2014): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.6627.
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Concept of political development such as other concepts of political science has a lack of consensus among researchers and scholars. This article is going to review the concept of political development. It begins with an overview on definitions of political development. Presumably, it presents different aspects and characteristics of political development. This article establishes Iran’s efforts towards political development during Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Rule. Moreover, this article concludes that process of political development in Iran was affected by two main theories of political development by some western and Iranian political thinker’s definition on this concept.
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Abdel Razzaq, M. Shaheen Siham. "Iraq's official position on political developments in Iran (1941-1945)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.333.
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The events that took place in Iran during the second world war are considered an important item for Iraqi diplomacy and follow-up by the Foreign Ministry in Iraq. On the other hand, this Iraqi diplomacy was considered to be quite flexible when a reshuffle occurred. It was looking for its causes and linking them, and then adopting accurate scenarios to protect its interests. Iraq was not far from what was happening in Iran .When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi took power in Iran, The oil conflict has also existed. In addition to Iran's strategic position, making US intervention clear. Which prompted Iran to build an intimate relationship with the United States and strengthen its relations in all respects, especially when Ahmed assigned the strength of the Sultanate to form the ministry on the ninth of August 1924 and consider America a third force used by Ahmed Qawam as a bargaining chip to confront the British and Soviet Union in the region. After the issue of oil emerged on the political scene and at that time, the Iranian government took a deep breath in the embrace of the United States. In fact, Reza Shah Pahlawi inherited a backward country, especially in the economic field. He tried to reform the country's economic recession and make Iran to acquire a new stage, and the result of foreign demand for Iranian oil led to widespread reactions at the internal level and became pro-Western groups to reject the Soviet demand and solidarity with the independent. While the Iranian Communist Party (Toda Party) supported the request and held demonstrations for the immediate admission of the Soviet Union
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Khoshnood, Ardavan, and Arvin Khoshnood. "The death of an emperor – Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and his political cancer." Alexandria Journal of Medicine 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ajme.2015.11.002.
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Al - Mousawi, Abdul Hamid Al Eid. "Iran's regional relations after 2000 (Study in relation between Iran and Arab countries)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, no. 3 (February 27, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v2i3.79.
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Relations between Iran and the Arab countries have seen a real fluctuations ranging from support, if not the coalition to tension limit the severance of diplomatic relations, and then the war, since the success of the Islamic revolution in Iran, and fears of the spread of Shiism, and export it to neighboring Arab countries, which are dominated by Sunnis. If the Iranian politics before the Islamic revolution has been characterized Bastbdadah Shah (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi), the leader of the pro-Western, this policy after the Islamic revolution had known Jdida.ovi turning point of this study to review these policies in the two pre-Revolution and Beyond two sections.
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Shahriari, Kamyab. "Modernization Process in Iran: Historical Overview." Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v4i1.10206.
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Modernization process in Iran began in 19th century by Iranian officials like Abbas Mirza Ghaem Magham and Amir Kabir in order to change the traditional structure of government and replace it with a new and modern one. After the establishment of Pahlavi dynasty, the process of modernization continued by Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah. After the victory of Islamic revolution of 1979 modernization didn’t stop and continued until now. This paper examines the process of modernization in Iran from 19th century up to the present. Research shows that although 100 years have passed since the victory of Iran’s Constitutional Revolution and in spite of 150 years passing since modern political concepts introduced by intellectuals and inclusive struggles to establish modern political system, none of these have been incarnated in a tangible way. As a result, Iranian society is still in search of the rule of law, freedom and democracy, which had been introduced for the first time more than hundred years ago.
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Forughi, Mohammad-Ali. "The History of Modernization of Law." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505942.
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AbstractMohammad Ali Khan, Zokā’ al-Molk, later Forughi, became Minister of Justice in December 1911 (until June 1912 and again from August 1914 to April 1915), following Moshir al-Dawla Pirniā and continuing the legal reform the latter had initiated in 1911. Forughi also served as Prime Minister of Iran several times, lastly in 1941-42 (1320), when he arranged the abdication of Reza Shah and the succession of his son, Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi, shortly before his death in November 1942. This lecture was given at the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the new University of Tehran is an important historical document that throws considerable light on the early stage of the modernization of Iran’s legal system. We are therefore publishing it in a translation which preserves the lecture format with only slight abridgement. Forughi’s informed account of legal modernization is prefaced by acute observations on the intrusion of modernity into the culture of Iran in the early twentieth century. (The Editor)
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Choksy, Jamsheed K. "Non-Muslim Religious Minorities in Contemporary Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 16, no. 3 (2012): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20120017.
