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1
Binns, John. "Monasticism—Then and Now." Religions 12, no. 7 (2021): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070510.
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The monastic tradition has its roots in the New Testament practices of withdrawing into the desert, following a celibate lifestyle and disciplines of fasting. After the empire became Christian in the 4th century these ascetic disciplines evolved into monastic communities. While these took various forms, they developed a shared literature, gained a recognised place in the church, while taking different ways of life in the various settings in the life of the church. Western and Eastern traditions of monastic life developed their own styles of life. However, these should be recognised as being formed by and belonging to the same tradition, and showing how it can adapt to specific social and ecclesiastical conditions. In the modern world, this monastic way of life continues to bring renewal to the church in the ‘new monasticism’ which adapts traditional monastic practices to contemporary life. New monastic communities engage in evangelism, serve and identify with the marginalised, offer hospitality, and commit themselves to follow rules of life and prayer. Their radical forms of discipleship and obedience to the gospel place them clearly within the continuing monastic tradition.
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Mutuku, Catherine A. Muthoki, Chrispine Ouma Nyandiwa, and Bibiana Ngundo. "Information Communication Technology Use Related Challenges and their Coping Strategies in Monastic Religious Life." Journal of Sociology, Psychology & Religious Studies 3, no. 4 (2021): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53819/810181025022.
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The study attempted to investigate the challenges that the monastic religious encounter in the use of information communication technologies with reference to internet, mobile phones, computers/laptops and digital televisions; and their coping strategies, a case of the Missionary Benedictine Sisters of Tutzing (MBST) in Nairobi Priory, Kenya. The world today is witnessing tremendous changes and development in the information and communication technologies. However, there is scanty literature that addresses the challenges and the strategies that can be used by religious consecrated men and women, to cope up with the modern communication technologies effectively. The study employed sequential explanatory mixed methods. The target population included the perpetually professed sisters, junior sisters in the leadership team (superiors, formators and administrators) of the monastic religious congregation of the MBST Nairobi Priory, Kenya. Questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussion (FGD) were the instruments used to collect data. The findings of the study in which both the challenges and the strategies were presented in a 4-point Likert scale and respondents were asked to indicate their choices from; 4=Strongly agree, 3=Agree, 2=Disagree, 1=Strongly disagree revealed that: With the challenges the use of ICTs pose to the monastic lifestyle (community life and the evangelical counsels); majority of them in all the 14 challenges presented, agreed and strongly agreed to them. Likewise the interviews and FGD had similar experiences with the same challenges. The strategies for coping up with the challenges too showed similar responses to a greater extent in agreement. From the study it is clear that, as monastic religious, the MBST cannot not afford to be alien to the modern means of communication as they are the chief means of information and education, of guidance and inspiration. Since they are unavoidably embedded in daily life, the religious consecrated should use them conscientiously and responsibly to become a factor of humanization, which calls for a proper formation of conscience. Keywords: Information Communication Technology, Challenges, Coping Strategies, Monastic Religious Life, Missionary Benedictine Sisters of Tutzing, Kenya
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Бричка Анна Володимирівна. "ЛІТЕРАТУРНО-ПЕРЕКЛАДАЦЬКА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ ПАЇСІЯ ВЕЛИЧКОВСЬКОГО". International Academy Journal Web of Scholar, № 6(36) (30 червня 2019): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_wos/30062019/6557.
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 Purpose of Article is to research of literary translation activities Paisius Velichkovsky in the context of spiritual culture of Ukraine XVIII century. The research methodology includes historical, epistemological, and method of learning sources. Scientific novelty. The author found that Paisius Velichkovsky was the founder of Ukrainian literature ascetic, bringing it to a Ukrainian source monastic education. Thanks to him, the Ukrainian lands first appeared accurate and complete translations of the Church Fathers, which positively affected the spiritual practice of the monks and spiritual life of contemporary Ukraine as a whole. Conclusions. Paisius Velichkovsky virtually monastic life returned to its ancient foundations, it is a real updater Ukrainian religious life and the first Ukrainian monk mentor and leader in the ascetic reading. Translations Paisius Velichkovsky turned the then decline in spirituality spiritual wealth revived monastic life.
 
 
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Brakke, David. "The Making of Monastic Demonology: Three Ascetic Teachers on Withdrawal and Resistance." Church History 70, no. 1 (2001): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654409.
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Although in recent years fourth- and fifth-century Egyptian monasticism has received much scholarly attention of increasing methodological and theoretical sophistication, conflict with demons, a primary metaphor for the ascetic life in the literature of the period, has been left relatively unexplored. One reason for this lack of attention is a shift in the intellectual paradigms through which scholars approach ascetic literature: as they have moved from psychological and theological models to social and performative ones in interpreting ascetic theory and practice, seemingly subjective or theological themes such as demonological theory have given way to more cultural topics, such as constructions of the body and formations of ascetic institutions and practices, with their accompanying politics. But the neglect of demons is a function also of the weighty influence exercised by two fourth-century demonologists, Athanasius of Alexandria and Evagrius of Pontus, and of the powerful modern explications of monastic demonology based on these important sources. Together the Life of Antony and the works of Evagrius construct, it seems, the monastic demonology, upon which later sources only elaborate.
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van Geest, Paul. "‘… seeing that for monks the life of Antony is a sufficient pattern of discipline.’ Athanasius as Mystagogue in his Vita Antonii." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 2-3 (2010): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712411-0x542374.
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This article argues that in the Vita Antonii Athanasius’s realistic colouring of some commonplaces indicates that more justice has been done to Anthony’s personality, as Athanasius experienced it, than the emphasis on his indebtedness to classical literature suggests. The central question in this article is: how does Athanasius show himself to be a mystagogue in his Vita Antonii? It is shown that the monastic formation process, by which Athanasius represents Anthony’s life, comprehends five stages. At the first two stages the fear of God’s judgement is the driving and purifying force in the ordo vitae. In the third and fourth stages, Athanasius formulates the first aim of his mystagogy: the restoration of Adam’s original state of the soul, marked by imperturbability and serenity. During the fifth and last stage, however, the teacher is faithful to the directives that were taught to him at the very beginning of his monastic life. Now, however, ascesis is not inspired by the fear of the Lord but merely by the love of Christ.
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Manuwald, Henrike. "Spazieren und Beten." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 143, no. 3 (2021): 415–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2021-0030.
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Abstract The ›Rennewart‹ by Ulrich von Türheim describes a daily habit Willehalm pursues shortly before his death: vespertine walks that help him to say his prayers fully. The description of this routine serves as the focal point for studying how the text frames different forms of religious life in addition to the contrast between chivalric and monastic or eremitic forms of life. The article argues that the main issue in the text is not establishing a hierarchy between different forms of life, but rather addressing the question to what extent an individual can adapt established forms of life. Drawing both on a close reading of the moniage part of the text and on a reconstruction of the cultural semantics of promenading, the article interprets Willehalm’s habit of walking as an idiosyncratic practice of religious life.
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Croq, Alice. "Christian Monastic Life in Early Islam, written by Bradley Bowman." Arabica 69, no. 6 (2022): 703–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341652.
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Bosgraaf, Emke. "Asceticism in Transition: Exploring the Concepts of Memory, Performance and Ambiguity in 20th Century Dutch Monastic Life." Numen 55, no. 5 (2008): 536–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x338068.
