Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Money laundering (Islamic law)'

Anti-Money laundering legislation has become a major global issue, with nations and organisations under pressure to adhere and comply with strict control measures in place. The United States post 9/11 in league with other big Nations have been at the forefront of strict Anti-Money laundering initiatives, but a fair question to ask is how well the system is really doing? The implementation of the global AML framework is dependent upon the compliance of individual states, thereby making the presence of an adequate legal and institutional framework at national level a requisite requirement for an effective Anti-Money laundering system. Despite the incorporation of strict Anti-Money Laundering regulations into Nigerian laws, the misappropriation of Nigerian moneys, notably by public officials, has continued unabated. While the need for a concise and unambiguous harmonisation of international regulations cannot be overemphasised, and despite the concerted efforts in this regard, a trans-jurisdictional review by this researcher of both primary and secondary sources like conventions and academic literature have unearthed conceptual, legal, regulatory problems, as well as a seeming desire for theoretical, rather than practical compliance. In other words, global AML efforts seem more academic than practical. Accordingly, legal and regulatory reforms to International Anti-Money laundering initiatives can only be achieved with a proper appreciation of the culture and unique peculiarities of the receptive jurisdiction where emphasis is placed on the local environment rather than a mere response to International requirements for the sake of it. International AML regulations, and within this context, the FATF recommendations are meant for universal application, traversing the distinct quirks of diverse cultures, but the test here is its suitability or otherwise to the socio-cultural, political, economic and legal realities of Nigeria. The fleecing of Nigerian public moneys most notably by public officials has continued unabated despite the incorporation of strict AML laws.

Since the late 1980s, efforts made by the international community to deal with the complex and global problem of money laundering have stimulated the creation and definition of the so-called 'international crime of money laundering', which is included in various United Nations and Council of Europe international treaties, as well as European Union Directives. The Central purpose of this thesis is to investigate if the main goal of effectiveness in the adaptation of the international crime of money laundering at the domestic level, might undermine other values that international law is seeking to protect, namely the guarantee of due process and the adequate protection of human rights principles. Then, if the adoption of any element of the crime shows to be inconsistent with civil rights and guarantees, to propose how deficiencies could be remedied.

The Yukos case is known for its unprecedented character and complexity as a Russian corporate, tax and money laundering case. It continues to raise political and legal problems, both domestically and internationally, and has already become a symbol of the contemporary Russian political regime. This dissertation analyses in detail the criminal and corporate aspects of the case, and focuses mainly on the reasons for, and the development and implications of the embezzlement and money laundering case, which is known as the backbone of the Yukos Affair. The thesis is primarily based on a comparative analysis of the international academic findings, case law and the Russian data on the case. The dissertation also discusses in detail the political nature of the Yukos Affair, whilst attempting to show the substantive aspects of case. The findings of the dissertation highlight new types of risk that result from the politically motivated application of Russian anti money laundering legislation to the activities of the international corporate groups, which has been enacted on the basis of the internationally recognised principles. The paper also describes the nexus between the corporate tax evasion schemes, which have been widely used in Russia, and money laundering risks for corporations. Such a situation creates potentially unavoidable criminal risks for all corporate groups that have functioned in Russia over the recent decade. The thesis shows that the corporations, which invest directly and indirectly in the Russian economy, must be aware of the politically driven corporate criminal risks, which quite commonly are not reflected in the corporate disclosure data, and remain unnoticed by the investors. The paper is unique as reflects the personal experiences of the author as the longterm leading lawyer to the Yukos group and as the consultant on the Yukos-related cases.

Anti-Money Laundering has become the term for many stakeholders including Financial Institutions and law enforcement agencies that attempt to prevent the movement of money obtained from criminal activity. This research combines two important areas within the money laundering arena: Anti-Money Laundering preventative measures and Anti-Money Laundering Policy. This study aims to discover significant determinants that influence the current anti-money laundering policy (AML) by understanding the relationship between criminal activity, stakeholder activity and public policy. This research adopts a pragmatic approach which embraces the use of mixed methods. The strategy using mixed method (triangulation) approach for data collection increase the rigor and robustness of the research in terms of exploration, validation and confirmation of findings. From a pragmatic perspective a better understanding of the research problem could be achieved that overcomes complexities in the context of the research, such as access to key stakeholders. The research question “What are the factors that influence the effectiveness of AML policy implementation in the UK?” is answered using a four phase approach to data collection and analysis that incorporates theme identification from literature, focus group interviews, survey questionnaire and verification of factors through individual participation. The findings of the research point to three areas of activity that could be confirmed as areas in which policy changes can be applied. These are ‘sentencing’ as a deterrent to crime; ‘reporting regime’ for suspicious activity reports, and ‘criminal knowledge’ based on law enforcement tactics’. The methods used also provided an abundance of additional material that set the findings in their appropriate environment.

l'his study examines the problems faced in enforcing the criminal anti-money laundering measures. For this purpose, the laundering offence and confiscation measures, both domestically and internationally, are discussed and suggestions are made for methods of enforcing those measures in order to make effective the control of money laundering in emerging economies in general and Thailand in particular. In approaching this task, this thesis uses the UK and the US legislation and their case law as well as relevant international instruments as comparative reference points for identifying the problems in enforcement and for making suggestions thereto. The primary thesis is that states should design and enforce laundering and confiscation provisions in a manner that would overcome evidentiary problems relating to the proceeds of crime. Furthermore, states should provide for a flexible system of mutual assistance in confiscation matters that does not breach the legality principle. Both money laundering and confiscation measures target the criminal proceeds, which often originate in the form of "money". As money is fungible and has no specific identity, identifying it for the purpose of these measures is very difficult and, in some cases, even impossible. Unless these evidentiary problems are properly addressed, those measures would be ineffective. In relation to mutual assistance for confiscation purposes, many states have differences in ranges, approaches, and limitations on measures for investigation, preservation and confiscation. While those differences are only optional grounds for refusing assistance under the concerned international instruments, the provision of assistance in some cases is legally impossible, particularly due to the violation of the legality principle in the requested state. For the effectiveness of mutual assistance in confiscation matters, a system should therefore be structured in a way that makes it legal to provide assistance despite these differences. This study expounds this thesis in five chapters. Chapter I outlines the historical evolution of money laundering control. Chapters II and III examine the laundering offence and confiscation respectively. Chapter IV analyses international confiscation. In light of the fmdings in the previous chapters, Chapter V makes suggestions for the effective enforcement of the repressive measures in emerging economies more generally and in Thailand more particularly.

In order to help the fight against organised crime, particularly drug dealing, the problem of money laundering has become more significant.
The various techniques used by money launderers are also subject of this thesis. Through the many ways utilised to launder money, it shows how difficult it is to pinpoint what action is on the border of legality and what is not.
These difficulties become more apparent when precise analysis is made of the law as applied in both Switzerland and the U.S.A.
Neither approach has proven successful. On the contrary, the question of constitutionality of many rules becomes relevant. Many authors do not find the application of the laws easy from the point of view of constitutional law.
The present thesis suggests to review the present laws and redefine them in a simpler manner which makes them acceptable internationally.

Over the relatively short period of the last three decades, an extensive body of law, both penal and regulatory, has developed in order to prevent and to control th1s seemingly burgeoning phenomenon of money laundering. Initial examination of this body of law immediately reveals that it is a legal order that pushes against the traditional frameworks of criminal justice. For example, this new legal order persistently rings "alarm bells" regarding its compatibility with such fundamental principles as the presumption of innocence, the principle of legality, the immunity against double jeopardy, and the rights to privacy especially financial privacy. It also blurs the public nature of policing, the prosecutorial burden of proof and the jurisdictional territoriality of criminal law. Its formation at the international level shows strong signs of supranationalism that challenges State sovereignty and the principle of consent in international law. This tension between money laundering law and traditional legal principles poses two related questions: (1) What is the reason for this apparent exceptionality of money laundering law?; and (2) How could the tension between law and principle be resolved? As conventional wisdom has it, understanding the law can-not be disassociated from its social context. Certainly, understanding money laundering law is only possible through an understanding of the process of social change that shaped it. During these past three decades "globalisation" characterised the process of social change that has been gathering momentum. It is this context that has instigated and shaped money laundering law. Globalisation has been propelled by both rapid technological innovation that rendered massive instantaneous communication possible as well as extensive processes of de-regulation and liberalisation. The combined effect of these developments was the emergence of non-state actors that operate across national borders and master substantial economic and informational power. Meanwhile, the State, as the primary agency of governance, has remained jurisdictionally territorial while becoming less dominantly powerful. Both features have resulted in a "governance crisis" and has turned globalisation into a "legal problematic. " The core thesis that emerges from this contextual analysis is that money laundering law is a response to globalisation as a legal problematic. As a solution, it employs six modalities of governance: de- glob alisation, extraterritorialisation, harmonisation, co-operation, privatisation and supranatinl-ql--,] -iq---ti,o, n, which are characterised by deviation from traditional legal principles. In terms of its modalities and their characteristics, money laundering law is not a unique response to the legal problematic. It is part of a current and general trend in legal governance. Resolving the tension between this trend and traditional legal principles is a two-way process that involves revising both the law and the principles. In presenting this thesis, the volume will be organised into seven chapters. Following ail introductory Chapter, Chapters Two and Three will analyse the legislative policy underlying money laundering law by conducting contextual and historical analysis. Chapters Four, Five and Six will expound upon the six modalities utilised by money laundering law to address the governance problem posed by globalisation. Finally, Chapter Seven will sum up the argument and suggest some direction for the future.

This thesis critically appraises the disruptive effect of the law and practice relating to ML in the US and the UK on money laundering. This thesis concludes that the law and practice relating to ML in both jurisdictions do not disrupt ML. This thesis consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 introduces this work. It is this chapter that provides the synopsis of the whole work chapter by chapter. Chapter 2 critically analyses the law relating to ML in the US, which includes the main ML statutes – BSA 1970, MLCA 1986 and the Patriot Act 2001. In addition, chapter 2 also critically analyses other US laws that have application in disrupting ML. Chapter 3 critically examines the law relevant to ML in the UK. This chapter critically appraises the AML law under POCA 2002 and under MLR, the proceeds of crime law under POCA 2002, as well as other alternative laws that can be used to disrupt ML. The CFA 2017 enacted in April amended POCA substantially. Thus, this Chapter also analysis the major CFA provisions. The analysis in Chapters 2 and 3 reveals the weak links in the main AML statutes and the limits of the other laws regarding their application to ML offences. Chapter 4 critically analyses the practice relating to ML in the US and UK. This chapter focuses on issues relating to AML compliance, which consists of a set of AML practices, which the law requires regulated persons to establish and maintain for the disruption of ML. Chapter 5 critically evaluates the effectiveness of the law and practice in disrupting ML and TF in both jurisdictions. Based on the analysis in chapters 2, 3, and 4, and also 4 based on the views of scholars in this field, Chapter 5 concludes that the AML law and practice do not disrupt ML and TF. The concluding chapter – Chapter 6 – first explores factors that militate against the law and practice relating to ML. It then suggests how (through the UWO and whistleblowing) the UK and US AML law could be strengthened. The law in both jurisdictions provides protection to whistleblowers. However, it is only the UK that has UWOs in its statute book. Even in the UK, the UWOs are just introduced by CFA 2017.