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A little over three decades ago, during the reign of the last Pahlavi monarch Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, non-Muslim religious minorities in Iran experienced life within a relatively tolerant society. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran’s native Zoroastrians, Jews, Christians, Mandaeans, and Baha’is have experienced increasing discrimination, isolation, and intimidation. Those non-Muslim religious minorities provide Iranian society with confessional pluralism and cultural diversity, thereby serving also as a moderating population sliver against Shi‘ite fundamentalism. But now the non-Muslim communities collectively have diminished to less than 2 percent of Iran’s 75,2 million residents. Yet, these minorities have attracted very limited domestic and international attention or concern because their situation is poorly understood. This article, based on extensive fieldwork in Iran during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, examines the situations of those Zoroastrians, Christians, Jews, Mandaeans, and Baha’is. While Sunnis also are a religious minority in Iran and do experience prejudices too, intra-Muslim tension with its origins in seventh century religious disputes and its geopolitical reverberations to the present day go beyond the scope of this article.
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Zanoni, David Anderson. "A crise dos reféns do Irã através da Revista Veja (1979-1981): produção de sentidos através da narrativa jornalística." Revista Cadernos do Ceom 30, no. 47 (November 30, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22562/2017.47.01.
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O presente artigo procura discutir o uso da dinâmica narrativa seriada como elemento de persuasão ao público leitor. Para tanto, analisaram-se os eventos ocorridos em Teerã, capital do Irã entre 1979 e 1981, conhecido como “a crise dos reféns”, reportado pela revista brasileira Veja. Esse episódio insere-se no contexto pós-revolucionário iraniano, o qual proporcionou a ruptura governamental da autocracia do xá (imperador) Mohammed Reza Pahlevi ocasionando a ascensão de uma teocracia islâmica capitaneada pelo Aiatolá (autoridade religiosa islâmica) Rulloah Khomeini. A proposta, portanto, é observar como o periódico transpôs os eventos iranianos levando em consideração sua estratégia narrativa, a dinâmica jornalística utilizada para reportar o Irã no recorte temporal proposto.
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Zanoni, David Anderson. "Narrativa jornalística e representações: A crise dos reféns do Irã através da Revista Veja (1979-1981)." Sæculum – Revista de História 40, no. 40 (July 6, 2019): 329–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2317-6725.2019v0n40.42139.
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O presente artigo procura discutir o uso da dinâmica narrativa seriada como elemento de persuasão ao público leitor. Para tanto, analisaram-se os eventos ocorridos em Teerã, capital do Irã entre 1979 e 1981, conhecido como “a crise dos reféns”, reportado pela revista brasileira Veja. Esse episódio insere-se no contexto pós-revolucionário iraniano, o qual proporcionou a ruptura governamental da autocracia do xá (imperador) Mohammed Reza Pahlevi ocasionando a ascensão de uma teocracia islâmica capitaneada pelo Aiatolá (autoridade religiosa islâmica) Rulloah Khomeini. A proposta, portanto, é observar como o periódico transpôs os eventos iranianos levando em consideração sua estratégia narrativa, a dinâmica jornalística utilizada para reportar o Irã no recorte temporal proposto.
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Bösch, Frank. "Zwischen Schah und Khomeini." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 63, no. 3 (July 15, 2015): 319–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vfzg-2015-0020.
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Vorspann 1978/79 fegte eine Revolution das Regime von Schah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi im Iran hinweg - eine islamische Revolution, an deren Ende ein Gottesstaat unter Führung der Geistlichkeit stand, mit Ayatollah Khomeini an der Spitze. Die Bundesregierung unter Kanzler Helmut Schmidt und Außenminister Hans-Dietrich Genscher befand sich in einer Zwickmühle: Einerseits war der Iran ein wichtiger Erdöllieferant und Handelspartner, andererseits verstörte die Gewalt gegen politische Gegner und Vertreter der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft, die in der Besetzung der amerikanischen Botschaft in Teheran gipfelte. Frank Bösch zeigt auf der Basis neuer Quellen, wie die Bundesregierung auf die islamische Revolution reagierte, zwischen interessengeleitetem Pragmatismus und außenpolitisch gebotener Bündnistreue zu den USA lavierte und so hinter den Kulissen als Vermittler zwischen Teheran und Washington fungieren konnte.