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AbstractAsceticism is a topic of interest among a wide range of scholars. In the past two decades the corpus on asceticism has been growing steadily and contributions have been made from a variety of perspectives (for an overview see Wimbusch and Valantasis, Asceticism [1995]). In this article I will focus on the almost unknown history of asceticism in 20th century Dutch monastic life. This is a history that, especially after the 1950s, reflects a period of transition in which a radical erosion of asceticism occurred. In order to understand and explore asceticism in this specific period and context, I will discuss the demarcation of asceticism that Gavin Flood outlined in his thought-provoking study of 2004, The Ascetic Self: Subjectivity, Memory and Tradition. In this book Flood distinguishes three central parameters of asceticism, in short: memory, performance and ambiguity. These three concepts are applied to research material that is based upon a historical study of Catholic spiritual literature (1930–1965) and eighteen interviews with members of Dutch religious communities who personally experienced ascetic practices during their religious lives. I will argue that the memory of ascetic tradition is no longer being appropriated, which has specific consequences for examining the two parameters of performance and ambiguity.
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Marina V., Ayusheeva. "Chakhar-Gebshi ‘s Concept of a Pious Monk." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 3 (2021): 184–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-3-184-190.
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Buddhism occupies an important place in the history of culture of the Mongolian peoples, in particular from the 16th century, which corresponds to the third stage of the spread of the Buddhist religion among the Mongols. Although Buddhist teachings have wide influence on everyday life, the philosophy of Buddhism was understandable to a very small circle of adherents. For the majority of the population, ethical and didactic literature and the authority of teachers were much more important. In this regard, the image of the clergy was to be the standard of Buddhist behavior. There are amounts of non-canonical literature on the rules and instructions for righteous behavior, addressed to both laity and clergy. The article analyzes the ideal image of a monk, according to the requirements of Chakhar-gebshi Lubsantsultim on the basis of two works: “Biography of Chakhar-gebshi”, compiled by his disciple Luvsansamduvnima in 1818, and the work of Chakhar-gebshi entitled as a “Blue Book, History of Erdeni Dushi Monastery”. The biographical method used for characterizing Chakhar-gebshi allowed to show his life and him as a strict monk as a model to be followed. The methods of source study and comparative analysis were used for constructing and estimating of a model of religious behavior. The materials from “The Blue Book” ‒ a work of a monastic charter ‒ are general for monastic education and monastic environment in Mongolian Buddhism. The importance of keeping the teachings and religion of Buddha in purity and maintaining the moral image of his followers as an authority for the laity has been emphasized many times in the works of various authors. In this regard, the definitions of a pious monk written down by Chakhar-gebshi represent a complete system that combines basic Buddhist precepts. Keywords: Chakhar-gebshi, moral prescription, biography, Mongolian Buddhism, monks, charter
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Rowińska-Szczepaniak, Maria. "Święci rodziny dominikańskiej w oratorstwie Fabiana Birkowskiego." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 58, no. 1 (2023): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.784.
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In the times of Fabian Birkowski, OP, the notion of the Dominican Family comprised three forms of community life. They were represented by the preaching friars, cloistered nuns, and lay Dominicans. There were numerous saints and blessed who used to be members of those orders and the memory of them was perpetuated in, among others, the religious oratory of the 17th century. Among the preachers of those days, Father Fabian holds a prominent place as an author of Latin oratories and sermons de sanctis delivered in the Polish language. The fact that a large portion of the speeches dedicated to saints, which he included in the collection Orationes ecclesiasticae, dealt with Dominican saints indicates Birkowski’s particularly strong spiritual bond with members of the monastic community that he himself belong to. The aim of the article is to attempt to make a typology of Birkowski’s texts dedicated to saints of the Dominican Family, to give their general characteristics, as well as to demonstrate literary proofs of the spiritual relationship which linked Birkowski and representatives of his own monastic family.
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RENO, EDWARD A. "AD AGENDAM PENITENTIAM PERPETUAM DETRUDATUR MONASTIC INCARCERATION OF ADULTEROUS WOMEN IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CANONICAL JURISPRUDENCE." Traditio 72 (2017): 301–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2017.13.
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Medieval canon law recognized detrusion (detrusio in monasterium) as a sentence for women convicted of adultery. Civil law had made adultery a capital crime, so that detrusio was a milder action. This article traces the history of detrusio in canon law, especially in the thirteenth century, and treats further questions that detrusio raised. Detrusio was originally a pastoral provision, meant to provide a woman rejected by her husband for adultery an opportunity to enter religious life. But in the hands of the jurists detrusio became a coercive ecclesiastical penalty for adultery. The practice raised further concerns, for example: how the woman's property was to be treated; whether the woman sentenced to detrusio became a religious; whether a monastery should be a site of confinement for the laity; and, under what conditions a husband could take his adulterous wife back. The case was also raised of a man who accused his wife of adultery so that he could dissolve his marriage and enter a monastery.
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Hanckock-Parmer, Teresa. "Vocation and Enclosure in Colonial Nuns’ Spiritual Autobiographies." Renascence 71, no. 3 (2019): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence201971311.
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This article examines the discourse of enclosure utilized by Maria de San Jose (1656-1719, Puebla), Jeronima Nava y Saavedra (1669-1727, Bogota), and Francisca Josefa de Castillo (1671-1742, Tunja, Colombia) in their spiritual autobiographies. Despite dissimilar personal vocation narratives, these Hispanic nuns embraced enclosure as a tool of continuing spiritual advancement, both before and after actual profession of monastic vows. They portrayed the cloister simultaneously as connubial bedchamber and isolated hermitage, thus ascribing Baroque religious meaning to ancient anchoritic models through intersecting discourses of desert solitude, redemptive suffering, Eucharistic devotion, and nuptial mysticism. To attain ideal enclosure for self and others, these nuns advocated for reform in New World convents, which often reproduced worldly hierarchies, conflicts, and values. Enclosure, more than a symbolic vow or ecclesiastical mandate, constituted a formative practice that fostered correct action and attitude in nuns’ lives; these women conscientiously sought a cloistered life through which they cultivated holiness and created new spiritual meaning.
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Budzanowska-Weglenda, Dominika. "Galand z Reigny o małżeństwie, rodzinie, wspólnocie w "Libellus proverbiorum"." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 58, no. 1 (2023): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.779.
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This article presents what and how the Cistercian monk Galand of Reigny, who lived in the 12th century, wrote about the family in his short work Libellus proverbiorum, dedicated to the famous St Bernard of Clairvaux. The Book of Proverbs and its author are almost completely unknown in Poland. However, Libellus is a research-interesting example of the ‘light’ religious literature of the time written at a ‘medium’ level. The paper first introduces Galand and the monastic community to which he belonged and briefly discusses his literary work and the nature and diverse content of the work in question. In the second part, it discusses those passages of the Libellus proverbiorum in which the author addresses the theme of marriage, and family – in the literal sense, as well as in relation to the community of monks or to the Church as a whole. Firstly, the references in Galand’s text to biblical figures of spouses and families (Adam and Eve, Isaac and Rebecca and their sons, among others) are pointed out, then to well-known figures from Greek mythology (Orpheus and Eurydice), then to references to the life of ordinary families known to the author: to spouses, to mothers, widows and mothers-in-law, sons and daughters, and finally to comparisons of the life of a monastic and ecclesiastical community to a family united by love. Galand evokes the image of the family both in the proverbs themselves and in his (literal or allegorical) explanations, glosses them. His work carries, in an accessible, simple, and sometimes humorous form, moral instructions to deepen the religiousness and spirituality of both the monk and the layperson. The article includes excerpts from the Book of Proverbs translated by the author of this paper. The translation is based on the 1998 edition of Galand’s text in the Sources chrétiennes series (SC 436).