La presente tesi non è solo l’esito di una ricerca su un precetto giuridico controverso, ma è anche la narrazione di un processo personale di scoperta, che a partire dallo studio di una specifica norma ha fatto emergere la complessità delle interazioni nell’ambito delle politiche in materia penale, economica, e finanziaria. Partendo da un approccio microsociologico focalizzato sull’analisi di una determinata norma penale, il reato di riciclaggio,1 la ricerca ha dovuto confrontarsi con temi di interesse macrosociologico, al fine di inserire l’analisi della legge all’interno di un contesto più ampio di politiche nazionali, europee e internazionali, di attori e di governance transnazionale. Per mantenere la scientificità dell’elaborato ho omesso di esprimere opinioni personali sui temi, talvolta di carattere fortemente politico, e ho cercato, invece, di presentare aspetti critici e discussioni aperte fornendo una visione completa e imparziale delle contrastanti argomentazioni in modo da lasciare il lettore libero di trarre le proprie conclusioni. Il riciclaggio di denaro sporco è il processo tramite cui a proventi di reati viene data un’apparenza di essere stati guadagnati in modo illecito. È un reato tipico della cosiddetta ‘zona grigia’, poiché avviene al confine tra la sfera della legalità e quella dell’illegalità. Nel momento in cui profitti realizzati illecitamente si mescolano ai flussi di denaro lecito è molto difficile discernere ciò che ha un’origine legale da ciò che è stato guadagnato illegalmente. Il reato di riciclaggio di denaro sporco è stato introdotto proprio per affrontare questa difficoltà ed impedire che le strutture legittime dell’economia e della finanza globale venissero abusate da trasgressori al fine di ripulire i proventi di reato. Infatti i flussi di denaro sporco utilizzano spesso gli stessi canali usati per le transazioni lecite; la loro riuscita dipende dalla cooperazione di professionisti quali avvocati commerciali, agenti finanziari, commercialisti, la cui reputazione è raramente sospetta. Data questa promiscuità spesso la gravità del fenomeno è sottovalutata dal pubblico che non ha gli strumenti per riconoscerne la pericolosità, anche a causa dell’assenza di vittime dirette. Dall’altra parte le stime sulla quantità di proventi di reato riciclati a livello mondiale (che oscillano tra il 2,5 % e il 5,5 % del PIL globale) richiamano l’attenzione su quella che Dalla Chiesa definisce la mitologia del volume dell’economia criminale,2 e una parte della letteratura descrive il riciclaggio come il lato oscuro della globalizzazione,3 e come uno dei maggiori problemi dell’era moderna.4 Con questa ricerca ho voluto mettere in discussione l’efficacia del reato di riciclaggio nel far fronte al fenomeno dell’infiltrazione dei flussi di denaro sporco nell’economia lecita. Sebbene la pratica di nascondere i proventi di reato in modo da evitare la persecuzione giudiziaria risalga probabilmente a molto tempo addietro, il concetto giuridico di riciclaggio è relativamente recente ed è stato introdotto nei codici penali nella maggior parte del mondo a partire dalla fine degli anni 80.5 Nel frattempo un gran numero di autori si è scagliato contro la scarsa efficacia delle legislazione anti-riciclaggio6, nonostante le innumerevoli novità introdotte e i cospicui ammendamenti che hanno in larga parte espanso il campo di applicazione della normativa. La decisione di scegliere il contesto tedesco come caso di studio deriva dal fatto che il paese è considerato avere un rischio particolarmente alto di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Secondo il rapporto emesso dal 2010 dal GAFI (Groupe d'Action Financière), dal FMI (Fondo Monetario Internazionale) e dall’OCSE (Organizzazione per la Cooperazione e lo Sviluppo economico)7 ci sono alcuni fattori che rendono la Germania propensa ad essere usata al fine di riciclaggio di denaro sporco: il volume del sistema economico-finanziario, la locazione strategica al centro dell’Unione Europea con forti legami internazionali, l’uso diffuso di denaro contante,8 l’apertura delle frontiere, la vastità del settore informale, l’importante ruolo a livello di economia globale, e il coinvolgimento nei flussi di denaro transfrontalieri. Anche i media, a partire soprattutto dalla pubblicazione del citato rapporto, hanno attirato l’attenzione del pubblico sul fenomeno, descrivendo la Germania come “paradiso” o “Eldorado” per i riciclatori. Alcuni recenti scandali hanno visto coinvolte prominenti banche tedesche, come la Deutsche Bank, la Commerybank e l’Hyopovereinsbank, contro cui procure straniere hanno sollevato l’accusa di riciclaggio di denaro sporco.9 La legislazione in atto, ed in particolare l’articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco, non sembra essere sufficientemente efficace per contrastare il fenomeno, nonostante gli abbondanti emendamenti e il continuo processo di aggiornamento e di espansione del campo di applicazione della norma. Al fine di spiegare questa per lo meno apparente incapacità della norma di fare fronte al fenomeno del riciclaggio, ho costruito l’ipotesi di ricerca sulla base delle teorie sociologico-giuridiche relative all’efficacia del diritto, alle funzioni manifeste e latenti delle norme e quindi alle intenzioni espresse e non dal legislatore, all’efficacia simbolica del diritto e di singole legislazioni e all’impatto, inteso come comprensivo degli effetti indesiderati o collaterali. L’ipotesi di ricerca è che la norma esplichi una funzione simbolica di allineamento dell’ordinamento nazionale a quello europeo e transnazionale, di compromesso tra gli interessi politici in gioco, e di creazione di consenso pubblico verso il legislatore per essersi occupato della questione. Si ipotizza che il legislatore abbia quindi consapevolmente accettato o addirittura scelto di formulare una norma strumentalmente poco efficace, ma simbolicamente capace di raggiungere i suoi obiettivi latenti. Si solleva inoltre l’ipotesi che la norma sia stata appositamente approvata con lo scopo di non modificare lo status quo delle relazioni e strutture economiche, e di permettere quindi l’ingresso di capitali sporchi nel paese, sulla base del motto pecunia non olet. La suddetta ipotesi viene parzialmente smentita dai risultati della ricerca empirica. La ricostruzione del processo di produzione legislativa mette in risalto l’esistenza di svariati e contrastanti interessi e della forte pressione esercitata dagli organismi internazionali per l’introduzione e lo sviluppo del reato di riciclaggio, e conferma, quindi, l’argomentazione che la norma sia stata approvata in un contesto di pressione politica esterna e di necessità di trovare un compromesso tra diverse parti politiche. Anche l’analisi degli aspetti problematici dell’articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco messi in risalto dalla dottrina supporta l’ipotesi della simbolicità della norma. Il fatto che il legislatore abbia formulato un reato così complesso crea evidenti problemi di integrazione dello stesso all’interno del sistema penale tedesco, e quindi di accettazione da parte degli studiosi e potenzialmente da parte degli operatori del diritto. Inoltre, la scelta di costruire un reato così complesso riflette la necessità di venire a compromesso con opposti interessi, ma potrebbe essere anche essere interpretata come un disinteresse al raggiungimento di un’efficacia materiale. La ricerca empirica sull’implementazione dell’articolo 261, invece, smentisce l’idea che la norma abbia un’efficacia puramente simbolica. Infatti il numero di condanne, di investigazioni, ed in generale l’uso ricorrente della legge riscontrato nelle statistiche criminali provano che essa conduca ad effetti strumentali, oltre che simbolici. Inoltre, nella prospettiva di alcuni degli operatori del diritto e degli esperti intervistati, l’articolo 261 è percepito come una norma particolarmente efficiente, sia in relazione alle quote di chiarimento, che come strumento di demarcazione tra comportamenti leciti e illeciti, in un contesto di deregolamentazione del settore finanziario. Da un’analisi piè ravvicinata delle statistiche e di altri rapporti emessi da enti internazionali e nazionali emerge però un quadro non così univoco: La norma sembra colpire più le vittime dei network criminali che operano a livello transnazionale che gli autori, perché spesso i colpevoli sono coinvolti in transazioni sospette in cambio di guadagni monetari. Le cospicue indagini finanziarie non riescono a raggiungere coloro che operano dietro gli esecutori dei reati minori, ed infatti la maggior parte di esse si concludono senza una condanna per riciclaggio. Questo a fronte di un volume di denaro sporco circolante nel paese che rimane allarmante, secondo alcuni degli studi analizzati. Se da una parte i risultati dell’applicazione della norma, sebbene strumentali, non possono considerarsi soddisfacenti, perché non sono riusciti ad evitare l’ingresso di capitali illeciti nell’economia nazionale, dall’altra parte sembra che l’esistenza di interessi profondamente contrastanti in gioco renda quasi impossibile la formulazione di un reato piè efficace. La tesi è composta da cinque capitoli, un’introduzione e una conclusione. Nel primo capitolo espongo le teorie sociologiche adottate per la valutazione di efficacia della norma e il metodo della ricerca. Inizialmente richiamo concetti di efficacia forniti da discipline affini alla sociologia del diritto - tra cui per esempio il concetto di efficienza e di efficienza indipendente rispetto allo scopo (zielunhabhängige Effizienz) riferito agli apparati amministrativi - che torneranno utili per l'interpretazione dei risultati delle interviste. Successivamente procedo con una panoramica sulle definizioni di efficacia del diritto fornite in sociologia del diritto, sulla ci base adotto una nozione “elastica” -riprendendola da Ferrari- di efficacia di una norma che guarda alle funzioni della norma e alle intenzioni del legislatore, in una prospettiva “intenzionalistica”: “la corrispondenza fra un disegno politico di utilizzo di uno strumento normativo e i suoi effetti”. Tale nozione, oltre a prestarsi ad un'analisi critica del diritto, fornisce indicazioni utili per l'analisi empirica dell'efficacia della legge in questione. In particolare ritengo utile considerare le seguenti variabili: le intenzioni latenti e manifeste del legislatore, gli scopi diretti e ed indiretti, l'eventuale efficacia simbolica del diritto, l'implementazione, la ricezione della norma nel senso di accettazione nel sistema giuridico e di interpretazione e percezione da parte degli operatori giuridici. Nella seconda parte si evidenzia il rilievo di tali variabili con riferimento specifico al diritto penale. In conclusione, sulla base delle riflessioni teoriche, formulo l’ipotesi sull’efficacia simbolica del reato di riciclaggio nell’ordinamento tedesco, che verrà poi verificata nei capitoli successivi. Nello specifico, presumendo che il reato di riciclaggio, introdotto come strumento fondamentale della lotta alla criminalità organizzata, così com'è formulato non adempie agli scopi dichiarati, nonostante gli innumerevoli emendamenti finalizzati proprio ad aumentarne l'efficacia, ipotizzo un'efficacia simbolica della norma, introdotta per offrire un'immagine di efficienza al pubblico (elettori). Inoltre sollevo l'ipotesi che la norma sia stata emanata appositamente inefficace per neutralizzarne le aspirazioni di punizione delle condotte illecite tipiche dei colletti bianchi, in una lettura moderna del conflitto sociale che avviene tramite l'emanazione di norme, con la volontà di decriminalizzare secondariamente comportamenti tipici delle classi forti. Nel secondo capitolo analizzo il processo legislativo a livello internazionale, europeo e nazionale. Il processo che ha portato alla creazione del reato di riciclaggio a livello internazionale viene ricostruito tramite dichiarazioni di intenti degli attori partecipanti, opinioni pubblicate, trascrizioni dei dibattiti parlamentari. Una particolare attenzione è posta sulle diverse intenzioni degli attori che hanno partecipato alla formulazione del reato. Il processo legislativo che ha portato alla formulazione dell'attuale legislazione anti-riciclaggio è un processo complesso, in cui diversi attori partecipanti hanno contribuito con differenti aspettative e dunque attribuendo diverse funzioni alla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio. Al fine di permettere svariate interpretazioni del dettato normativo in modo da soddisfare i differenti bisogni, e con lo scopo di trovare un compromesso tra gli interessi divergenti, il reato di riciclaggio è stato formulato in modo vago. Mentre alcuni Stati (ad esempio la Francia) inizialmente sostenevano l'introduzione del reato con lo scopo di combattere i paradisi fiscali e rafforzare la lotta all'evasione fiscale, altri Stati, come la Svizzera, hanno accettato di firmare l'accordo internazionale sulla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio solo a condizione che l'evasione fiscale non fosse inserito nella lista dei reati antecedenti. Con la nascita del GAFI la policy viene usata allo scopo di difendere l'integrità del sistema finanziario dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito e dal 2001 si aggiunge la funzione di lotta al finanziamento del terrorismo. Tramite la soft law emanata dal GAFI per la prevenzione del riciclaggio, si trasferiscono compiti solitamente pubblici al settore privato: banche e istituti finanziari devono segnalare alla polizia ogni transazione sospetta, devono raccogliere e mantenere informazioni sui clienti e verificare le identità dei clienti. L'Unione Europea finora ha emanato quattro direttive nell'ambito del riciclaggio, l'ultima risale al 20 maggio 2015. Inizialmente la CE non aveva competenza in ambito penale, perciò la materia riciclaggio fu assorbita nella sfera economica (DG Economia e industria). La funzione dichiarata dal legislatore è la protezione del mercato interno, con particolare riguardo al fatto che i criminali possano sfruttare la libera circolazione dei capitali e l'eliminazione delle frontiere. Le direttive esprimono anche la volontà di impedire agli stati membri di emanare regolamentazioni che possano bloccare il libero mercato al fine di difendere le proprie economie dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito. Emerge dunque un ulteriore conflitto di interessi. Nella seconda parte ricostruisco il processo legislativo e le evoluzioni interne alla Germania fino al momento della scrittura e fornisco il quadro del sistema repressivo e di prevenzione anti-riciclaggio. L'articolo 261 StGB è stato introdotto con legge Gesetz zur Bekämpfung des illegalen Rauschgifthandels und anderer Erscheinungsformen der Organisierten Kriminalität, quindi nell'ambito della lotta alla criminalità organizzata. Il dibattito parlamentare rileva che la norma è il frutto di un compromesso sotto diversi aspetti, non ultimo il fatto che è stata emanata del 1992, a pochi anni dalla riunificazione, e che quindi è parte del processo di negoziazione per la formazione di un diritto penale adattabile alle due culture giuridiche. Il legislatore tedesco evidenzia alcune funzioni della norma: la lotta al consumo di eroina e al traffico di stupefacenti, la diffusione e la pericolosità della mafia alla luce dei fatti recenti italiani, la volontà di proteggere l'amministrazione della giustizia e di isolare i criminali puntando alla criminalizzazione dei cosiddetti gate-keepers. Nel terzo capitolo individuo alcuni dei problemi sollevati dalla dottrina tedesca sul piano teorico con riferimento alla criminalizzazione del reato di riciclaggio nel contesto del sistema penale tedesco. Uno dei temi più discussi è relativo al bene giuridico protetto. La dottrina non ha ancora trovato un accordo su quale interesse sia protetto dall'articolo 261 StGB, le ipotesi sono: gli interessi dei reati antecedenti, l'amministrazione della giustizia, il sistema finanziario e la sicurezza. La vaghezza del dettato normativo non aiuta a trovare un interpretazione dottrinale univoca. La questione del bene giuridico protetto, lungi dall'essere una mera questione teorica, risente delle diverse funzioni attribuite alla norma dagli attori partecipanti al processo legislativo. Finora la giurisprudenza, che pur è intervenuta a chiarire altre questioni relative alla norma, non è intervenuta sul tema. Un altro tema su cui il dibattito è ancora aperto è il fatto di aver previsto al comma 5 l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, in controtendenza rispetto al legislatore europeo. Questo, secondo alcuni studiosi porta all'assurdo per cui anche il panettiere Tizio che vende del pane ad un evasore fiscale Caio potendo aver riconosciuto che Caio fosse un evasore, si rende colpevole di riciclaggio. La questione del livello di mens rea richiesto per una condanna per riciclaggio era sorta anche durante il dibattito parlamentare e l'introduzione del comma 5 è stato sostenuto da un emendamento della SPD che avrebbe voluto criminalizzare anche l'ipotesi di colpa lievissima. Questo, secondo la CDU avrebbe messo un freno al mercato e alle transazioni, poiché avrebbe costituito una minaccia per chiunque avesse intrapreso operazioni economiche. Essendo la funzione della norma incerta, la dottrina si divide tra chi sostiene che questa vasta criminalizzazione faccia perdere il senso del reato che sarebbe invece colpire i criminali che agiscono con intento, e chi invece sostiene che la norma abbia lo scopo di impedire qualsiasi infiltrazione di denaro illecito e quindi richieda una responsabilizzazione di tutti colori i quali prendano parte in operazioni finanziarie o economiche. Ancora una volta l'indeterminatezza del precetto legislativo è di ostacolo ad un'interpretazione univoca. Il quarto capitolo offre un’analisi qualitativa delle statistiche officiali sull’implementazione della legge dal 1992 ad oggi da parte delle istanze repressive e di prevenzione. Tra i dati analizzati i più rilevanti sono per esempio il numero di segnalazioni di transazioni sospette ricevuto dalle procure, il numero delle investigazioni condotte, il numero di condanne effettivamente inflitte ed eseguite e per quale delle ipotesi di riciclaggio, il volume di denaro confiscato. Essendo tali numeri indici del funzionamento del sistema penale e non del fenomeno del riciclaggio per sé, in conclusione si confrontano tali statistiche con le stime sul volume di flussi illeciti in Germania. Tale analisi, non potendo dare conto del numero dei reati evitati, sulla base dell'efficacia deterrente della norma, non intende esaurire il giudizio di efficacia della legislazione. Tra i risultati più rilevanti vi sono il fatto che il 60% delle persone condannate vengono condannate per l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, che solitamente consiste in casi in cui una persona poco abbiente ha accettato di far usare il proprio conto a terzi per operazioni sospette in cambio di un guadagno. Nel 5% dei casi le condanne sono inflitte per le ipotesi aggravate di commissione da membro di un'associazione criminale o in forma commerciale. Nel 90% dei casi le transazioni sospette segnalate alle procure portano a una chiusura dei procedimenti per mancanza di indizi che possano sostenere un rinvio a giudizio. La norma sembra colpire delinquenti minori e non grandi gruppi criminali, né altri delinquenti più potenti. Si ipotizza inoltre che l'incapacità di sostenere un rinvio a giudizio nonostante le informazioni acquisite e le indagini preliminari riduce la capacità deterrente della norma e permette, invece, ai criminali di conoscere le modalità di funzionamento del sistema repressivo e agire di conseguenza. Inoltre, le transazioni sospette sono segnalate nel circa 90% dei casi sa parte di istituti di credito, mentre gli altri enti obbligati dalla legislazione non sembrano partecipare attivamente al processo preventivo, in particolare il settore forense e immobiliare e del gioco d'azzardo. Sulla base di questi dati si ipotizza un effetto spill-over, ossia un trasferimento di illegalità dai settori più controllati a quelli meno controllati. I rapporti pubblicati dalla polizia, invece, considerano l'articolo 261 StGB come una norma con una delle più alte quote di chiarimento (ca 90%), quota calcolata sul numero di casi chiariti dal sistema penale, a prescindere dalle modalità di chiarimento. Per quanto riguardo il volume di denaro riciclato, il capitolo richiama alcune delle stime pubblicate da diversi enti, tra cui il Fondo Monetario Internazionale, il GAFI e la polizia criminale federale. Essendo il fenomeno del riciclaggio un campo in cui la cifra oscura è stimata essere molto alta, tali dati non possono essere presi come misura obiettiva del fenomeno. Infine il capitolo si conclude richiamando alcune analisi del tipo costi-benefici per misurare l'efficacia delle politiche anti-riciclaggio o alcune delle sue norme, condotte da enti terzi. Tali analisi sembrano concordare nel considerare i costi di implementazione della politica più alti rispetto ai benefici conseguenti. Nel quinto capitolo, infine, vengono discussi i risultati della ricerca empirica con gli operatori giuridici e con alcuni osservatori privilegiati, in modo da fornire una prospettiva interna sul funzionamento della norma. Tramite le interviste condotte si mettono in luce aspetti della prassi giuridica non fotografati dalle statistiche, allo scopo di offrire un’immagine dell’impatto della legge quanto più vicina possibile alla realtà. La ricerca empirica si avvale di interviste con operatori del diritto e con osservatori privilegiati che siedono in posizioni ministeriali rilevanti nella lotta al riciclaggio. La metodologia adottata è di tipo qualitativo, è stato fatto uso di interviste semi-strutturate a operatori del diritto e a osservatori privilegiati. Il capitolo presenta le percezioni degli intervistati su quattro temi principalmente: la dimensione del fenomeno del riciclaggio, l'adeguatezza tecnica della legislazione, i conflitti di interesse intrinseci alla legge e sorti dall'applicazione della norma e l'efficacia delle legge. A fronte di un rapporto emesso da quattro ONG nel novembre 2013, sulla base di statistiche prodotte dall'UNODC e dal Fondo Monetario Internazionale, e immediatamente riprese dai media, che descrive il paese come “Eldorado” per i riciclatori,10 le interviste sono dirette a cogliere l'opinione dei rispondenti sulle dimensioni del fenomeno del riciclaggio in Germania. Un intervistato ritiene inaccettabile desumere dal PIL tedesco il volume di affari del crimine organizzato nel paese, e obietta che non si possa, sulla base del giro d'affari del centro finanziario di Francoforte, definire lo stesso come centro di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Un altro intervistato, dichiara, al contrario, che sicuramente il fatto che la Germania abbia un'economia stabile ed un settore bancario affidabile attiri coloro che vogliano investire proventi illeciti, neppure quest'ultimo possiede, però, dati affidabili sulla quantità di denaro riciclato. Il riciclaggio, come altri fenomeni legati alla criminalità organizzata, è una fattispecie che per definizione sfugge alle autorità e ai confini nazionali. Lo scopo dello stesso è nascondere proventi di reato e sottrarli in questo modo al sistema repressivo, questo è sicuramente un elemento che rende complessa, se non impossibile, la sua quantificazione. D'altra parte, osservano i soggetti intervistati autori del Rapporto del 2013, l'incapacità di fornire statistiche rilevanti dopo più di 20 anni di lotta al riciclaggio, sembra essere un sintomo di una carente volontà politica nel contrastare efficacemente il fenomeno. Secondo gli osservatori privilegiati se la Germania fosse davvero un paradiso per i riciclatori, ciò non sarebbe collegabile ad un deficit legislativo, dato l'impegno del governo nella lotta al riciclaggio, negando, quindi, l'accusa rivolta dai media per cui i criminali sceglierebbero il paese tedesco ai fini di riciclaggio di denaro sporco sulla base delle lacune normative. Agli intervistati è stato chiesto di evidenziare aspetti positivi e problematici della legislazione. Tra i più rilevanti vi sono: la necessità di bilanciare il bisogno di punire la condotta di riciclaggio e rispettare i principi fondamentali del sistema giuridico, il disinteresse da parte degli istituti finanziari nell'indagare l'origine del capitale investito dai clienti, anche in caso di sospetto di provenienza criminale, a causa della possibile conseguente perdita di reputazione nell'ipotesi di apertura di investigazioni da parte delle autorità sul cliente sospetto. Vi è poi una difficoltà materiale nel condurre indagini finanziarie, che spesso, conducono a condotte illecite commesse all'estero; sul punto si osserva che le condotte di riciclaggio, intese come operazioni atte ad ostacolare la provenienza delittuosa, non avvengono su territorio tedesco, bensì all'estero, il denaro che entra in Germania, è, quindi, già “pulito”. Inoltre, l’articolo 261 è stato introdotto nel sistema tedesco come trasposizione di una direttiva Europea e non rifletteva una necessità interna dello Stato; la formulazione così vaga, infatti, si presta più per il sistema giuridico degli Stati Uniti, in cui non vige l'obbligo dell'azione penale, mentre in Germania, dove i pubblici ministeri hanno l'obbligo di azione penale, tale norma porta ad iniziare numerose indagini senza avere la capacità di proseguirle. In generale, gli intervistati rappresentanti dei Ministeri rilevano la forte pressione subita da parte del GAFI e dell'Unione Europea per l'emanazione della legge anti-riciclaggio e concordano nel dire che se la norma fosse stata creata sulla base di una necessità e di un dibattito nazionale sarebbe stata scritta diversamente. C'è chi individua nel sistema penale le cause di inefficacia dell'articolo 261, nello specifico, la limitata possibilità di effettuare intercettazioni telefoniche, le restrizioni in materia di inversione dell'onere probatorio, e lo scarso utilizzo della confisca dei proventi di reato a causa del disinteresse da parte delle procure (gestite a livello di Bundesländer) nell'investire risorse in tal senso dato che i beni confiscati non resterebbero in mano al Bundesland ma verrebbero raccolti in un fondo federale e poi spartiti. Si osserva una generale mancanza di risorse pubbliche che porta ad una carenza di personale coinvolto nelle investigazioni e, quindi, ad una incapacità di far fronte ai processi in corso in modo efficace. Per questo motivo, i pm non hanno la capacità di indagare più a fondo casi di riciclaggio all'apparenza semplici, ma che potrebbero portare alla luce organizzazioni criminali operanti nell'ombra. Alla totalità degli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'efficacia della legge. L'articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco è stato definito da un soggetto “una legge scritta in modo indecente, che produce risultati banali sul piano delle statistiche criminali, soprattutto con riferimento alle condanne per riciclaggio in grossi casi di criminalità economica”. Il reato è così difficile da provare in giudizio, che risulta facile, per la difesa, sfruttare le lacune legislative per evitare una condanna per riciclaggio. I rappresentanti dei Ministeri confermano che la lettera dell'articolo 261 crea confusioni e che quindi l'accusa, pur trovandosi di fronte ad un caso di riciclaggio spesso preferisca perseguire i delitti presupposto. Questo non è, però, un sintomo di inefficacia, dato che l'effettività a cui mira il Ministero dell'interno non è data dal numero di condanne per riciclaggio, ma dal numero di casi risolti, e quindi dal numero di condanne in generale, a prescindere dall'imputazione. D'opinione opposta un altro intervistato che ritiene che l'articolo 261 non abbia alcuna capacità deterrente nei confronti della criminalità organizzata, “la norma ricorre così raramente nella prassi giudiziaria che di fatto non rappresenta una “minaccia” per i potenziali criminali”. I soggetti intervistati esprimono più soddisfazione a riguardo della legislazione di prevenzione (GWG); in particolare, con riferimento alle piccole e medie imprese, per le quali è difficile riconoscere tra i partner commerciali coloro i quali investono denaro di provenienza illecita, la possibilità di affidarsi alle autorità investigative, in caso di sospetto è fondamentale. Un avvocato specializzato in compliance per società, descrive la norma preventiva come molto efficace e severa, tanto che è impossibile per le aziende, specialmente per quelle di medie o piccole dimensioni, adempiere a tutti gli obblighi prescritti dalla norma, ma, egli osserva, l'efficacia del sistema sta proprio nel fatto che le autorità di controllo, consapevoli dell'elevata rigorosità della legge, chiudono un occhio di fronte a lievi inadempienze. Una legge meno severa e un controllo più fiscale non otterrebbero la stessa efficacia, perché la norma non avrebbe lo stesso potenziale deterrente. L'efficacia all'interno delle amministrazioni responsabili per la lotta al riciclaggio è interpretata come efficienza dell'apparato, per questo motivo, non ci sono verifiche sull'efficacia degli strumenti giuridici sulla base degli scopi dichiarati, quanto piuttosto sulla correttezza del funzionamento dell'amministrazione e sulle possibilità di migliorarlo; il punto è capire come migliorare, non se il sistema sia efficace o no. Agli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'eventuale efficacia simbolica della legislazione. La maggioranza delle risposte è stata negativa, gli sforzi compiuti da parte dello Stato -e quindi delle procure, della autorità competenti e della polizia- nel contrastare il riciclaggio e la criminalità economica non possono essere considerati simbolici. Alcuni intervistati ritengono assolutamente necessaria e strumentale – e quindi non simbolica- l'esistenza del reato nel codice penale come demarcazione di illegalità di tali condotte e come strumento atto a contrastare la criminalità economica perché mette in chiaro entro quali limiti le società possano perseguire profitti in modo legittimo. Di opinione diversa, invece, gli avvocati penalisti i quali si sono detti favorevoli a tale definizione sulla base dello scarso numero di condanne e soprattutto sulla mancata previsione da parte del Governo di mezzi adeguati per l'implementazione della legislazione. Lo stesso è osservato dal terzo settore, il quale sostiene che, a fronte di una legge complessa, oggetto di svariati emendamenti nel corso degli anni, non c'è stato un sufficiente impegno sul versante dell'implementazione; il coinvolgimento del GAFI e dell'OECD nella lotta al riciclaggio è percepito come un modo per creare posti di lavoro e nuove figure professionali, più che un'arena dove discutere efficaci strumenti di lotta ai reati economici. Altri elementi interessanti riscontrabili nelle interviste sono i conflitti di interessi che emergono dall'applicazione delle leggi anti-riciclaggio. Tra essi, vi è il dibattito tra il Ministero dell'Interno e quello di Giustizia in riferimento all'adeguatezza dello strumento penalistico nel contrastare la criminalità economica, dibattito già affrontato dalla dottrina, a cui, però finora, non è stata data una risposta univoca. Da una parte il Ministero dell'Interno auspica un intervento giuridico più deciso, che, per esempio, ricomprenda il reato di riciclaggio nella responsabilità penale degli enti (non ancora esistente in Germania) e sollecita una svolta politica generale in tema di criminalità economica dalla deregolazione del mercato finanziario all'intervento dello Stato in ambito economico ai fini di chiarire i comportamenti leciti e quelli illeciti. Dall'altra parte, il Ministero della Giustizia considera erroneo il ricorso al diritto penale ai fini di risolvere problemi di tipo economico o finanziario e cerca di frenare la tendenza moderna alla proliferazione penale, a favore di un intervento di tipo preventivo-sociale. A tal proposito, si osserva che agli incontri del GAFI a cui partecipano i rappresentanti dei Ministeri di Giustizia, coloro che provino a richiamare l'attenzione sulla necessità di rispettare i principi fondamentali costituzionali e di limitare l'intervento penale a tutela dei cittadini, vengano tacciati di non voler combattere la criminalità organizzata in modo efficace. In conclusione riapro la prospettiva a livello globale ed inserisco il reato di riciclaggio in una riflessione più ampia sulla governace finanziaria. In una prospettiva storica di analisi delle politiche economiche recenti si osserva come vi sia stata una tendenza a deregolare il mercato per mano delle istanze tradizionali pubbliche, e al contempo un aumento di strumenti transnazionali di cosiddetta soft-law che si sono fatti portatori di interessi particolari. Finché questa conflittualità non verrà risolta sarà impossibile impedire il riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Con particolare riferimento al contesto europeo, si prende atto che è stato molto più facile chiudere le frontiere per le persone fisiche e non a quelle giuridiche o ai capitali.