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Sreberny, Annabelle, and Massoumeh Torfeh. "The BBC Persian Service and the Islamic Revolution of 1979." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510029.
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AbstractThis paper is the second part of a work in progress that examines the impact of seventy years of BBC Persian broadcasts to Iran. The Persian Service, established in December 1940, was originally set up by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) as one of thirty-eight language services broadcasting to strategically important areas of the world during World War Two. The first piece of research looked at three historic moments when the influence of BBC Persian broadcasts was hotly debated: the toppling of the pro-German Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, in 1941; the late 1940s, when Iran's nationalist leader, Mohammad Mossadeq, championed oil nationalization and challenged the rights hitherto enjoyed by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; and the US-led coup of 1953 that returned the young Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to the throne. The present research focuses on a period that many Iranians consider the most influential in terms of all BBC broadcasts to Iran. The BBC Persian Service (BBCPS) became a household name during 1978, the year leading up to the revolution of 11 February 1979. Many Iranians at home and abroad tuned in to hear the latest news and developments, even as the Shah of Iran accused the BBC of fomenting revolution, an argument echoed thirty years later in the responses of the Islamic Republic to the launch of the new Persian television channel in January 2009. The research shows clearly how difficult it had become for the FCO to uphold the independence of the BBC and support their closest friend in the region when he believed that the British government must be in charge. There was indeed heated debate and discussion inside the Foreign Office as to whether Britain was sacrificing its long-term interests by allowing the BBC to continue its broadcasts when even the British ambassador in Tehran was suggesting the service should be closed down.
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Gurin, Grigorii Gennad'evich. "The foreign policy of the United States of America towards Iran in the period from 1953 to 1974." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2024): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.4.70372.
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The article examines the foreign policy of the United States of America in the Greater Middle East region, which acquired strategic importance after the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War with the Soviet Union. The subject of the study is the American-Iranian relations of 1953-1974, within the framework of which the Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi consistently built cooperation with D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nikson. Despite the fact that their approaches to the implementation of American foreign policy in the Greater Middle East underwent significant changes, the desire to maintain influence in the country, consolidate control over cheap Iranian energy resources and prevent the return of Soviet influence on Iran remained the main directions of American activity. The methodological basis of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. The following methods were used in the work: historical-comparative, historical-typological and historical-systemic methods. The reviewed diplomatic documents of the United States of America "Foreign Relations of the United States" allow us to establish that the influence of the oil factor on American-Iranian relations in 1953-1974 remained high, despite changes in the approaches of the presidents to the implementation of foreign policy in the region. The return of Iranian oil to the global market allowed Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to initiate the start of the "white revolution", supported by the United States, among others. Huge oil revenues allowed Iran in a short time not only to realize its claims in the region, but also to become an important ally of the United States, responsible for regional security during the presidency of R. Nixon. The work illustrates the changing role of the United States of America and Iran in the Greater Middle East, due, among other things, to the influence of the oil factor.
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Soghomonyan, Hayk. "The British and Soviet occupation of Iran (1941)." Bulletin of Yerevan University D: International Relations and Political Sciences 14, no. 1 (40) (May 19, 2023): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:d/2023.14.1.028.
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On 25 August, 1941 British and Soviet troops invaded Iran. At the time, and for many years afterward, the main reason for this was that German influence in Iran at start of the World War 2 was noticeable. Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reliance on German technology for his ambitious development plans worried the Allies, who feared the Germans might make Iran a base for operations against the Soviet Union. In addition, in the wake of the June 1941 German invasion of the USSR, the Allies needed Iran as a channel for supplies to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, London had the defense of India in mind, and it wanted to safeguard its oilfields and refineries in Iran. Reza Shah abdicated in favor of his twenty-two year old son Mohammad Reza. In January 1942, Iran, the Soviet Union, and Britain signed the Tripartite Treaty, guaranteeing Iran’s territorial sovereignty and political independence.