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Мелехова, Г. Н. "On the Question of the Monastic Colonization of Kargopol." Церковный историк, no. 4(10) (December 15, 2022): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/ch.2022.10.4.006.
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Монастырская колонизация Русского Севера, как и мирская, шла из Новгорода и с юга, из Ростово-Суздальских, позже Московских земель, и восприняла её черты: полиэтнический характер, двунаправленность колонизационных потоков (из Новгорода и с юга, «снизу»), включённость в жизнь поселенцев и крестьян, участие в формировании славянских и финно-угорских народностей в единую северорусскую общность. Основная цель исследования — на примере житий ранних основателей монастырей Каргополья (XIV–XV вв.) выявить специфику монастырского уклада жизни обителей, основанных как новгородцами, так и представителями низовской колонизации. На взгляд автора, в этом аспекте Каргополье, — модельная территория, т.к. считается, что по нему проходила граница новгородской и низовской колонизации, что отразилось, как выявил автор, в мировоззренческих предпочтениях представителей различных колонизационных потоков, запечатлевшиеся, в частности, в структуре посвящений храмов и почитаемых праздников города Каргополя, а также в создании обителей представителями как новгородских, так и среднерусских земель. По житийной литературе прослеживаются направления монашеских устремлений и решаемых аскетических проблем первооснователями каргопольских Кирилло-Челмогорской и Александро-Ошевенской обителей, основанных монахами новгородской и московской традиций. На каргопольском материале подтверждается, что новгородская монашеская традиция основана на крайней аскезе, пустынничестве, нестяжательстве; борьба со стяжанием — в числе главных нравственно-религиозных проблем. Подвижники московской церковной традиции, при подвижничестве духа и строгой молитвенности, развивали аскетическую парадигму смирения, послушания, преодоления гордости и самости, в чем продолжился киевский церковно-аскетический опыт, развитый школой прп. Сергия. The monastic colonization of the Russian North, like the secular one, came from Novgorod and from the south, from the Rostov-Suzdal, later Moscow lands, and took on its features: a multi-ethnic character, the bidirectionality of colonization flows (from Novgorod and from the south, from Kyiv, Rostov-Suzdal, later the Moscow lands), involvement in the life of settlers and peasants, participation in the formation of Slavic and Finno-Ugric peoples into a single North Russian community. The main purpose of the study is to identify the specifics of the monastic way of life of the monasteries founded by both Novgorodians and representatives of the Nizov colonization using the example of the lives of the early founders of the monasteries of Kargopol (XIV–XV centuries). In the author's opinion, in this aspect, Kargopolye is a model territory, because it is believed that the boundary of the Novgorod and Nizov colonization passed along it, which, as the author revealed, was reflected in the ideological preferences of representatives of various colonization flows, imprinted, in particular, in the structure of temple dedications and revered holidays in the city of Kargopol. According to hagiographic literature, the directions of monastic aspirations and ascetic problems being solved by the founders of the Kargopol Kirillo-Chelmogorsk and Alexander-Oshevensk monasteries, founded by monks-students of the Novgorod and Moscow traditions, are traced. On the Kargopol material, it is confirmed that the Novgorod monastic tradition is based on extreme asceticism, hermitage, non-acquisitiveness; the fight against acquisitiveness is among the main moral and religious problems. The ascetics of the Moscow church tradition, with the ascetic spirit and strict prayerfulness, developed the ascetic paradigm of humility, obedience, overcoming pride and selfhood, which continued the Kyiv church ascetic experience developed by the school of St. Sergius.
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Yusna, Darni. "BUDDHISM: AN OVERVIEW OF ITS PHILOSOPHY AND DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA." Alfuad: Jurnal Sosial Keagamaan 5, no. 2 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31958/jsk.v5i2.4608.
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It is a positivist philosophy that assumed a religious character, and it appeared in India after the Hindu Brahmin religion in the fifth century B.C. In the beginning, it was opposed to Hinduism and tended to take care of the human being. It also included a call to mysticism and harshness, and the rejection of luxury, and the call for love, tolerance, and doing good. After the death of its founder, it turned into false beliefs of a pagan nature, and its followers exaggerated its founder until he worshipped him. We conducted a literature study by reviewing various sources and using a descriptive analysis approach and a historical approach in presenting this article. It is considered an ethical system and a philosophical doctrine based on philosophical theories, and its teachings are not revelations but rather opinions and beliefs within a religious framework. Old Buddhism differs from New Buddhism in that the former is ethical, while New Buddhism is Buddha's teachings mixed with philosophical views and mental measurements about the universe and life. Buddhism has spread to all corners of the world, including Russia. Buddhism is considered one of the traditional religions in Russia, which is legally part of Russia's historical heritage. In addition to the historical monastic traditions of Buryatia, Kalmykia, and Tuva, Buddhism is now spreading throughout Russia, with some ethnic Russians converting to it. The main form of Buddhism in Russia is the Gelukpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, with other Tibetan traditions in the minority. Although Tibetan Buddhism is most often associated with Tibet, the religion spread to Mongolia, and via Mongolia, it was brought to Russia.
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Jones, E. A. "Rites of Enclosure: The EnglishOrdinesfor the Enclosing of Anchorites, S. XII–S. XVI." Traditio 67 (2012): 145–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001355.
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The enclosed solitary life, like other forms of (broadly speaking) monastic vocation, can trace its origins to the eastern deserts of the third and fourth centuries. But its development as a distinct and separately regulated form of living belongs to the central Middle Ages. By the twelfth century, the anchoritic vocation was an established part of a spiritual landscape that also included regular cenobites (monks, canons, nuns) and the still comparatively unregulated, freely wandering hermits. Anchorites usually lived alone (or at least without any spiritual companion: the life was impossible without servants or some other way of attending to the practitioner's domestic needs), in a cell attached (in most cases) to a parish church, often in an urban location; if men, they were usually priests, though more often seculars than regulars; in England, female anchorites, of whom very few appear to have been nuns prior to their enclosure, outnumbered males throughout the period.
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Braarvig, Jens. "The Buddhist Hell: An Early Instance of the Idea?" Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 254–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x405008.
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In spite of the modern idea that Buddhism is too rational a religion to have a conception of hell, the case is just the opposite. The Buddhists promoted this idea very early. This is not really surprising, since the idea of hell is closely connected with the concept of kamma , action, and its fruit or result. Every living being is what it is by the force of its actions in this or earlier lives: good actions entail rebirth in heaven or as a human, while bad actions have as their result rebirth as an animal, a ghost, or worst of all, in hell. In the Buddhist hell one is thus punished by the evil actions themselves, not by some sort of divine justice. Although life in hell is not eternal in Buddhism, it can still last for an enormous time span until the bad actions have been atoned for and one is reborn to a happier state of existence. Thus hell plays a great part in the Buddhist system of teachings, and it is a favourite topic in the monastic rules as well as in the narrative literature of the Jātakas , the subject of which is the Buddha's earlier lives. Hell is discussed as a topic already in the Kathāvatthu , the first scholarly treatise of Buddhism with a named author, datable between 250 and 100 BC. The discussion in the Kathāvatthu represents what may be seen as a fully developed conception of hell, and thus the Buddhist hell as described by its earliest canonical literature predates the appearance of the idea in most, if not all other religious traditions.