This paper aims to question the sociolegal1 effectiveness of the money laundering offence.2 The literature that assesses the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering system is abundant. While most of it does not question the regime’s goals this paper takes a step back and critically looks at the law-making process. In addition, while most studies have assessed the effectiveness of anti-money laundering law by looking at statistical outcomes, this paper takes a step forward and tries to explain those statistics by looking at legal praxis and at indirect effects. The significance of the research derives from the insertion of the analysis on money laundering offence in a broader political, economic and historical context. The methodology adopted is qualitative, with the intended purpose of underlining the complexity of the issue tackled, rather than reducing it through a quantitative approach. While most of the existing literature has quantitatively assessed the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering regimes on the basis of statistical data and other quantitative indexes and has tried to reduce the complexity of the issue by measuring it numerically, this research adopts a qualitative methodology, which instead highlights the entanglement and the different perspectives on the question. Money laundering is the process of giving profits originated illegally an appearance of having been made lawfully.3 Due to the tightening of economic criminal policies that limit the possibility of integrating ill-gotten gains in the legitimate economy, offenders have developed more and more complex methods and subterfuges to launder proceeds of crime, so the rise of a proper 'money laundering industry' (industria del riciclaggio) is mentioned.4 The total volume of money laundered is estimated to amount to between 2,5 and 5, 5 % of the world GDP.5 Due to the borderline nature of money laundering, which happens between the so-called 'legitimate economy' and the 'dirty economy', and thus involves different actors such as banks, the financial sector, certain professions and businesses, offenders, victims and law enforcement agencies, the legal response needs to compromise with all the various economic, political, social and financial interests at play. Furthermore, where legitimate business intermingles with illegal business and legitimate funds with illicit funds, it is very difficult to distinguish what is legal from what is not. The criminalisation of money laundering was specifically supposed to tackle this fine line. The goal of this research is to assess whether the choice of criminalising money laundering has been effective to tackle this fine line. In order to assess the impact of the domestic implementation of the existing legal framework, the research uses a case study that specifically questions the effectiveness of the money laundering offence in the German national criminal legal system. The interest in the German case derives from the fact that, according to the IMF, the OECD and the FATF, Germany might have 'a higher risk profile for large scale money laundering than many other countries'.6 There are some factors identified as enablers of money laundering activities, such as the large economy and financial centre, the strategical location in the middle of Europe, with strong international links, the substantial proceeds of the crime environment involving organised crime operating in most profit generating criminal spheres, the open borders, the large informal sector and a high use of cash, the large and sophisticated economy and financial sector, the important role in world trade, and finally the involvement in large volumes of cross-border trade and financial flows. The media have kept on reporting the fact that Germany is an ideal country, or even a paradise for money launderers.7 According to most recent media reports, corruption is increasing in Germany along with money laundering and organised crime,8 and illicit financial flows are estimated to amount to 50 Billion Euros annually.9 Renowned banks such as Commerzbank, Deutsche Bank, and Hypovereinsbank have been the focus of recent scandals due to their involvement in large tax evasion and money laundering schemes, investigated mostly by US law enforcement agencies.10 The legal framework has been considered as not being sufficient to tackle the estimated volume of money laundering. In 2007 and 2010 the European Commission initiated two proceedings against the German government for having contravened the European treaty by not having effectively transposed into national law the European framework to tackle money laundering and terrorist financing.11 In response to this wave of criticism, some important changes have been made.12 With specific regards to penal law, the legislature has amplified the scope of the money laundering offence and the sphere of criminal liability in order to improve the effectiveness of the existing legislation.13 Yet the continual expansion process has raised legal challenges that could constitute an obstacle for the effective enforcement of the measure. With regards to international legislation, scholars have often criticized the ineffectiveness of the anti-money laundering regime to not be able to achieve its goals and thus to be only appearance of public action. 14 While there is theoretical support for the perception that policies have contributed to a decrease in the incidence of money laundering, there is no evidence that this goal has actually been achieved.15 The official discourse describes the regime as a crucial tool to prevent and combat money laundering, and lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering laws. This work however takes a critical approach towards the existing legal framework and presents the view that questioning the effectiveness of the money laundering offence is essential before expanding the scope of the existing legal framework.16 On the background of the reflections based on the sociolegal framework that sets the definition of legal effectiveness with specific respect to criminal law, and on the critical literature on the inadequateness of the international anti-money laundering system to eliminate the targeted activity recalled in the introduction, the hypothesis underlying the case study is the following: Article 261 Gcc may be an example of a symbolic legislation, whose latent functions prevail on its declared functions. In particular, it is hypothesised that the law is an example of a 'compromise-law' that satisfy all parties taking part in the law-making process, thanks to the vagueness of the wording that allows a broad range of possible interpretations, and also thanks to the actual ineffectiveness, which pleases those who were contrary to the introduction of the provision. It is here necessary to recall the considerations on the 'legislator' being an heterogeneous group of parties not only constituted of members of the Parliament but often also by external actors, who can influence more or less transparently the law making-process. While the manifested function of tackling money laundering has in fact remained in the background, the thesis hypothesises that other latent goals have been pursued. It is further hypothesised that the 'law inaction' is part of a process of decriminalisation that intentionally grants impunity to a certain group of actors, in this case those laundering money, while giving the appearance that the practice is not accepted by law by labelling it as criminal. By using the concept of function, the study focuses on eventual conflicting interests emerging throughout the policy-making process and/or being displayed through the implementation of the provisions. In order to verify these hypotheses the research proceeds with a case study that aims at empirically assessing the sociolegal effectiveness of Article 261 Gcc. In particular, by applying the 'elastic' definition of effectiveness, the following chapters analyse the law-making process, the level of acceptance by legal scholars, the implementation, and the opinions of legal experts and professionals. The methodology adopted is qualitative. The research consists of a case study that includes a documental research, a qualitative analysis of statistical data and the conduction of interviews with privileged observers and legal actors. The study is a macro-sociological assessment of the effectiveness of a criminal legislation through the analysis of the motives that have triggered lawmakers to enact the current legal framework and the practical effects of the 'law in action'17 and of the 'law inaction'.18 Thanks to the use of sociological conceptual tools, as the ones of function, symbolic effectiveness, power, labelling, and legal culture, the research critically approaches the legal framework. In addition, the sociolegal perspective allows us to take into account the multidisciplinary nature of the phenomenon of money laundering and of its countermeasures and the diverse conflicting interests at play. The work has been conducted by a single person and not by a team of researchers; this has imposed a limit on the interviewing sample and the impossibility of undertaking, along with the qualitative analysis of the provision, a qualitative analysis of the jurisprudence and a quantitative analysis of the case law. In addition, criminal provisions have a deterrent purpose, yet in certain cases it is almost impossible to quantify the deterrence effect of those provisions, as in the case of the money laundering offence, and this represents a shortcoming of the current research. Official numbers are highly problematic, this element, despite impeding an objective quantification of the phenomenon, can represent a partial result for the qualitative analysis, because it highlights the complexity of the matter. The anti-money laundering regime is constantly evolving, and this would require continuously updating the assessment, instead the research provides a picture of the current situation. Yet the work offers the reader an instrument to critically interpret also possible changes in the wording of the money laundering offence that may be made following the publication of this work. The outcomes of the critical study on the reasons and effects of the current legislation can be used as a starting point for further research; the methodology set for the empirical analysis can be applied to assess the effectiveness of following developments. The structure of the thesis is the following: The first chapter presents the theoretical sociolegal framework and provides an operational definition of the concept of effectiveness that directs the empirical research. At the end the chapter describes the methodology of the qualitative research. Chapter two traces the genesis of the money laundering offence, as well on an internal, European and domestic level. The chapter analyses legislative intents, parliamentarian debates and other external contributions as declarations of intents and opinions through a desktop-study. The third chapter is dedicated to the doctrinal debate about the money laundering offence regulated in the German penal code. In particular the chapter highlights the controversial issues that have emerged through the abundant legal scholarship production, which might affect the effectiveness of the money laundering offence. Chapters four and chapter five present the empirical research. The fourth chapter analyses the quantitative data of the implementation of the money laundering offence from a qualitative perspective. The last chapter presents the results of the interviews. The main outcomes of the research are that the interests expressed more or less manifestly from the actors taking part in the initial phase of the creation of the anti-money laundering regime were strongly conflicting with each other. One representative example is the question whether to use the policy also to tackle large scale tax evasion or to leave proceeds deriving from fiscal crimes outside of the regime. Very different justifications were given for the criminalisation of money laundering at different stages. Often the declared motives did not correspond to the real goals of the actors taking part in the law-making process. The rhetoric connected to the seriousness of the drug issue was the manifest function of the new criminalisation of money laundering. However, other latent goals, for instance, the desire of financial institutions to clean their reputation and gain customs confidentiality or the interest of some governments to curb tax evasion were already present during this initial phase. Another controversial issue concerns the fact national states have adopted anti-money laundering measures under the pressure of the FATF, which is led by most industrialised countries.19 Despite lacking democratic legitimation, the FATF has imposed worldwide a brand new regime of criminalisation, prevention and enforcement. The legal framework has been used to address ever-new challenges, and this expansion process has been coupled by a rhetoric that scholars have defined the securitisation rhetoric.20 The most recent function manifestly attributed to the anti-money laundering legal framework, that is, in short, the protection of the soundness of the financial system. Especially in times of financial insecurity, the tendency of hardening laws against economic crimes increases. Having previously deregulated the financial system to enhance economic liberties, legislatures resort to criminal law to control illegality in the economy. As a response to the European financial crisis of 2007-2011, legislatures, instead of rethinking the approach towards the protection of the global finance, called for a tightening of economic crimes regulations. The European discourse on money laundering has mostly been related to the destabilisation of the market, the abuse of capitals’ movement liberty, the disintegration of the internal economy. But, why was the EU so keen on imposing a common standard for the criminalisation of money laundering, without even enjoying competence in penal matters? The introduction of a common anti-money laundering control policy served to a latent function, namely to the purposes of the creation of the 'Single Market', by way of avoiding that Member States would have adopted measures inconsistent with the completion of the Internal Market, while taking action to protect their own national economies from money laundering.21 This was done by avoiding that domestic regulations implemented for protecting national economies from the infiltration of ill-gotten capital could have hampered the freedom of movement of capital within the European borders. The tension emerges, also in the wording of the most recent EU money laundering Directives, due to lack of Community action against money laundering could lead Member States, for the purpose of protecting their financial systems, to adopt measures which could be inconsistent with completion of the single market.22 There are thus conflicting interests between the claim for regulation to avoid the infiltration of illicit capital, and the demand for deregulation to foster the free market. The European legislature, however, did not declare completely this intention and justified, instead, the imposition of anti-money laundering rules given the threats posed by money laundering to the financial system and thus to society. According to this critical approach, the criminalisation of money laundering turns out to be more of a political tool aimed at achieving governance within the EU, while being presented to the public as an essential intervention to guarantee security and well-being. Once again, thus, the declared goals of the lawmakers did not correspond with the real intentions. It is especially in the interest of a research on the law's effectiveness to unveil functions that were undeclared, in order to evaluate the outcomes in a more critical way. Also from the analysis of the national law-making process emerged divergent opinions and expectations relating to the criminalisation of money laundering. The Parliamentarians debate that took place with regard to the introduction of the money laundering offence and other instruments to tackle drug-trafficking shows that the discussion was deeply embedded in the political-historical context. Given that Germany was just reunified after a period of two dictatorial regimes, the hearing gives the impression that lawmakers felt the responsibility of creating a new legal system against such historical background. In order to balance the very different legal cultures, the divergent approaches had to be compromised. The introduction of a new crime was particularly delicate due to the discriminatory and arbitrary use of criminal labels by the previous dictatorial regimes. Therefore, delegates would not easily give up on fundamental rights for the cause of persecuting criminals. The legislation can be seen as an attempt to balance the need to adopt more effective measures to tackle crime and the necessity of respecting the rule of law and creating a 'militant democracy'. Yet, given the external pressure of the FATF, the EU and of the media, the text was less of a compromise and rather a ratification of 'internationally' accepted standards. The rule of law was not the only issue emerged in the initial phase of the political debate. Controversial opinions were raised also with regard to the questions of the mens rea and the interest protected by the new criminal provision: Certain political parties supported the broadest criminal liability to ensure an effective prosecution of money laundering, other parties were worried that a widespread liability would have been cumbersome for the economic system. Moreover, along with the expansion of the international criminal legal framework to fight against money laundering, also the scope of Article 261 Gcc was extended to include ever-new predicate offences. From the analysis of the doctrinal debate, it emerged that legal scholars have revealed technical hindrances that hinder the provision's legitimacy and thus hamper a positive integration of the act in the criminal legal system. In addition, given that most controversial issues are caused by the wording of the offence, the chapter seems to uphold the idea of an intentional potential decriminalisation of money launderers. The wording of Article 261 Gcc has the potential of frustrating some of the intentions expressed by the legislature in occasion of the adoption of the provision. While the vague formulation of the money laundering offence was thought to tackle ever-new emergencies and has been justified by legislatures as necessary to ensure a more effective fight against money laundering, it has also raised issues that, far from being purely dogmatic, have undermined the acceptance of such law. If law makers have designed the offence in a broad way to allow the criminalisation of conducts that could not have been prosecuted by the existing offences before, the large discretion left to prosecutors, has resulted in a cumbersome element for the prosecution of money laundering. In addition, criminalising the reckless conduct without envisaging a specific criminal liability for security positions has widened the scope of the offence to the point that the law has missed its function of isolating criminals by criminalising gate-keepers’ activities. In addition it emerged that there are some open questions with regard to the wording of the offence, for example the question of the interests protected by Article 261 Gcc. On one side a state intervention is considered necessary to contain the impact of economic misbehaviours to protect citizens, on the other side it is important to limit the resort to criminal law only for safeguarding individual or collective situations and not for defending an existing economic structure. The economic system may, in fact, not be considered as a collective interest that needs protection. Also, safeguards provided by penal law need to be substantial and not symbolic, because they urge to change a given situation of inequality, where criminals can profit from illegal practices while legitimate economic actors undergo unfair competition. From the doctrinal analysis it has instead emerged that the legislator seemed to be more interested in drafting a symbolic legislation that can be hardly integrated in the legal system and that raise strong challenges. Lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering in order to improve its effectiveness, yet without providing legitimacy for such expansion. One of the most meaningful fact observed in the qualitative analysis of statistical data is that organised crime and 'gross money laundering' are not persecuted through Article 261 Gcc. This fact can be inferred by the low number of convictions pursuant to Article 261 (4),23 by the low number of money laundering proceedings categorised as organised crime and by the low number of investigations in the field of money laundering, tax crimes and economic crimes recorded by public prosecutors offices in 2013, where more than one person was involved (18 %). Yet, this does not mean that the criminal justice system does not act against them, but rather that it uses other tools to achieve the goal. While the low conviction rate for serious money laundering cases could be also a symptom of a high degree of deterrence of the provision, it seems that law enforcement uses the money laundering charge as a fallback for authorities who are unable to acquire sufficient evidence in a preliminary phase for the predicate crime and necessitate further information otherwise not accessible. The charge of money laundering allows investigators to access the vast amount of information recorded pursuant to the GwG, which would not be otherwise accessible. Yet, after the investigative phase, prosecutors seem to prefer to modify the charge and opt for indictment for predicate offences instead. The law seems to be effective to the extent that it facilitates the initial investigations, while it does not serve directly the function of punishing money launderers. Besides having a substantial nature, the provisions seem to have a procedural function. It can be inferred that prosecutors find particularly difficult to bring evidence against organised money launderers also due to the fact that professional offenders do not leave traces. From the scarce use of Article 261 Gcc for tackling organised criminality, it can be inferred that the measure is not serving for one of the purposes declared by the legislature when introducing the offence. In addition, it can be hypothesised that other measures may be more suitable to tackle 'gross money laundering'. Given the high number of STRs filed and the low number of money laundering charges and of convictions deriving from the STRs since the introduction of the laws, it can be assumed that the system has been anyway maintained because it still provides some sort of benefits. It can be hypothesised that one benefit is the number of information provided to law enforcement agencies. This amount of recorded information is helpful not only to support further indictments, but also to increase the personnel awareness about the ever-changing money laundering techniques and schemes. Again the effect of the 'law in action' differs in respect to the declared legislative intentions, which justified the criminalisation of money laundering with the necessity of tackling organised crime's economic power. By spelling out this function, the assessment on the effectiveness of the law - as the possibility of collecting information - can be positive. Yet, this effect could be considered a social cost rather than a benefit. On a theoretical side, many scholars see the recording of personal information by private actors as an infringement of the right to privacy.24 On a more practical side such mechanism imposes significant costs on the designated businesses and professions that are in charge of collecting the data.25 When compared to the effective outcomes of the preventive regulations, in terms of law enforcement results, this aspect does not seem to win a cost-benefit analysis, as showed in the quoted researches. If one considers the advantages in terms of information collected, the policy may be considered worth the burden imposed, instead. However, the fact that the laws would have an effective impact on the long run on the fight against money laundering and organised crime may be seen as a diminished deterrence effect, because perpetrators would have the time to adapt to the new laws and find new ways of circumventing them. A collateral effect of the long-run effectiveness of the policy hypothesised on the basis of the outcomes of the research on the implementation is the fact that perpetrators could take advantage of the initiated but not completed cases, by acquiring knowledge about law enforcement strategies and thus develop subterfuges to elude them. On the contrary, it seems that the legislature is always running after to cope with the offenders’ ever-new strategies. In fact, regulations about a new sector are updated when there is evidence that there is a risk of money laundering in that specific sector. Yet, offenders might have already moved their laundering activities to another sector. On the assumption that the inclusion of the reckless conduct would have potentially criminalised daily activities, a focus was posed on the number of convictions related to Article 261 (5) Gcc26 to verify the target of the criminal provision. Since 2005 a high number of convictions have been actually referring to reckless money laundering. This shows that the offence is used to punish primarily 'petty money laundering'. This fact can also be inferred from the relevant number of money laundering cases to the detriment of senior citizens, signalled by the FIU in the recent years. Also the fact that a significant number of STRs is filed in relation to the 'financial agents’ phenomenon' is a symptom that the preventive mechanism targets more 'small fishes' rather than big perpetrators. Individuals convicted for the reckless conduct may be even victims of a fraud perpetrated by criminal networks. However, the criminal network acting behind the offender remains undetected. If on the one side it cannot be claimed that such offenders, given the lower degree of culpability should not be punished at all, on the other side this effect of the law involves a change of paradigm. The money laundering offence was initially introduced with the goal of tackling serious crimes. The observed effect, however, changes the function and the nature of the law, so that Article 261 Gcc could be considered rather a 'blue collar crime' more than a 'white collar crime'. From the analysis on the quality of STRs filed to the FIU, it can be inferred that certain designated professions and businesses are very reluctant in filing STRs, despite their notably exposure to money laundering risks. The list of designated professions and businesses has been amplified over the years exactly with the goal of facing this transfer of crime from one area to the other. Yet some professionals, such as legal advisors, do not report them, although they possess the capacity of recognising illicit transactions. The fact that some sectors do not actively participate in the effort of preventing money laundering, by allowing criminal proceedings to enter the legitimate economy, may lead to a general ineffectiveness of the system, because it can significantly hinder the capacity of the whole anti-money laundering system to respond to the ability of offenders to move their field of activity there where the law is lax. The provision does generate some instrumental effects by punishing offenders and by triggering a cooperation directed at signalling suspicious transactions between the obliged entities and law enforcement. However, some of the effects do not seem to completely fulfil the legislature's declared goals. For example the chapter seems to prove wrong the legislature's expectation of tackling the grey area by punishing gate-keepers or the attributed function of eliminating organised and serious crime. Given the high costs of implementation highlighted by the cost-benefits analyses, the rather low outcomes seem to be insufficient to fulfil the legislature's goals. Since it is sufficient that without latent functions it would be impossible to explain the adoption and maintenance of a legal act,27 it can be concluded that the intents declared by lawmakers do not satisfy the reasons why the provision was introduced. This opens up the hypothesis that Article 261 Gcc is an example of a symbolic legislation, which has been enacted with the purpose of compromising a complex parliamentarian debate. The analysis of the law-making process has revealed the existence of different expectations attributed to the introduction of Article 261 Gcc. Expectations that were conflicting with each other had to be negotiated and were compromised through the formulation of a vague offence that allowed different interpretations. Yet, the implementation of the law has led to the re-emersion of some of the conflicting situations. In addition, given that the policy regulates a complex and multifaceted issue new conflicts have emerged through its enforcement. The effects triggered by the norm can be indeed perceived positively or negatively by the different actors involved. In particular five principal conflicting situations have surfaced from the interviews. The first issue is the role played by external actors in the law-making process and the constant influence exercised by those actors in the process of updating the policy. The imposition of a US American approach to money laundering control through the role of the FATF has also been highlighted in the second chapter. Specifically, some scholars see the development of a global prohibition regime fostered by the US in the diffusion of anti-money laundering law. According to this literature, the powerful state creates an international regime focussed on achieving its own goals through global acceptance triggered by the securitisation rhetoric and compliance processes imposed through the menace of exclusion by international business relations. The second conflict that emanates from the words of the respondents is the one of the demand for criminal law to face financial misbehaviours and the necessity of limiting the tendency of expanding criminal law on the background of a situation of financial instability. Given the previous deregulation of the market, policy makers need to control and sanction economic abuse in order to protect fair competition and law-abiding individuals. On the other hand, the state needs to respect fundamental principles, such as the rule of law and the principle of ultima ratio that imposes a restriction of the use of criminal law in situations in which no other measures are suitable. This conflict has already been raised along the formulation of the money laundering offence with regards to the question of the interests protected by the law. Despite the legislator tying to limit the scope of the offence by attributing to Article 261 Gcc the protection of the administration of justice and of the interests protected by the predicate offences, this explanation was not considered suitable to the peculiarity of the offence. Indeed, shortly after the enactment, legal scholarship and the judiciary entered in a vivid debate in order to identify more suitable interests protected by the law, among them the financial and economic system under different perspectives. However, as chapter three shows, no solution could be found. In fact, the question concerning the suitability of criminal law to tackle illicit financial flows is perceived in the current research as still unsolved. The matter does not only concern money laundering control. On the contrary, it is a fairly widespread issue that has recently emerged due to the tendency of hardening economic crimes on the background of a situation of financial instability. The third conflict can be summarised as the following: on the one hand the policy being required to interfere with the personal sphere of suspected money launderers; on the other hand private institutions being interested in protecting their relations with loyal and trusted customers. Therefore, they are reluctant to give law enforcement the possibility to interfere too much in their business. The interest manifested by the private sector involved in the prevention of money laundering seems thus to collide with the legislative intent of preventing the infiltration of dirty money by way of preventing gate-keepers to help money launderers. The clash emerges at a micro-economic level and is triggered by the fact that the anti-money laundering policy demands an active participation by private sector in the detection of suspects. Private actors, are not appropriate to bear the burden of detecting offenders, moreover they need to protect the relationships with customers by avoiding unnecessary interferences. At the same time, the privatisation of crime control is questionable also from a governance point of view. It seems therefore that the public interest in persecuting crimes through having access to personal information from the private sector only marginally collides with the interest of protecting the right to privacy. Businesses and professions are predominantly interested in not interfering with their clients and in not bearing the burden of detecting offenders. The issue was also addressed during the national Parliamentarian debate, with regards to the degree of mens rea required for money laundering criminal liability. Making everybody taking part in economic or financial activities actively participating in the monitoring of the economic system under the threat of criminal liability for negligent money laundering was considered harmful for the business market. The same debate has been picked up by legal scholarship too. Yet, it seems that, despite the law being the result of negotiations, the question is still open. The fourth issue consists of discording opinions with regards to the opportunity of including tax evasion as predicate offence for money laundering. On one hand there is the interest of tackling tax evasion through the anti-money laundering regime, on the hand the concern of keeping the two phenomena distinct in order to avoid an overrating of money laundering. Since the genesis of the anti-money laundering policy, some actors taking part in the international law-making process, opposed the labelling of 'black money', naming money deriving from tax violations, as 'dirty money', indicating all proceeds of crime typically committed by organised crime. This distinction was based on the perception that tax-related offences were less serious and less harmful than capital flight and were advocated by financial centres in order to maintain a good reputation while still granting peculiar financial services, such as bank secrecy. This issue is a good example of the labelling theory, to the extent that it shows how a practice that was firstly not considered criminal enough to amount to a predicate offence for money laundering, has become part of the scope of the anti-money laundering regime on the basis of a political decision of labelling it as such. Respondents of the current research show to have different perceptions of the degree of the seriousness of tax laws violations and thus about the appropriateness and necessity of tackling them under the umbrella of the anti-money laundering policy. Again, the matter, which seemed to have been resolved through the negotiations on an international and European level, is still being debated at national level. The last two contrasting interests are the necessity of regulating the flows of money and the free movements of capitals in a neoliberal economy. The question is intrinsic in the nature of money laundering, which is a phenomenon that happens at the interface between legality and illegality. Regulations that facilitate the licit exchange of goods, capitals and services do also facilitate the flow of ill-gotten gains; there are thus conflicting interests between the public interest of persecuting crime and the claims for less regulation in a free market economy. From the interviews surfaced that not only opinions on the effectiveness of the law differ, but the very concept of effectiveness is perceived differently among the interview partners. Perceptions about how effective the anti- money laundering policy is appear to be similar among respondents belonging to the same experts’ group. In particular, given the fact that the policy triggers many preliminary investigations, investigators work on a daily basis with the provision. This led to their opinion on the implementation of the legislation being rather positive. Positive opinions have common ground: they assert that the policy is not a simple one to implement, however, they believe that the legal practice has found its way through. On the contrary, defence attorneys specialised in economic crimes do not receive a significant amount of clients suspected for money laundering. For this reason they tend to have a rather negative opinion on the policy’s effectiveness, also driven by the perception that the policy is not able to achieve the indirect goals. The diverse concepts of effectiveness provided by disciplines close to the sociology of law and the different definitions of effectiveness given by sociologists of law turn out to be useful here. Particularly the notions of 'efficiency' and of 'efficiency regardless of the goals' are proved very useful to interpret the respondents' opinions. Efficiency, is according to the administrative legal approach, the optimal relation between the goals achieved and the instruments used. A subcategory of this concept is the efficiency calculated through a cost-benefit analysis, of which some examples have been presented in the fourth chapter, which defines efficiency as the functioning of a legal order without assessing the goals achieved. This type of analysis focuses on the correctness of the operating system since the purpose of the system is its own existence. It refers to a whole legal order rather than to a specific single provision. Given that the anti-money laundering policy constitutes a legal order, due to the diverse regulations involved and the competent authorities created in order to achieve the goals of the policy, this notion can be applied. In the field of administrative legal theories, the first chapter has focussed on the approach that considers the (in)effectiveness of a law depending on its (failing) enforcement. A high degree of compliance of the anti-money laundering legislation might correspond to a high level of effectiveness of the policy with respect to its direct function, but at the same time to a rather low level of effectiveness with regards to its indirect purposes. The way to evaluate the degree of effectiveness is therefore also different. While compliance with legal provisions is calculated through a quantitative assessment of the processes in force and of the functioning of the system, the achievement of the indirect functions is measured on the impact of the policy. Interview partners have different perceptions about the indirect functions of the legislation too. This reflects, once again, the fact that the policy was a result of a compromise between different expectations and that the legislator was not able to limit the scope of its application to a particular goal. The different expectations and intents, which already emerged in the doctrinal debate about the legally protected interests, appears again in the different perceptions of the interviewees. The respondents were asked about the legislation's effectiveness with regards to one of the indirect functions, namely the capacity to deter organised crime. The legislator enacted the money laundering offence in the context of the fight against drug trafficking and other forms of organised crime, thus Article 261 Gcc's expressed rationale is the prevention and repression of organised crime. Finally, a relevant outcome regards the respondents’ opinions on article 261 Gcc’s latent symbolic function. Some of them agree with this. Others strongly oppose the hypothesis. They argue instead that the policy has instrumental effects on their daily practice, which cannot be defined as purely symbolic. According to most respondents, the law cannot be defined as symbolic, because it has led to instrumental effects. In the first place information gathered thanks to the GwG is used to start preliminary investigations under Article 261 Gcc. Secondly, the structure enacted to comply with the anti-money laundering policy is attainable and is visible and cannot be denied. Thirdly, the law is considered necessary because it labels a deviant behaviour. In particular, despite the fact that investigations do not lead to a conviction for money laundering they allow investigators to collect information in support of criminal cases for the predicate offences or to start a preliminary investigation for a predicate offence. In this sense, the function of the 'law in action', despite being questionable, is objectively instrumental. However, the fact that the law serves the purpose of tackling predicate offences through the support of investigations does not exclude the hypothesis that the law was enacted to pursue latent functions too. According to the sociologist Aubert, it is not necessary that the latent goal is the only one that plays a role, but it is necessary that the other purposes would not explain the analysed phenomenon completely. Indeed, in the opinions of those who exclude the symbolic function, yet the results achieved through compliance do not legitimate the burden imposed by the legislation. In other words, it seems that they recognise that the purpose of compliance cannot completely explain the policy makers' motivation, which re-opens the doors for the hypothesis of the existence of latent functions. In fact, such a demanding policy cannot be accepted for the sole purpose of re-enforcing the action of the criminal justice system in tackling predicate offences. On the other hand, compliance with the policy in terms of building of a structure and of expertise does not automatically mean fulfilling the policy’s purpose. Particularly the creation of new professionalism, has been interpreted by scholars as a sign given to the public that the policy has produced certain effects. In conclusion, on the background of the research’s outcome, the paper tries to reply to the question: (How) can the effectiveness of the money laundering offence be improved? While technical hindrances can (and perhaps) will be removed through legal reforms, 28 the inherent political economic and financial conflicting interests that impede a higher level of effectiveness are more difficult to solve. In contemporary industrialised economies there is a complicated and sometimes shifting boundary between legitimate and illegitimate transactions. This is particularly exacerbated in the context of financial capitalism, which 'subordinates the capitalist productive process to the circulation of money and monetary assets and hence to the accumulation of money profits'. Since the very beginning, determining the boundary between an area defined as 'criminal' and the space of 'legality' has been controversial. In fact, money has a neutral nature, pecunia non olet, making profit, irrespective of the monies' origin, is a very strong interest for both private and public entities, which collides with the one of eliminating illicit financial flows. In other words criminal policy goals diverge from purely economic interests. While one can assume the justice and correctness of the current financial system, and thus describes money laundering as harmful because it interferes with the existing economic order, one can also assume that the capitalist system leads per se to injustice and inequality, and that money laundering is actually embedded in this profit-oriented system and represents just the darker side of the capitalist economy. A compromised viewpoint is the one that describes money laundering as an accepted collateral effect of the capitalist system, that is to say 'a certain amount of illicit financial flows may be considered an acceptable price to pay for a market where free mobility of capital is guaranteed'. In other words, money laundering is intrinsic in or at least exacerbated by the capitalist system.