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Abdel-Alak, Dr Ahmed Shaker, and Dr Abdullah Lafteh Al-Budairi. "The Visit of the Shah of Iran to Washington in October 21-23, 1969: A study in the U.S Department of State’s reports." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.134.
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Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi tried in his visit to Washington to give the impression to the US administration that he was able to protect the interests of the United States in Iran and in the whole Arabian Gulf and the Middle East.
The visit of the Shah represented a new turning point in the history of the Iranian - US relations. It included the discussion of issues concerning both countries, especially the issue of arms and the production and sale of Iranian oil after the announcement of the British government's desire to withdraw from the Gulf region within three years.
The American leaders focused on meeting the demands of the Shah, specifically the military ones, to discuss oil production topics and methods of exporting and cooperation with US oil companies, have expressed American sympathy in dealing with the many issues.
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Fatoni, Achmad. "Program Pengembangan Nuklir Iran dan Pengaruhnya terhadap Masyarat Iran (1957-2006 M)." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v3i1.4064.
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This research explain a series of developments relatod Iran's nuclear program that can cause conflict and displeasure particularly when Iran face the westrn country. The research takes two main problems,including the history of the emergence of Iran's nuclear program, and how the dynamics of Iran's nuclear development and the response of Middle Eastern countries.
The results of the research that the history of the emergence of Iran's nuclear program in 1957 and in it is collaboration between Mohammad Shah Reza Pahlavi and the United States when Dwight D. Eisenhower become USA president. Then the Iraq-Iran war could affect the spirit to continue Iran's nuclear program. Furthermore, Rasfanjani has focused to the Iranian people welfare and emphasized his nuclear interests to become a fowerfull country and to protect iran country. however, Iran sanctioned by the United States which makes it difficult for Iran to export oil and gas.
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Farahzadi, Amir. "The Educative Conversation of Imam Khomeini in Islamic Republic Victory." Journal of Studies in Education 7, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jse.v7i1.10332.
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One of the most efficient weapons of dominators, was anonymity of dominated societies to continue to rule. In recent decades, there were high trying to make the third world societies in dream and make the people understood that they are dependent to other people and other societies. In Reza Khan Era, England country was idea maker in his rule in all dimensions of the country. So, his ruling method was formed based on England thought and idea and in hid son Era, some American policies were replaced. Mohammad Reza Shah, tried to advertise about the western culture, and he founded the country constructional system, on the basis of western structure. Imam Khomeini as the leader of Islamic Republic was informed about the policies of shah along changes at the aim of American purposes, therefore, he noted that the only way to challenge with Shah is rehabilitation of Islamic culture and removing the western culture and he has tried to get the people informed about the sensitive conditions and to rehabilitate the sense of confidence and independence as the Islamic value. This research aim is to present the idea of arrogance and anti-colonialism in orientation of public thoughts against Pahlavi Government.
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Blaszczyk, Regina Lee. "Synthetics for the Shah: DuPont and the Challenges to Multinationals in 1970s Iran." Enterprise & Society 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 670–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270000759x.
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In the 1960s and 1970s, the largest U.S. chemical firm, E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Company, established an international presence in synthetic fibers by building plants to make nylon, polyester, and acrylic in Latin America and Europe. DuPont managers also looked to the Middle East, specifically to Iran, which was fast industrializing under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The Shah's pro-Western stance and his country's rich oil fields made Iran appealing to a petrochemical giant like DuPont, which used petroleum feed stocks to make fibers and other products. In the 1970s, DuPont partnered with the Behshahr Industrial Group, a conglomerate run by the Ledjavardi clan, one of Iran's leading families, to build a high-tech fiber facility that would help modernize the Iranian textile industry. The story of this short-lived joint venture, a victim of the Islamic Revolution, demonstrates the challenges to multinationals operating in imperial Iran, and shows how the daily experience of dealing with cultural differences often masked larger political and economic troubles.
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Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. "Revolutionary Posturing: Iranian Writers and the Iranian Revolution of 1979." International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, no. 4 (November 1991): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800023394.