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FINDIK, Ayşe Şeyma. "BUDDHISM EFFECTS IN URIANKHAI TEXTS OF KATANOV." Journal of Turkic Language and Literature Surveys (TULLIS) 8, no. 1 (2023): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30568/tullis.1242361.
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Buddhism is the name of the religious and philosophical system that is put forward by Siddhārta Guatama who lived in the northeast of India between BC 563-483. Although the date of the Turks’ first encounter with Buddhism is not known clearly, the meeting of the Turkish ruling class with Buddhism is dated to the 6th century in Mongolia. In this way, Tatar Khan was tergiversated his religion by a captive Chinese monk. After that, he built a Buddhist temple and thought that Buddhism had a magical power to expand the borders of the empire. The entry of Buddhism into Tuva lands was in the 18th century through Mongolia and Tibetan Buddhism was accepted. Tuva tribes were involved in the traditions of monastic life, Buddhist ideas, rituals, and the process of spreading rituals. Buddhism has been practiced by all layers of society in Tuva. The number of Buddhist temples increased from the end of the 18th to the second half of the 19th century. The spread of Buddhism in all areas of life has also been reflected in literature and folk compilations. The language examples which were collected by Wilhelm Radlov from Altai and West Siberia since 1860 were published in 10 volumes under the name of Proben der Volkslitterature. The texts of Uriankhai (Tuva), Abaqan, Qaragas are included in the 9th volume of this work. This volume was prepared by N. Katanov with Radlov’s notes. (St. Petersburg, 1907) Reflections of Buddhism in Tuvan texts compiled by Katanov in this study; Katanov's diary has also been taken into account.
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Dorje, Rinchen. "Establishing Lineage Legitimacy and Building Labrang Monastery as “the Source of Dharma”: Jikmed Wangpo (1728–1791) Taking the Helm." Religions 12, no. 7 (2021): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070491.
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The eighteenth century witnessed the continuity of Geluk growth in Amdo from the preceding century. Geluk inspiration and legacy from Central Tibet and the accompanying political patronage emanating from the Manchus, Mongols, and local Tibetans figured prominently as the engine behind the Geluk influence that swept Amdo. The Geluk rise in the region resulted from contributions made by native Geluk Buddhists. Amdo native monks are, however, rarely treated with as much attention as they deserve for cultivating extensive networks of intellectual transmission, reorienting and shaping the school’s future. I therefore propose that we approach Geluk hegemony and their broad initiatives in the region with respect to the school’s intellectual and cultural order and native Amdo Buddhist monks’ role in shaping Geluk history in Amdo and beyond in Tibet. Such a focus highlights their impact in shaping the trajectory of Geluk history in Tibet and Amdo in particular. The historical and biographical literature dealing with the life of Jikmed Wangpo affords us a rare window into the pivotal time when every effort was made to cultivate a vast network of institutions and masters across Tibet. This further spurred an institutional growth of Buddhist transmission, constructing authenticity and authority thereof, as they were closely tied to reincarnation lineage, intellectual traditions, and monastic institutions. In doing so, we also have a good grasp of the creation processes of Geluk luminaries such as Jikmed Wangpo, an exemplar scholar and visionary who faced great opposition from issues with his lineage legitimation at Labrang and among the larger Geluk community.
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Vinogradov, Igor. "THE “ARABESQUES” CYCLE BY N. V. GOGOL: UNITY OF COMPOSITION AND PROBLEMS." Проблемы исторической поэтики 19, no. 4 (2021): 234–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2021.10262.
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The unity of the problematics and the author’s principles of composition of the collection of N. V. Gogol “Arabesques” (1835) are investigated. The unobvious unity and integrity of the writer’s poetic encyclopedia — “Arabesque” — become apparent through the coverage of the cross-cutting themes and motives of the cycle, the numerous interconnections and overlaps between the articles, essays and stories included in the collection. It is established that the organizing beginning of the cycle is the writer’s reflections of a religious and political nature. From the point of view of this main component, all eighteen works of the collection are analyzed in detail. For the first time, the influence of spiritual literature — the lives of saints, patristic works, the significance of the articles of “Philokalia” — a well-known collection of works on the prayer-contemplative experience of monastic life — is highlighted in the early works of Gogol. The spiritual aspect of the writer’s reflections on history, arts, folk art, world literature, poetry of A. S. Pushkin is noted. Gogol’s polemic with the positions of one of the founders of German romanticism, V. G. Wackenroder, is touched upon. The problems posed in the collection of the opposition of old age and youth, “sensual” life and the poetry of spirituality are analyzed, the image of the “fragmentation” of life as a distinctive feature of modernity is traced. The organic correlation of “Arabesques” with the previous and subsequent works of the writer is revealed — with the youthful poem “Ganz Kuchelgarten,” with the cycle “Mirgorod,” with “Dead Souls,” “Theatrical tour after the presentation of a new comedy,” “Selected passages from correspondence with friends” and etc. The author emphasizes the consistency of the writer’s creative path and the integral spiritual and moral character of his legacy.
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VANDERPUTTEN, STEVEN. "‘COLUMBANUS WORE A SINGLE COWL, NOT A DOUBLE ONE’: THE VITA DEICOLI AND THE LEGACY OF COLUMBANIAN MONASTICISM AT THE TURN OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM." Traditio 76 (2021): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2021.10.
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This article analyses the Life of St. Deicolus of Lure, a monastery in the Alsace region of east France, written by the cleric Theodoric in the 970s or 980s. It argues that the text contains a notable amount of information on the existence, methodology, and limitations of an ill-understood aspect of monastic integration around the year 1000. Relying on an analysis of the narrative's second prologue as well as scattered comments elsewhere in the text, it reconstructs three phenomena. The first is attempts to (re-)establish a Luxeuil-centered imagined community of institutions with a shared Columbanian legacy through the creation and circulation of hagiographic narratives. A second is the co-creation across institutional boundaries of texts and manuscripts that were designed to facilitate these integration attempts. And the third phenomenon is the limits of this integration effort, which did not tempt those involved to propose the establishment of a distinct ‘neo-Columbanian’ observance. As such, the Life represents an attempt to reconcile the legacy of Columbanus and his real or alleged followers as celebrated at late tenth-century Luxeuil and Lure with a contemporary understanding of reformed Benedictine identity.
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Yachmenik, Vyacheslav A., and Eugene I. Lyutko. "A “Monastery in the World”: The Cultural Meaning of a Concept." Studia Litterarum 8, no. 4 (2023): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2023-8-4-58-77.