This doctoral thesis develops a methodology to assess the effectiveness of anti money laundering and counter-­‐financing of terror efforts in the United Arab Emirates by applying five “markers of success” (as determined by AML/CFT professionals) to the UAE’s AML/CFT framework. The markers are Robust Regulatory Framework; AML Legislation Enforcement; AML Legislation Awareness; Private Sector Commitment and Cooperation; and Transparency. The analysis chapters attempts to measure these criteria using a variety of sources, including UAE laws of 2002 and 2004 and their amendments and replacements of 2014; various regulatory documents and policies enacted by the UAE Central Bank and other UAE bodies; expert opinion when available; and other materials from both official bodies and the country’s media. The findings show generally uneven progress and sometimes-­‐inconclusive results. During this period, the UAE, driven by external pressure coupled with internal self-­‐interest, established an AML/CFT regime. As part of its AML/CFT framework, the UAE also created an outreach program via official bodies, and there is some evidence of its effectiveness in encouraging private sector compliance. However, measuring enforcement is problematic given the lack of hard and publicly available statistical data for much of this period. Efforts made to encourage a culture of transparency and accountability have run up against limited availability and accessibility of data. Accordingly, the UAE remains perceived as a largely non-­‐transparent jurisdiction when it comes to financial crimes. Recent (2016) legislative developments underscore the UAE’s effort to change this, as it is due for a new FATF evaluation in 2019.

Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att redogöra för hur kassapersonalens förutsättningar för att förhindra penningtvätt kan förklaras med hjälp av beslutsteorier. Teoretisk och empirisk metod: Forskningsmetoden för uppsatsen är kvalitativ, med en abduktiv ansats. Den för studien valda empiriska metoden är semi-strukturerade intervjuer där respondenterna är valda med hjälp av subjektivt urval samt ett så kallat snöbollsurval. Teoretisk referensram: Som bakgrund till studien ligger såväl internationella direktiv och rekommendationer som svensk reglering av penningtvätt och finansiering av terrorism. Vi har också utgått från befintliga teorier kring regleringens betydelse, samt teorier om den riskbaserade regleringen. Den teoretiska referensramen innehåller dessutom tre olika beslutsteorier. Slutsats: Vår slutsats är att kassapersonalen anser sig ha de rätta förutsättningarna för att kunna förhindra penningtvätt. Men brister i hanteringen av penningtvätt visar att förutsättningarna inte är tillräckliga.
Purpose: The purpose of the thesis is to describe how bank tellers have the opportunity to prevent money laundering by applying different decision theories. Theoretical and empirical method: The research method of the dissertation is qualitative, with an abductive approach. The chosen empirical method is semi-structured interviews where the respondents are selected with a subjective selction and a so called snowball selection. Theoretical approach: Behind the study are both international directives & recommendations and Swedish statutory laws of money laundering and financing of terrorism. We have also originated from existing theories about the importance of the regulation and theories about the risk-based regulation. The theoretical approach also contains three different decision theories. Conclusion: Our conclusion is that bank tellers think they have the right opportunities to prevent money laundering. But flaws in the management of money laundering show that the prerequisites are not sufficient.