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During those eventful days of early January 1979, after Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had finally announced his intention to leave the country and the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini had made his return from exile contingent on the shah's departure, a hemistitch by Hafez, the 14th-century Persian poet, suddenly appeared next to an array of revolutionary slogans on display in the streets of Tehran: “Div cho birun ravad fereshteh dar āyad” (When the demon departs, the angel shall arrive). The basic binary oppositions of demon/angel and departure/arrival fit the realities of the situation the country had found itself in; a perfect correspondence had been made between the simple, single idea enshrined in the abstract language of a medieval poetic phrase and the intricate political posturing involved in a modern-day revolution in the making. Furthermore, the stark discourse of antagonism underlying the opposition had become as absolute, as uncompromising as the idea of a total revolution.
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Zanoni, David Anderson. "Orientalismo impresso:." Revista História: Debates e Tendências 23, no. 1 (February 25, 2023): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.23n.1.13941.
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A Revolução Iraniana de 1979 foi um marco político e social mundial na história do século XX. O processo de deposição do governo imperial, aliado dos Estados Unidos e configurado por uma autocracia ditatorial dinástica, capitaneada pelo xá Mohammad Reza Pahlevi foi deposto por uma movimento social e religioso sem precedentes, dando lugar para uma democracia islâmica conduzida pelo líder xiita Aiatolá Ruhollah Khomeini. Todo este processo foi acompanhado e reportado pela mídia ocidental de forma contínua. Desta forma, procuramos apresentar por meio do jornal argentino Clarín e, em especial, pelas charges do cartunista e ilustrado Juan Carlos Colombres, o “Landrú”, como revolução foi apresentada ou ilustrada, tendo como referencial teórico Edward Saíd e o Orientalismo: teoria que propõem, entre outras questões, uma pseudo superioridade ocidental sobre o Mundo Árabe e Muçulmano.
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Baranov, Alexey V. "Imam Khomeini’s «Islamic Awakening» and Shahinshah Mohammad Reza-Pahlavi’s «White Revolution» (on the Issue of Relations with the West)." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 1 (March 25, 2023): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2023-1-12-18.
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The article attempts an analytical analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini on the need for an inevitable revision and rejection of the pro-Western policy of Shahinshah Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, carried out within the framework of the «White Revolution». The article is based on the analysis of Imam Khomeini’s public speeches, which appeared during his forced stay in France before the revolution itself, when he had the opportunity to directly address the Western audience, trying to explain the real state of affairs in pre-revolutionary Iran. It was after this that the figure of Khomeini began to be perceived in the Western media as the leader of the anti-Shah movement. The article draws on the works of the imam included in the official multi-volume collections of his works «Kawthar» and «Sahifeh-ye Imam». The ideas expressed by the imam criticizing the consequences of the Shah’s reforms formed the basis of his concept of «Islamic Awakening», designed to become an alternative to the official course of the Shah’s Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The article analyzes the imam’s statements about the figure and reforms of the Shah, his foreign policy dependence on the United States, the inevitable failure of economic and social transformations, the deadlock of the pro-Western course in the education system and propaganda cliches imposed from the outside about the advantages of Western culture and Western values. The sources involved made it possible to clarify and clarify the ideological and theoretical approaches of Imam Khomeini in the interpretation of crisis phenomena in the life of Iranian society, which was undergoing a radical transformation. As a result of the analysis, the conclusion is made about the inevitability of the events that have gone down in history under the name of the «Islamic Revolution».
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Kusumo, Aditya Aryo Nur. "Factors Driving Contemporary Islamic Civilization From Iran's Shiah Perspective." Journal of Islamic Civilization 5, no. 2 (May 3, 2024): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33086/jic.v5i2.5483.
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During Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s regime, around 250,000 shops were closed, 31,000 traders were imprisoned, and many clerics and civilians were killed. Additionally, 70% of the newspapers in Iran were shut down. However, in 1979, the Iranian revolution took place, led by Imam Ayatullah Khomeini. This revolution was a turning point for Iran as it aimed to restore the glory of Islamic civilization in Iran. The Iranians believe that Islamic civilization is the best civilization and can bring justice. This paper aims to discuss the efforts made by Iranian Shiites in restoring the glory of Islamic Civilization from various perspectives such as religious, cultural, educational, and psychological. The research method used for this paper is qualitative, involving library research with data collection techniques through literature study and content analysis of research journals related to Iranian Shia civilization. After the Iranian revolution, Iranian Shiites reconstructed religious thought and cultural engineering. They also implemented the Imamiyah education system as the primary driving force. Moreover, the Iranian Shiite community can achieve their lofty ideals with good psychological aspects.