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The center of our attention in the present study is the concept of monastyr’ v miru “monastery in the world,” which became a set expression the late 19th – early 20th century Russian literature and religious philosophy. The emergence of this concept in the discourse of the epoch witnesses to a new manner of demarcation of the spaces of the “church” and the “world,” and we shall reveal this intellectual transformation through the contextual analysis of the mentioned set phrase. We apply an interdisciplinary approach, thus the article analyzes not only literary, but also religious material. The concept “monastery in the world” filled a gap in the language and was accountable for describing new reality in social and intellectual life at the boundary between the societal and religious ideas and practices. The first what we see in sources is an ambitious and accusatory rhetoric of expansion of the monastery to the realm of worldly life, that in the second half of the 19th century has lost its Christian groundings. However, the opposite type of rhetoric — that of defense of the symbolic monastery walls from the evil worldly expansion — comes soon. This strategy became especially current during the revolutionary turbulence, when clergy and laity envisage the “world” as a power destroying the walls of the symbolic monastery — Christian communities, souls of Christians or their religious way of life.
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Voytishek, Elena E., and Anna S. Shmakova. "Time Measurement with Incense in East Asia." Oriental Studies 20, no. 4 (2021): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-4-109-124.
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Spanning across thousands of years of aromatic culture development in the countries of East Asia, incense application has accumulated vast experience in various fields, including calendrical calculations and time measurement. Analysis of artifacts, objects of religious worship and everyday life indicates fragrant substances’ great versatility in terms of their use: in addition to sticks, spirals and cones, devices such as the Hundred Graduations Incense seals, alarm clocks, as well as clocks that measured night time, strictly dependent on the calendar season, were invented. Various types of aromatic clocks could be distinguished by their great functionality, finding application in many areas ‒ navigation, engineering, in court and religious ceremonies, scientists’ work, in monastic and private schools, tea houses, and were the subject of admiration for poets, artists and calligraphers. The study of the ways of using incense in East Asian countries (including for measuring time) is based on the analysis of a variety of sources ‒ written, artistic and ethnographic. Compared to the large number of Chinese and Japanese sources, the cultural heritage of the Korean Peninsula contains significant gaps, which significantly complicates the interpretation of the material. The use of incense burners, aromatic raw materials and various instruments for measuring time is a remarkable phenomenon in the fragrance culture of China, Korea and Japan, testifying to the high adaptability of symbols and images of traditional culture not only to everyday household needs, but also to various achievements of science and technology. This is confirmed at the present time, given the production of new models of aromatic clocks.
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Galtsin, Dmitrii D. "Froben Prints and Polemics on Religion in Early Modern Eastern Europe." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 578–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.216.
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The article explores the Froben prints stored at the Rare Books Department of the Library of the Russian Academy of Science (Biblioteka Akademii Nauk) in Saint Petersburg. For three generations in the 16th century, Basel printers the Frobens influenced European intellectual life like no other publishing establishment, contributing to the spread of early Latin and Greek Christian literature, which determined both the development of theology and the humanities. Some copies of Froben prints are conspicuous for the history of their use which is intrinsically connected with various kinds of religious polemics in 16th and 17th century Eastern Europe. The focus of the article is the copies of Froben’s Opera omnia of St Augustine which underwent censorship in monastic libraries of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th and 17th century. The article traces the history of a number of Froben copies which belonged to notable Polish Protestants of the 16th and 17th centuries (Andrzej Trzecieski, Nicholas Radziwill the Black (“Czarny”), Andrzej Dobrzanski). The examination of the connections of Eastern European Protestants, which enabled vigorous exchange of books with Western Europe, bringing, for instance, a book from the library of the great Dutch cartographer Gerhard Mercator to the hands of a provincial Polish pastor, is carried out. Finally, the article addresses the marginalia left by Simeon of Polotsk on one of his books. These marginalia throw some new light on the question of Simeon’s genuine theological views. By examining the history of the copies from the Library of the Russian Academy of Science through the marginalia left in the 16th and 17th centuries by people of various religions, the article assesses Froben copies as a source on confessional and intellectual history of the period.
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Skoko, Iko, and Josip Šimić. "Franciscans in the Works of Nobel Laureate Ivo Andrić." St open 4 (December 7, 2023): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.48188/so.4.19.
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Aim: Ivo Andrić (1892–1975) was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1961. He was born and lived in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and forged particularly deep connections with the Franciscans, addressed by the people of Bosnia as “uncles”. This article presents all mentions of Franciscans in Andrić’s publications and his characterization of them.Methods: We studied all available literary works of Ivo Andrić.Results: Andrić was born in small town of Travnik in today’s Bosnia-Herzegovina, a Catholic surrounding in which Franciscan monks provided the religious needs of the parish. Therefore, Andrić developed friendships with Franciscans and cherished it all until his life. His first close Franciscan friend, Fra Alojzije Perčinlić, was the Pastor of Ovčarevo; the last Franciscan friend he made was Fra Ljubo Hrgić, a writer from Zenica. Andrić regularly referred to the Franciscans in his works, from his first book – Ex ponto – published in 1918, to his Omer Pasha Latas, a novel published posthumously in 1976. He used fifteen Franciscan works and monastic annals as major sources for his doctoral dissertation entitled The Development of Spiritual Life in Bosnia under the Influence of Turkish Rule, which he defended in 1924 at the University of Graz. The dissertation described how the Franciscans lived, the role they played in people’s life, and the work they did in Bosnia and Herzegovina over a period of six hundred years. In gb his dissertation he named more than thirty Franciscans, and a total of 44 in his works.Conclusion: Andrić was well acquainted with the lives, virtues, accomplishments, and human flaws of the Bosnian Franciscans. Few writers presented the Franciscans as favorably as Ivo Andrić did in his doctoral dissertation and other works. Human flaws that he found in “uncles” were mere “a drop in the ocean” of his favorable accounts about the order.
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Taimasov, Leonid A. "TSIVILSK TIKHVIN BOGORODITSKY MONASTERY DURING THE TRANSFORMATION PERIOD OF THE 1860s – 1870s." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 1 (March 25, 2024): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2024-1-114-124.