Abstract  This thesis is concerned with examining the intersection between the areas of international commercial arbitration and money laundering. There are various points of connectivity between the two and the aim of this thesis is to discern how an arbitrator should conduct arbitral proceedings involving money laundering. For this purpose, a few selected topics have been examined. The practical challenges arising out of these topics, as well as the tools available to arbitrators to face them have been analysed in turn. After a brief inquiry into the nature of international commercial arbitration, money laundering and the ways that they come together, the topics of jurisdiction, the norms applicable to the substance of the dispute, and matters of evidence are subject to discussion. In studying these topics, a recurring theme, which goes to the very heart of the intersection between the seemingly odd areas of international commercial arbitration and money laundering, is discernible. In practically all of the challenges that an arbitrator will face when adjudicating a dispute involving money laundering a conflict of interest between the pivotal principle of party autonomy and other interests will arise. These interests originate from the public policy concerns vested in countering money laundering and the criminal law nature of this phenomenon. The tools which the arbitrator deem to be applicable as well as the conduct that he might choose in regards to the topics discussed, very much depend on his perception of the role that international arbitrators ought to assume in this conflict. Keeping these conceptual building blocks in mind the author, whilst examining the relevant legal instrument, case law and legal commentary, reaches the conclusion that arbitral tribunals ought to claim jurisdiction over disputes arising out of contracts tainted by money laundering in the majority of cases. The author also reaches the conclusion that there are other norms than the lex contractus that can be applied to the substance of the dispute and that the willingness to apply them will depend on the attitude of the arbitrator. Similarly, the arbitrator could, and arguably should, investigate the issue of money laundering of his own accord, albeit with a few important reservations. The rules of evidence, especially those of the burden of proof and standard of proof, should be tailored to reflect the nature of the complex offence of money laundering. Finally, the eventual possibility for an international arbitrator to report suspicions of money laundering is touched upon.