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Maryasov, Alexander G. "Iran 1979: Mission to Revolution." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 23, no. 4 (December 29, 2023): 381–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.064.023.202304.381-416.
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Introduction. The article examines the causes and course of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. On February 1, 1979, the disgraced Ayatollah Khomeini returned to the country and took power into his own hands. The 1979 revolution was a series of events that led to the overthrow of the Pehi dynasty under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It was actively supported by various Islamist and leftist organizations and student movements. The study of various aspects of the development of Iran at that time helps to objectively assess the uniqueness and relevance of its experience in terms of searching for optimal development options for each country, as well as relationships with the world community. Materials and Methods. The study was based on Iranian media materials. An analysis of the publications of the leading Iranian media of that time was carried out. Covering the violent upheavals through the eyes of eyewitnesses will significantly expand our understanding of those events. Discussion and Conclusion. Iran is a multinational state with a pronounced Islamic Shiite tradition, in which the principles of ancient Persian culture are still partially embodied. The fall of the Shah’s regime and the rise to power of the clergy, who were not associated with the desire for progress, reflected the desire of the revolutionary forces to create in Iran a socio-economic model that would take into account national and religious characteristics. The created Islamic form of government in Iran (Islamic Republic of Iran) was intended to harmonize the cultural heritage, Islamic traditions and the need for modernization.
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Afifah, Nur, Juni Tabah Lestari, and Rani Annarawati. "Pemikiran / Pembaharuan Islam Iran: Ali Syariati." TABYIN: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ISLAM 4, no. 01 (August 18, 2022): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/tabyin.v4i01.170.
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Iran termasuk salah satu negara tertua di dunia, sebelum Iran menjadi negara republik Islam, Islam telah berkembang di iran yang terpenting di saat era pertengahan, selama pemerintahan dinasti Safawi yang pernah sukses. Pemerintah Safawi memainkan peran menonjol yang menghidupkan kembali serta menebarkan ideologi syiah sampai iran menjadi pusat pokok syiah. Republik iran terjadi pada masa revolusi iran atau pada masa pembaharuan islam di iran. Saat itu, reformasi Islam lah yang dapat mengubah Iran yang sebelumnya dari sistem pemerintahan kerajaan di bawah Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi menjadi sistem pemerintahan republik Islam yang dipimpin oleh Ayatollah Agung Rohallah Khomaini, sebagai pimpinan revolusioner dan pimpinan pendiri Republik Islam. Ali syari'ati lahir pada 24 November 1933 di Mazinan, dekat kota Sabzavar di tepi gurun Dashti Kavir, di sebuah desa kecil di negara bagian Khurasan, Iran. Ali Syari'ati lahir dalam keluarga yang terhormat. Mengikuti garis ayahnya, ia adalah salah satu keturunan pemimpin agama Masyhad. Ali Shari'ati adalah seorang ilmuwan, Dia percaya bahwa Islam memiliki fungsi yang masuk akal dengan protagonis sangat banyak. Maka dari itu, Islam harus dianggap sebagai ideologi, bukan hanya sebagai kelompok budaya dan sains. Dia menunjukkan pengajarannya dan mengajarkan pengajaran publikasi yang menggabungkan interpretasi pemikiran sosial politik Islam dan modern. Gagasan itu menyatakan bahwa agama perlu perubah dari pengajaran dan Etika pribadi untuk program inovatif. Orang-orang yang selalu menolak anggapan bahwa Islam adalah masalah hukum atau ritual yang mengatur masalah teknis seperti mandi, mandi, menstruasi dan nifas. Pada tahun 19 Juni 1977, Ali syari’ati dibunuh dengan cara misterius di kediaman seorang kerabatnya serta dimakamkan di Damaskus, Suriah. Syari'ati meninggal pada usia yang terlihat belia yaitu 44 tahun.