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Studying the history of churches and monasteries in modern conditions is of scientific and practical interest. The purpose of the study is to examine the history of transformation of the Tsivilsk Tikhvin Monastery into a women’s monastery against the background of bourgeois modernization of the Russian society, intensification of the policy and practice of Orthodox missionary work, to show the contribution of spiritual and secular persons to the revival of monastic life in Tsivilsk monastery and to assess its religious and social significance in establishing Orthodoxy among the population of Chuvashia. Materials and methods. The article is based on the analysis of literary and documentary materials. The main sources of the work were archival documents, publications of periodicals, materials of the website of the Chuvash metropolis. Theoretical generalizations and conclusions are made using the chronological, institutional and cultural-anthropological approaches. Study results. Tsivilsk Bogoroditsky Tikhvin Monastery of the Chuvash Metropolis is one of the oldest in the Middle Volga region. It was founded by Tsivilsk inhabitants in memory of the town’s miraculous deliverance in 1671 by the God’s Mother’s intercession from the devastation by S.T. Razin’s detachments. Tsivilsk monastery has gone through different times: it was on the verge of closure more than once, and was abolished during the Soviet period. In this study, based on the study of special literature and a set of sources, the author examined one of the most difficult periods in the history of the monastery. At the end of the 1860s, the monastery’s economy turned out to be in a critical condition. Neither the monastery nor the municipal authorities had the financial means and material resources to restore it. The brethren were small in number, they did not see any prospects for the change for the better, so violations to the rules of monastic life took place among them. The diocesan leadership in the person of Archbishop Anthony of Kazan (Ya.G. Amphiteatrov), having visited the monastery in 1869, made a proposal to the consistory to close it. However, in the conditions of bourgeois reforms and intensification of missionary and educational activities, closure of the monastery in the uyezd, where predominantly the Chuvash population lived, could have negative consequences for Orthodoxy establishment. At the same time, the residents of Tsivilsk and many neighboring villages did not want to lose the monastery, which had not only religious, but also symbolic significance. These circumstances, in the author’s opinion, forced to look for other solutions to its fate. The idea of converting a male monastery into a female one turned out to be promising. The events of the monastery economy’s revival are described in detail, the role of the abbess Kheruvima, the main benefactor V.N. Nikitin is shown, the progress of construction and repair works is covered, the celebrations in honor of the renovated monastery consecration are described in detail, its characteristics at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries are given. Conclusions. One of the ancient centers of Orthodoxy in the territory of Chuvashia, Tsivilsk Bogoroditsky Tikhvin Monastery became a women’s monastery as a result of transformations in 1871–1872. Preservation of the historical monastery became possible thanks to the support of the diocesan leadership, the presence of benefactors, a positive attitude of Tsivilsk residents, as well as believers of Tsivilsk and neighboring uyezds. As a result of the renovation, Tsivilsk Tikhvin Convent turned into a center of missionary educational activities in the Chuvash Region. The modern restoration of the monastery became possible due to preservation of the monastery complex, built mainly in the historical period under consideration.
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Alekseeva, A. G., T. V. Vladimirova, E. V. Gedevani, G. I. Kopeyko, and O. A. Borisova. "The Phenomenon of God’s Abandonment in Clinical Psychiatry." Psikhiatriya 21, no. 6 (2024): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30629/2618-6667-2023-21-6-17-30.
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Background: God’s abandonment in religious literature is defined as the loss of divine grace, the feeling of distance from God, abandonment by God, God’s departure from man, which is manifested in the weakening of divine support, often perceived as a period of spiritual crisis and accompanied by despair and heartache. At present, there are lack of a psychopathological andclinical studies in the scientiашc literature concerning the phenomenon of God’s abandonment. This phenomenon is complex and little studied neither in the spiritual life nor in the context of clinical psychiatry. The phenomenon of God’s abandonment requires further research for proper diagnosis, choice of the correct treatment, psychotherapeutic support, and adequate tacticsof pastoral care. Objectives: identification of clinical and psychopathological features and structure of the phenomenon of God’s abandonment in order to determine the syndromal and nosological affiliation, prognosis issues and right choice of therapeutic tactics. Patients and methods: 35 patients (16 male and 19 female) aged 18–55 years (mean 39.8 ± 11.6), who had a sense of God’s abandonment in the clinical picture of endogenous depression and depression-delusional disorders, were examined. Clinical-psychopathologic, psychometric (HDRS, CRS, SAG) and statistical methods were used. As a control group, 5 male individuals who were monastic residents and were not in the psychiatrist’s ашeld of vision and not demonstrated obvious signs of psychiatricdisorders were examined. For this group, a retrospective analysis of the peculiarities of the phenomenon of God’s abandonment was carried out on the basis of the assessment of subjective and objective data. Results: the conducted research has revealed that the phenomenon of God’s abandonment is a special psychopathological symptom complex specific for the studied group of patients, regardless the syndromal or nosological affiliation. The main manifestation of this phenomenon is the religiousanesthesia (as the religious equivalent of anaesthesia psychica dolorosa) with the leading manifestations of the absence of sensations of religious feeling with the key experience of abandonment by God in close link with the other psychopathological disorders. Three types of conditions with the phenomenon of God’s abandonment have been identiашed: type 1 — depressions with the phenomenon of God’s abandonment and manifestations of affective delusion (22 patients, 62 %; 12 men, 10 women; mean age 43.4 ± 11.2 years) in the structure of affective psychosis; type 2 — acute psychotic states with the phenomenon of God’s abandonment and noncongruent delusional disorders (13 patients, 37 %; 4 men, 9 women; mean age 31.7 ± 8.2 years) in the structure of schizoaffective disorder or schizophrenia spectrum; type 3 — crisis of faith (5 men from the control group; mean age 40 ± 11.8 years) which is the psychological crisis with experience of God’s abandonment within the framework of personal development. Conclusion: the phenomenon of God’s abandonment can represent a range of psychological and psychopathological conditions: starting from spiritual psychological crisis up to wide range of psychiatric disorders: overvalued ideas, anesthetic and depersonalizing non-psychotic depressions, and delusional depressions or acute psychosis. The identiаfied types of states with the phenomenon of God’s abandonment had different diagnostic value.
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Stoop, Patricia. "Fiona J. Griffiths, Nuns’ Priests’ Tales: Men and Salvation in Medieval Women’s Monastic Life. (The Middle Ages Series.) Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. Pp. x, 349; many black-and-white figures. $69.95. ISBN: 978-0-8122-4975-0." Speculum 95, no. 2 (2020): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708210.
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Siegal, Michal Bar-Asher. "Shared Worlds: Rabbinic and Monastic Literature." Harvard Theological Review 105, no. 4 (2012): 423–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781601200020x.
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In the place where penitents stand even the wholly righteous cannot stand.(R. Abahu)1I prefer a man who hath sinned and done wickedly and repented to the man who hath not sinned and hath not manifested repentance; for the former possesseth a humble mind and the latter esteemeth himself in his thoughts a just man. (Abba Poemen)2
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Gardiner, Eileen. "Visions of Heaven and Hell: A Monastic Literature." Downside Review 139, no. 1 (2021): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580621997061.
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Medieval otherworld visions comprise a monastic genre: monks almost universally recur as either visionaries, vision scribes or both. With this in mind, the intention of this article is to interrogate the authorial and narrative intent of these monastic visions to determine whether the audience originally addressed and the concerns expressed could be located exclusively within the monastic enclosure. After examining 36 monastic visions dating from the late 6th to the early 13th century, ranging geographically from Ireland to Italy, it emerges that while many visions specifically addressed monks, nuns, abbots and abbesses about their actions in this life and destinies in the next, many also focused on life outside the monastery.
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Airijoki, Moa. "Christian Monastic Life in Early Islam." Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 49, no. 1 (2023): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.49.1.0125.
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Brooks Hedstrom, Darlene L. "The Geography of the Monastic Cell in Early Egyptian Monastic Literature." Church History 78, no. 4 (2009): 756–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709990515.
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Gornall, Alastair. "Pali and Monastic Reform." Religion and Society 14, no. 1 (2023): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arrs.2023.140106.
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Abstract This response acknowledges Ananda Abeysekara's review of Rewriting Buddhism: Pali Literature and Monastic Reform in Sri Lanka, 1157–1270, and expresses openness to reflecting on the analytical vocabulary Abeysekara found problematic. It also expands and clarifies the book's criticisms of prevailing views on medieval monastic reform in Sri Lanka and their relationship with monastic literary production.
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Shono, Masanori. "Local Buddhist Monastic Agreements among the (M?la)sarv?stiv?dins." Buddhist Studies Review 34, no. 1 (2017): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.33779.