The work includes a theoretical definition, ways and methods of money laundering, Czech and International anti money laundering (AML) law. The second part is devoted to the fight against money laundering. It describes the main AML organizations. And as an example is given the program of one banking institution.

In 2019 the courts in Sweden decided in 21 judgements regarding gross money laundering. This study aims to determine if the court uses economic analysis of law in its judgments and if so, in what way the economic analysis occur. I have used a positive economic analysis of law in attempt to explain the legal rules as well as the outcome of the rules in form of an analysis of the 21 judgments on gross money laundering in 2019. The analysis of the judgments shows no obvious signs of economic reasoning in the courts decisions. There are thou economic effects regarding the measure of length of the punishment and it´s relation to the amount of wealth in the money laundering activity. In the majority of the judgements the equilibrium of wealth that prevailed before the involuntary transaction of goods was restored by damages. In combination with the sanctions the judgements can be classified as economical efficient. This shows that even if thou there are no obvious economic concepts in the judgments, there still can be economic grounds in the decisions, even thou they are imbedded in the legal system of sanctions in the civil law system.

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This study aims to analyze the punitive system faced with the combat system to money laundering. The methodology to be used, we start the analysis of philosophical and dogmatic aspects. The analysis will take place initially in finding true origin of money laundering at the acts of cover-up and their questioning, face the criminal elements of the agents criminal act. After, it is analysis of the criminal acts in pursuit of money laundering utility and its conclusion by the instrumental and utilitarian way to combat severe gravity of offenses, mainly to narcotics trafficking. The second chapter draws up the money laundering stages to describe the evolution of the crime trajectory within the meaning of the "iter criminis" as well as to substrate serve the analysis of other institutes, considering that the appearance factual the law should not be passed over. A second phase of this chapter describes the main ways in which to use the money launderers to achieve their "meta optata" in consummation for vanish the spurious origin of the values obtained by criminal means. In the third chapter, there is an analysis of the legal and penal well, the construction of universalized entity defense, and analysis of the major doctrinal trends of money laundering coping. Then, in fourth chapter, there is an analysis of the utilitarian philosophical current, and epistemological movement of functionalism, beyond the doctrinal thesis speeds of criminal law, to plot, on a speculative basis, the characteristic elements in combat of the money laundering. In the fifth chapter, and in the sixth, there is the analysis of concrete effects of the adoption of the philosophy discussed in previous chapters, in an attempt to create watertight system to the dictates of the Penal Code. In these terms, there will be analysis of money laundering of extraterritoriality as well as the procurement agents and their peculiar feature in money laundering. Finally, we will be analyzing the aspects of criminal money laundering law on the persons of the crime
O presente trabalho tem por finalidade a análise do sistema punitivo confrontado com o sistema de combate a lavagem de capitais. Como metodologia a ser utilizada, parte-se da análise de aspectos filosóficos e dogmáticos. A análise ocorrerá inicialmente na busca verdadeira origem da lavagem de capitais, pelos atos de encobrimento e sua problematização, face os elementos penais do concurso de agentes. Após, faz-se análise dos diplomas penais em busca da utilidade da lavagem de capitais e sua conclusão pela forma instrumental e utilitária no combate a delitos de gravidade acentuada, mormente ao tráfico de narcóticos. No segundo capítulo, elabora-se as fases de lavagem de capitais para descrição da evolução da trajetória do crime, na acepção do iter criminis , bem como, para servir de substrato a análise dos demais institutos, tendo em vista que o aspecto fático do direito não deve ser preterido. Um segundo momento deste capítulo, descreve as principais formas, pelas quais se utilizam os lavadores de dinheiro, para atingir a sua meta optata , em consumação, ao desatinar da origem espúria, os valores obtidos por meios criminosos No terceiro capítulo, existe a análise do bem jurídico-penal, pela construção da defesa de ente universalizado, e a análise das principais tendências doutrinárias de enfrentamento da lavagem de capitais. Após, no quarto capítulo, existe a análise da corrente filosófica utilitarista, e de movimento epistemológico do funcionalismo, além da tese doutrinária das velocidades do direito penal, para traçar, em caráter especulativo, os elementos característicos presentes no combate a lavagem de capitais. No quinto capítulo, e no sexto existe a análise de efeitos concretos da adoção da filosofia analisada nos capítulos anteriores, na tentativa de criação de sistema estanque aos ditames do Código Penal. Nesses termos, haverá análise da extraterritorialidade da lavagem de capitais, bem como do concurso de agentes e sua peculiar característica na lavagem de capitais. Por fim, será feita análise dos aspectos de codelinquência na lavagem de capitais

The introduction, and evolution of securitisation over the years, has made a phenomenal contribution to the area of corporate finance. Securitisation is specialised area which has evolved to deliver considerable advantages to banks and their corporate and government clients, a sub-subjected explored in this thesis. Securitisation is using the cashflow, creditworthiness and collateral of receivables to raise finance from the capital markets. To date, research on the subject of securitisation has produced a few textbooks and numerous articles written by academics and practitioners. The ambit of these writings addresses three questions, namely, what is securitisation; how does it work in practice; and how can securitisation be developed so that it can continue delivering advantages in the evolving world of corporate finance. Securitisation is very much a practical subject, and given that the author had very little, if any, practical exposure to the subject prior to developing this thesis, the author, admittedly, felt challenged to ascertain significant issues that could be developed to the extent that such development represents an original contribution to knowledge. Case law in the US had already explored the most significant issue regarding securitisation, namely, true sale. Armed with a solid theoretical base of knowledge that author looked for inspiration, and discovered it during the initial days when the Enron scandal hit the headlines. In short, the Enron scandal involved using the concept of securitisation to facilitate financial crime. The masterminds (if its appropriate to use such description) of the scandal, as this thesis will unfold later, cleverly used thousands of securitisation and hedging transactions to raise funds in order to give financial creditability to a giant corporation which on the surface appeared prosperous but, in reality, was breathing to a large extent on borrowed funds. This scandal, in which securitisation was used, inspired the author to develop the originality of the thesis by focusing on the issue of securitisation and financial crime. Given that financial crime is a huge area to explore, the author narrowed the focus to look at money laundering, and address the question: can the practice of securitisation facilitate money laundering? To approach this question and answer it at doctorate level required a solid understanding of what securitisation is and how it works in practice. Using textbooks, articles and conversations with practitioners, the thesis documents under Part 1, what securitisation is and how it works in practice before moving on to Part 2 to look at if and how securitisation can facilitate money laundering.

Moneymaking schemes such as prostitution, drug dealing, fraud, corruption, pyramid schemes and the sale of counterfeit goods have been around for years. The taxing of these transactions/schemes has become a contentious issue. It has recently been reported in the press that SARS has lodged a claim for R183 million in income taxes against the estate of the slain mining magnate, Brett Kebble, in respect of the R2 billion allegedly stolen by him from the mining companies of which he was a director.4 It is further reported that the Master of the High Court has rejected the claim on the grounds that the amounts on which SARS sought to levy tax constituted money stolen by Kebble, and that stolen money is not subject to income tax. It has been reported that SARS is to take the Master’s decision in this regard on review.5 The Kebble case raises an interesting and unresolved tax issue and, in view of the large sum at stake, it may be a case that will go all the way to the Supreme Court of Appeal and bring long-overdue certainty to the law. The Income Tax Act No. 58 of 1962 (the Act) is of no assistance in determining the issue. Section 23(o) states that payments that are illegal in terms of Chapter 2 of the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act No. 12 of 2004 or that constitute a fine or penalty for any “unlawful activity carried out in the Republic or in any other country if that activity.