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Mubina Narjis, Prof. Dr. Abdul Rashid Khan. "SHAH MOHAMMED REZA PAHLAVI AND AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI: IN LIGHT OF SHI'I HISTORY." Pakistan Journal of International Affairs 6, no. 3 (December 20, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.52337/pjia.v6i4.976.
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The Iranian Revolution talks about to happenings involving the rebellion of the Pahlavi dynasty under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, who was held up by the United States, and its subsequent removal with an Islamic Revolution of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who was helped by various leftist and Islamist organizations and Iranian student movements. The Iranian Revolution was a mainstream, nationalist and Shi’a Islamic revolution that ousted an autocratic kingdom with a theocracy built on “Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists” (or velayat-e faqih). This research goes to light the relationship between Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran, in the context of Shi'i history. This research paper hypothesizes three types of human relationships which are grounded on, the exchange system, the integrative system, and the threat system. Reza Khan (the father of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi) had established it through a military coup d'etat in 1921; the threat system looked to lead in Iran throughout the Pahlavi rule which was finished in December, 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini. Under threat system, detachment and legality occur as major variables. Actions, events, writings, and vocalizations of main community figures are engaged to establish the inequality between intent and outcome of the Shah's policies, and between world views and consequent activities of the Shah and Khomeini. This paper also argues the nature of the rule of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, and into the role of Ayatollah Khomeini as voice of the opposition, charismatic leader, and as "prince" who legitimates his own threat system.
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Steele, Robert. "Crowning the “Sun of the Aryans”: Mohammad Reza Shah's Coronation and Monarchical Spectacle in Pahlavi Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies, March 22, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074382000121x.
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Abstract Coronations are commonly held at the beginning of a monarch's reign, symbolizing accession to the throne and the continuation of the dynasty. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's coronation ceremony of 1967, however, was held twenty-six years into his rule and was designed to draw attention to the renewed glory of Iranian monarchy and the successes of the Pahlavi shahs. This coronation ceremony and related events offer important insights into the Pahlavi ideologues’ conceptualization of monarchy and the strategies they employed to inculcate their ideology in a domestic and global audience. The shah and the monarchy were presented as revolutionary and reformist, and simultaneously as the ultimate defenders of tradition; as religious by nature, but also as proponents of the separation of church and state. This paper seeks to understand, using a range of underutilized primary source material, how the regime delivered these apparently contradictory notions, and what it sought to gain from holding the event in the way that it did.
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Sabahi, Farian. "Review. Robert Steele, The Shah’s Imperial Celebrations of 1971. Nationalism, Culture and Politics in Late Pahlavi Iran, London, I.B. Tauris, 2021." Nuovi Autoritarismi e Democrazie: Diritto, Istituzioni, Società (NAD-DIS) 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2612-6672/18128.
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An illustration published in October 1971 on the front page of Iran Free Press, an overseas-based opposition publication, depicts Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi cheering elegant foreigners at a party . On the table chicken and pork, whereas in Islam pork is regarded as unclean and its consumption is forbidden. In the caption below the illustration, the Shah says: «Here’s to us, forget about those beggars outside, they’re just Iranians» .
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Steele, Robert. "Two Kings of Kings: Iran-Ethiopia Relations Under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Haile Selassie." International History Review, March 4, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2021.1882534.
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HASANCEBI, SERHAT. "THE ECONOMIC COST OF REVOLUTION: THE IRANIAN CASE. A SYNTHETIC CONTROL ANALYSIS*." Singapore Economic Review, September 4, 2020, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590820420072.
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In 1978, a revolution in Iran succeeded in toppling Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. After the Shah was forced to leave the country, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, one of the leaders of the revolution, returned from his exile in France to become the Supreme Leader of Iran. In this paper, we investigate the economic cost of the revolution using the synthetic control method. According to our estimates, we conclude that after the emergence of the revolution, the annual real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in Iran declined by about 20.15% on average relative to its synthetic counterpart without the revolution in the period 1978–1980. If Iran had not faced such a revolution, the accumulated per capita GDP would have been 6,479 dollars higher, which amounts to an average annual loss of about $2,159 over that period.
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Karamipour, Hamid, and Matthew Shannon. "Religious Modernism in Pre-University Schools: The Case of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Iran." Iranian Studies, November 27, 2020, 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2020.1829460.
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