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Recently, there have been an increasing number of studies on the Buddhist monastic community as a whole and on individual Buddhist monks and nuns in Vinaya literature. However, we do not know much about how a local Buddhist monastic community was administered. In order to consider just an aspect of the administration in a local monastic community, I will in this paper investigate descriptions of agreements (Skt kriy?k?ra-) that local monastic communities or local Buddhist monks conclude in Vinaya texts belonging to the (M?la)sarv?stiv?dins.
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Mecham, June. "Cooperative Piety among Monastic and Secular Women in Late Medieval Germany." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 4 (2008): 581–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x426754.
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AbstractScholarship has demonstrated that religious life for women was more fluid, more tied to the secular world and to gender ideologies, than strict categorizations of monastic versus lay, regular versus extraregular, visual versus intellectual allows. This article argues for the conceptualization and study of female monasticism, and female spirituality in general, as part of a broad continuum—as part of a shared culture of devotional practices—accepted and embraced (to a greater or lesser extent) by both men and women, secular and lay. More specifically, it explores the interaction between secular and professed women in support of monastic life, monastic devotion, and more broadly, medieval religious culture. Religious and lay women collaborated and cooperated to support specific religious communities and particular devotional practices, like the nuns' performance of the liturgy or their duty to remember patrons as part of the monastic memoria. Such collaboration and cooperation, however, has often escaped the notice of historians.
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Jonveaux, Isabelle. "Ascetism: an endangered value? Mutations of ascetism in contemporary monasticism." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 23 (January 1, 2011): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67386.
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This article seeks to understand the shifts which are affecting monastic asceticism in modern society. Is monastic asceticism really changing and in which terms? Why has the place of the body in religious virtuosity changed? As religious virtuosity is based on ascetic practices, we cannot consider that monastic life nowadays has totally eschewed asceticism. So we have to understand the new sense given to this traditional religious practice. It seems that both asceticism and the place of the body in monastic life are changing. Rather than a decline of asceticism, it is more accurate to say that its meaning is being redefined and it becomes more intellectual than physical. At the same time, the body acquires a new position: from mortification to self-fulfilment, it becomes a new ally—and no longer an enemy—of monastic life. So, is asceticism an endangered value? Yes, in the sense that it is no longer a religious value, as was proved by monks who said they are not ascetics, or the nun who said that her community lives a ‘non-ascetic asceticism’. However this does not mean that it has disappeared. The practice of asceticism is necessary to religious virtuosity, but the way to practise it and to define it has been changing, and this is contingent on other evolutions of the religious system and of society. The new kind of asceticism which monks are living nowadays is mainly intellectual asceticism.
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Palmisano, Stefania. "Moving Forward in Catholicism." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 1, no. 2 (2011): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.v1i2.207.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the organizational innovations which monastic communities established after Vatican Council II (“new monastic communities”) introduced with the aim of renewing monastic life. The article will also consider the problems in the relationship between these communities and the Catholic Church, which arise as the result of such innovations. The first section reports the main results of empirical research carried out on new monastic communities in Italy, looking in particular at how such innovations were introduced. The second section begins with the question of canonical recognition of these new communities by the Catholic Church, and discusses the relationships between innovation, recognition and legitimation
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Gärtner, Claudia. "The Monastic Cell as Utopian Niche: The Contribution of Religious Niches to Socio-Ecological Transformation." Utopian Studies 35, no. 1 (2024): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/utopianstudies.35.1.0067.
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ABSTRACT This article explores the extent to which Christian traditions, especially the monastic way of life, possess a transformative potential toward a socio-ecological society. Christian ideas are not unbroken utopias, but they possess an eschatological proviso based on God’s otherness. Neither is monastic life a prefiguration of the Kingdom of God, nor do Christians or the Church prefigure a heavenly society, but Christian action and religious communities can be regarded as forms of refigurative practice, which can fail again and again without losing hope. This article describes the relationship between niche and transformation, between monastic cell and utopia, as such a refigurative practice.
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Hanson, Jeffrey. "Thomas Aquinas and the Qualification of Monastic Labor." Religions 15, no. 3 (2024): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030366.
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Early monastic communities in Egypt were veritable laboratories for the practice of Christian virtue; perhaps surprisingly, they were also large-scale coordinated communities of labor. That manual labor should have been part of anchoritic life is not obvious; given that hermits were leaving the cities and the usual occupations of life in the world, there might be a question as to why they would seemingly return to such occupations having sought the purity of living alone in the desert. Combining Platonic thought with radical Christianity, the monks found a way to make the maximally spiritual life also a worker’s life. The architects of this form of life saw manual labor as a means for achieving self-sustenance, an effective weapon against temptation, a resource for the support of the needy, and a vital component in the monks’ ascetic program. The argument of this paper is that this powerful cultural consensus on the centrality of work to monastic life endured for almost a thousand years before it came to be qualified, by Thomas Aquinas among others. When Thomas Aquinas writes on the purposes of manual labor he is entirely traditional. However, Aquinas ends up diminishing the extent to which the pursuit of the traditional goods gained by the practice of manual labor is obligatory for monastics. Aquinas’s discussion of manual labor as an element of monastic life is a definite departure from the tradition. In the typically polite fashion of a scholastic theologian, Aquinas shifts away from Augustine and re-interprets St. Paul in unprecedented fashion. His argument is influenced by his own commitment to a new form of monastic life, which was changing not just theologically but as a result of the evolving backdrop of the social and economic realities with which religious life necessarily interacted.
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Krawczyk, Piotr. "Diversity of Monastic Life in the Historical Perspective." Kościół i Prawo 12, no. 2 (2023): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/kip2023.29.
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In the history of the Catholic Church, various ways of implementing the consecrated life and its specific type in religious life have been revealed. To this day, there are monastic orders, cloistered orders, canons regular, hospitaller orders, mendicant orders, and congregations performing works of mercy. The author briefly presents the history of the evolution of these orders, from antiquity to the present day. The article shows how they have changed throughout history and how they undertake contemporary tasks in a new way. The nature of religious life is still the same, but, depending on the circumstances, it constantly takes new forms to implement the ideal of imitating Christ by pursuing the evangelical counsels in the present times.
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Wright, A. D. "The Religious Life in the Spain of Philip II and Philip III." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007993.
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From the vividly autobiographic Life of St Teresa famous images of conventual life in sixteenth-century Spain have been derived; both the dark impression of unreformed monastic existence and the heroic profile of reformed regulars. Before and after that era the social, not to say political prominence of certain figures, friars and nuns, in Spanish life is notorious, from the reigns of the Catholic Monarchs to that of Philip IV and beyond. Modern historical research has indeed highlighted the contribution to political and ecclesiastical development, to early Catholic reform above all, of key members of the regular clergy under the Catholic Monarchs. For monastics, as opposed to mendicants, in post-medieval Spain, the extensive and meticulous researches of Linage Conde have put all Iberian scholars in his debt. The fascinating origins of the essentially Iberian phenomenon of the Jeronymites have recently received new attention from J.R.L. Highfield, but further insights into the true condition of the religious life in the Iberian peninsula of the supposedly Golden Age are perhaps still possible, when unpublished material is consulted in the Roman archives and in those of Spain, such as Madrid, Simancas, Barcelona and Valencia. Considerations of space necessarily limit what can be suggested here, but the development of monastic life in Counter-Reformation Spain is arguably best considered in its extended not just in its stricter sense: for parallels and contrasts, as well as direct influences, were not confined by the normal distinctions between the eremitic and the monastic, the monastic and the mendicant, the old and the new orders, or even the male and female communities. Furthermore the intervention of Spanish royal authority in Portuguese affairs between 1580 and 1640, not least in ecclesiastical and regular life, provides a useful comparative basis for consideration of truly Iberian conditions.
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Clark, James G. "The Making of Nordic Monasticism, c. 1076–c. 1350." Religions 12, no. 8 (2021): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080581.
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The introduction of regular religious life in the Nordic region is less well-documented than in the neighbouring kingdoms of northern Europe. In the absence of well-preserved manuscript and material remains, unfounded and sometimes distorting suppositions have been made about the timeline of monastic settlement and the character of the conventual life it brought. Recent archival and archaeological research can offer fresh insights into these questions. The arrival of authentic regular life may have been as early as the second quarter of the eleventh century in Denmark and Iceland, but there was no secure or stable community in any part of Scandinavia until the turn of the next century. A settled monastic network arose from a compact between the leadership of the secular church and the ruling elite, a partnership motivated as much by the shared pursuit of political, social and economic power as by any personal piety. Yet, the force of this patronal programme did not inhibit the development of monastic cultures reflected in books, original writings, church and conventual buildings, which bear comparison with the European mainstream.
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Palmisano, Stefania, and Marcin Jewdokimow. "New Monasticism: An Answer to the Contemporary Challenges of Catholic Monasticism?" Religions 10, no. 7 (2019): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10070411.
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New Monasticism has been interpreted by its protagonists as an answer to the challenges of the future of Christian monasticism. New Monastic Communities can be defined as groups of people (at least some of whom have taken religious vows) living together permanently and possessing two main characteristics: (1) born in the wake of Vatican Council II, they are renewing monastic life by emphasising the most innovative and disruptive aspects they can find in the Council’s theology; and (2) they do not belong to pre-existing orders or congregations—although they freely adapt their Rules of Life. New Monastic Communities developed and multiplied in the decades during which, in Western European countries and North America, there was a significant drop in the number of priests, brothers and sisters. Based on our empirical research in a new monastic community—the Fraternity of Jerusalem (a foundation in Poland)—we addressed the following: Why are New Monastic Communities thriving? Are they really counteracting the decline of monasticism? What characteristics distinguish them from traditional communities? We will show how they renew monastic life by emphasising and radicalising the most innovative and disruptive theological aspects identified in Vatican Council II.
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Palmisano, Stefania. "Asceticism in Modern Times." Fieldwork in Religion 9, no. 2 (2015): 202–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v4.i1.16445.
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In this paper I examine how ascetic practices – consubstantial with monastic life of every kind and in every age – have been reinterpreted in the context of New Monasticism, a phenomenon which emerged at the end of the 1970s at the heart of contemporary Catholic monasticism. Starting from empirical research carried out in the most important Italian neo-monastic community, I aim to show how, in its efforts to respond to accusations of “being out of date” and “trivial” which have been levelled at contemporary monasticism, this community has become the interpreter of a process of “invention of monastic tradition” which restores a particular reinterpretation of the grammar of monastic asceticism. An analysis of these changes allows us to throw light on a transformed religious universe in which if, on one hand, traditional concepts of Catholic doctrine have been emptied of their original meanings, on the other they are taking on new ones, sometimes far from, or out of tune with, orthodox guidelines.
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Resnick, Irven M. "Litterati, Spirituales, and Lay Christians According to Otloh of Saint Emmeram." Church History 55, no. 2 (1986): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167418.
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It seems somewhat paradoxical that at the very time in the eleventh century when laity and clergy were most critical of the corrupt and decadent life led in many monasteries throughout Europe, one should find among reformers the most exaggerated claims for the benefits of monastic life. Peter Damian (1007–1072), one of the most ardent and indefatigable monastic reformers, provides ample evidence of this paradox.
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McGinn, Bernard. "The Changing Shape of Late Medieval Mysticism." Church History 65, no. 2 (1996): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170288.
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The historical development of explicit forms of Christian mysticism can be sketched according to a model of gradually accumulating and interactive layers of tradition. The monastic ideal of flight from the world in order to lead a specialized life of penance and prayer, either as a hermit or within a community, formed the institutional context for most forms of Christian mysticism down to the end of the twelfth century. This monastic layer of mysticism was primarily biblical and liturgical in the sense that it sought God in and through personal appropriation of the mystical understanding of the Bible as cultivated within the liturgical life of the monastic community. Most monastic mystics were also “objective” in the sense that they rarely talked about their own experiences of God, but rather sought to express their understanding of mystical transformation through biblical exegesis and theoretical expositions of a mystagogical character (that is, expositions designed to lead readers into the mystery of the consciousness of God's presence)
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Jonveaux, Isabelle. "Facebook as a monastic place? The new use of internet by Catholic monks." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 25 (January 1, 2013): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67435.
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Although Catholic monasteries are theoretically out of the world, monks and nuns more and more use the internet, both for religious and non-religious reasons. While society at large often takes it for granted that monks are out of modernity, monastic communities have been adopted media from relatively early on, and we cannot say that they have come late to its use. The internet can offer monasteries a lot of advantages because it allows monks to be in the world without going out of the cloister. Nevertheless, the introduction of this new media in monasteries also raises a lot of questions about the potential contradictions it poses with other aspects of monastic life. The paper seeks to research the use of the medium by monks and nuns even in their daily lives, and attempts especially to investigate the potential changes it brings to monastic life.
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Appleton, Naomi. "<i>Rewriting Buddhism: Pali Literature and Monastic Reform in Sri Lanka, 1157-1270</i>, by Alastair Gornall." Buddhist Studies Review 40, no. 1 (2023): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.26592.
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Klymov, Valeriy. "Ukrainian Orthodox Monasteries as a Factor in National History." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 20 (October 30, 2001): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2001.20.1184.
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In its nearly 1000-year history, the Ukrainian monastery as a specific religious institution, aimed at realizing the idea of a perfect Christian life through self-isolated forms of organization of life, experienced a rather complicated evolution. In Ukraine, this complexity has not always been dictated by the inherent development of monasticism itself (the monk in translation from Greek - solitary) or the peculiarities of the forms of organization of monastic life (anachormatism, slander, laurels, kinovies), and to a large extent determined by external non-monastic and extra-church factors.
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Spock, Jennifer B. "The Anchorite and the Cenobium." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 52, no. 2-3 (2018): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05202011.
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Abstract Solovki Monastery, founded in the first third of the fifteenth century, merged an idiorrhythmic monastic cell life within the community walls with a communal life of monastic labor, church services, and extensive economic activity by the beginning of the seventeenth century. The pious literature of the monastery’s saints’ lives promoted the ideals of both a life of community obedience to pious spiritual leaders, and of an eremitic life striving for stillness (hesychia). Tension between these two monastic ideals is evidenced in subtle ways in the major works of hagiography regarding the monastery’s founders, Zosima and Savatii, its well-known Hegumen Filipp (Kolychëv) and the life of Hegumen Irinarkh. However, a short, little-known Life of Nikifor highlights both tensions and symbiotic relations between the monks and nearby anchorites.