Min ambition är att med aktuellt material samt med en handfull adekvata metoder pröva mintes om att det krävs en central europeisk myndighet, med såväl polis, åklagare som domstol,som är underställd justitiedepartementen med fullt mandat för att komma tillrätta med en utavvår tids största globala organiserade brottsligheter, Penningtvätt. Detta hotar samhälletsförtroende för kapitalmarknaderna, kan leda till finansiell systemkris och på det stora helasåledes vårt moderna sätt att leva. Samhällskontraktet mellan staten och dess medborgareutmanas. Människans innersta väsen, med en epigenetisk tillika predisponerad girighet står idirekt polemik med vårt sätt att på nations och unions vägar mitigera detta humana drag. Utanett skifte från förvaltningsrätten till straffrätten, med en verkställighet med tydligt preventivaoch direkt effektiva sanktioner som är större än ett ändrat arbetssätt och lite penningböter(som till slut diskonteras i Bankernas P/L kalkyler), så står inte dessa väl cementeradeinstitutioner till svars som en del utav en lösning. Inte heller är regleringen i form av lagar,regler och förordningar optimal, den borde kräva med [emfas] (direkt kausalitet) en vässadverkställighet och inte ett samordnande av artiklar, direktiv, regler och förslag. Bankerna,vågar jag påstå (stryk: att vi idag med all säkerhet kan stipulera), är en avgörande del avproblemet, vilket jag varken tror de vill eller skall så vara: de är en av nycklarna till lösningenpå problemet med penningtvätt. Alltså annorlunda uttryckt: hur får sheriffen kulor i revolvernoch hur får vi sheriffen att ta till mod för att stämma i bäcken? Sheriffen är härtillsynsmyndigheten. Hur skiftar vi paradigmet hos nyckelaktören: banken? Vad skulle kunnaskrämma banker och bankanställda till compliance/efterlevnad? Kan vi jämföra med och hurfår vi i så fall fram ett ställföreträdaransvar likt det sjukvården besitter?

This dissertation examines a bank’s right to unilaterally terminate its contractual relationship with a customer on the basis of reputational risk. The law of contract allows a bank to terminate the bank-customer agreement when the customer is in serious breach of the contract. Over the years, however, a pattern has started to develop by which a bank can unilaterally terminate the bank-customer relationship of high-risk customers based on reputational risk. Banks are reluctant to facilitate the transactions of individuals surrounded by negative publicity, due to fears of how the bank’s investors, customers or counterparts might perceive the bank. Compliance with anti-money laundering (AML) and counter financing of terrorism (CFT) requirements, as set out by both domestic and foreign legislation, results in higher costs for the bank. As such, the profitability of a particular bank-customer relationship may ultimately decline to such an extent that the bank rather decides to make an appropriate business decision by terminating the relationship. Correspondent banking relationships are agreements in terms of which one bank will provide services for another in jurisdictions where the first bank lacks a physical presence. As such, whenever there is a perception that a local bank does not comply with the relevant AML/CFT laws as set out by its domestic legislation, the correspondent bank might decide to terminate its relationship with the local bank, leaving the latter financially excluded from the correspondent banking market. Such a situation would hinder the growth of the South African economy and may also cause a systemic event in the financial industry. Adequate customer due diligence (CDD) measures assist a bank in formulating a clear understanding of the business of its customers. The information obtained through CDD may also assist the bank in determining the reputation of a particular customer. This information can also assist law enforcement in combatting financial crimes. In this regard, it is recommended that a bank should be able to trace the information that was shared with Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) and law enforcement agencies, so that the bank may reasonably determine the level of reputational risk involved in the relationship.
Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted

En Afrique de l'Ouest, l'Union Économique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine (UEMOA) s'est engagée résolument dans la lutte contre le blanchiment des capitaux. En matière d'entraide judiciaire, elle a prévu des mécanismes destinés à faciliter la coopération dans les enquêtes permettant notamment la communication de renseignements et de preuves d'un État membre à un autre, ainsi que l'accomplissement d'opérations d'investigation. De même, les conditions de l'extradition ont été définies de manière à assouplir les procédures requises. Cependant, l'existence de ces instruments juridiques ne signifie pas que la coopération judiciaire connait de meilleurs jours dans l'espace UEMOA. De nombreux défis restent à relever. C'est pourquoi, il convient d'analyser le cadre général de la coopération judiciaire internationale telle qu'elle existe au sein des États membres de l'UEMOA en se focalisant sur l'impact qu'elle peut avoir dans l'éradication du phénomène du blanchiment dans cette partie du continent. Le modèle de coopération judiciaire existant entre les États membres de l'Union européenne pourrait servir de base de réflexion à cet effet
In West Africa, the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) is firmly committed to combating money laundering. Within the framework of its mutual legal assistance, the WAEMU established mechanisms to facilitate cooperation in criminal-related matters such enabling sharing of information and evidence between its Member States during investigation processes and then contributing to the successful accomplishment of those investigations. Extradition has also been redefined in such a way as to ensure its procedural requirements are more flexible and simplified. However, the existence of these legal mechanisms does not necessarily mean that judicial cooperation will experience better days in the short term within the WAEMU space. Indeed, it will still be facing many challenges.Therefore, the analysis of the current general framework of international judicial cooperation within Member States of the WAEMU appears as a necessity. It will be focusing on the impact that the current judicial cooperation may have in the eradication of the phenomenon of corruption and money laundering in this part of the African continent. To that effect, the model of judicial cooperation between Member States of the European Union could serve as a basis for reflection

Дисертацію присвячено дослідженню адміністративно-правових засад взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів, визначенню напрямків їх удосконалення. Формулюється авторське розуміння поняття «взаємодія правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів» та визначаються основні особливості такої взаємодії. Виокремлюються рівні, які становлять правові засади взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів, а саме: 1) конституційний; 2) міжнародний; 3) законодавчий, який включає в себе наступні групи нормативних правових актів: акти, які містять загальні положення щодо взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами та (або) визначають систему суб’єктів протидії легалізації злочинних доходів; акти, які стосуються виявлення, розслідування та відповідальності за злочини у сфері легалізації злочинних доходів; акти, які регулюють адміністративно-правовий статус правоохоронних органів, фінансових установ і містять положення щодо їх взаємодії; 4) підзаконний. Визначаються місце та роль кожного із суб’єктів взаємодії у системі протидії легалізації злочинних доходів, де правоохоронні органи як суб’єкти взаємодії з фінансовими установами здійснюють безпосередні заходи із забезпечення досудового розслідування кримінальних правопорушень (за винятком органів прокуратури), фінансові установи забезпечують доступ до інформації правоохоронними органами з метою високої ефективності та результативності їх взаємодії, а роль Національного банку України зводиться переважно до здійснення державного регулювання та нагляду в досліджуваній сфері. Встановлюється, що взаємодія правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами у сфері протидії легалізації злочинних доходів здійснюється у правовій (спільна участь у проведенні спеціальних операцій, оперативно-розшукових заходів; укладення адміністративних договорів; нормотворчість) та неправовій (організаційній) (взаємний обмін інформацією у сфері протидії легалізації злочинних доходів; проведення спільних нарад і робочих зустрічей; спільна участь у семінарах, круглих столах, присвячених боротьбі з легалізацією злочинних доходів) формах. З’ясовується, що для кожної з форм взаємодії правоохоронних органів і фінансових установ притаманні свої методи взаємодії, які спрямовані на забезпечення ефективної та результативної співпраці між вказаними суб’єктами, де такими методами виступають методи інформаційного забезпечення, примусу, прогнозування, планування, адміністративного припинення, роботи з кадрами, переконання, погодження актів і рішень, регламентації. Розкривається роль Державної служби фінансового моніторингу України у координації взаємодії правоохоронних органів і фінансових установ і визначаються завдання, які вирішує координація у сфері протидії легалізації злочинних доходів: 1) визначення основних напрямків протидії легалізації коштів злочинного походження на основі аналізу інформації, яка міститься у повідомленнях про підозрілі фінансові операції; 2) розробка, узгодження та виконання спільних заходів, спрямованих на своєчасне виявлення, розкриття та припинення злочинів, що стосуються відмивання злочинних доходів; 3) підвищення обізнаності взаємодіючих суб’єктів щодо специфіки виявлення, розкриття та розслідування фактів легалізації доходів, одержаних злочинним шляхом. Узагальнюється зарубіжний досвід взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів (Сполучені Штати Америки, Канада, Великобританія, Бельгія, Франція, Італія, Швейцарія, Узбекистан, Російська Федерація) та робиться висновок, що про повне запозичення досвіду інших країн мова йтися не може, але запровадження регулярних зустрічей правоохоронців з представниками фінансових установ, проведення просвітницької роботи між ними чи навчання щодо системи фінансового моніторингу та процесу розслідування фінансово-економічних злочинів, налагодження приватно-правового партнерства, прийняття міжвідомчих інструкцій з питань взаємодії дозволить більш ефективно протидіяти легалізації доходів, одержаних злочинним шляхом, та виведе взаємодію на якісно новий рівень. Пропонується розробити методику взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами у сфері протидії легалізації злочинних доходів, яка має містити такі структурні елементи як: 1) суб’єкти взаємодії; 2) правова основа взаємодії; 3) мета та завдання сторін взаємодії; 4) принципи взаємодії; 5) рівні взаємодії; 6) напрями взаємодії; 7) форми взаємодії; 8) права й обов’язки взаємодіючих сторін; 9) відповідальність суб’єктів взаємодії; 10) критерії оцінювання ефективності взаємодії. Наукова новизна одержаних результатів полягає в тому, що представлена наукова праця є одним із перших у вітчизняній юридичній науці адміністративного права комплексним правовим дослідженням адміністративно-правових засад взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів і визначення напрямків їх удосконалення. У результаті дослідження сформульовані нові висновки і положення, запропоновані особисто здобувачем. Практичне значення одержаних результатів полягає в тому, що вони становлять науково-теоретичний та практичний інтерес і можуть бути використані у: 1) науково-дослідній сфері – положення та висновки дисертації є основою для розробки подальших напрямків удосконалення адміністративно-правових засад взаємодії правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами щодо протидії легалізації злочинних доходів; 2) правозастосовній діяльності – для удосконалення практичної діяльності правоохоронних органів з фінансовими установами під час їх взаємодії; 3) освітньому процесі – під час проведення занять і підготовки навчально-методичної літератури із дисциплін «Адміністративне право», й «Судові та правоохоронні органи»; вони вже використовуються для проведення занять з цих дисциплін у Сумському державному університеті.
The dissertation deals with studying the administrative and legal framework for the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions to combat money laundering and determining the areas for their improvement. The author’s understanding of the concept «interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions in combating money laundering» is formulated, and the main features of such interaction are determined. It highlights the levels, which constitute the legal framework for the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions to combat money laundering, namely: 1) constitutional; 2) international; 3) legislative that includes the following groups of regulatory legal acts: acts containing general provisions on the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions and (or) determine the system of entities combating money laundering; acts concerning the identification, investigation, and responsibility for crimes in the sphere of money laundering; acts regulating the administrative and legal status of law enforcement agencies, financial institutions and contain provisions for their interaction; 4) subordinate acts. The place and role of each of the interacting entities in the system of combating money laundering are determined, where law enforcement agencies, as entities interacting with financial institutions, carry out direct measures to ensure the pre-trial investigation of criminal offenses (except for prosecutors), financial institutions provide access to information for law enforcement agencies to reach high efficiency and effectiveness of their interaction, and the role of the National Bank of Ukraine is reduced mainly to the implementation of state regulation and supervision in the area under consideration. It is established that the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions in the field of combating money laundering is carried out in the legal (joint participation in special operations, investigative and search activities; conclusion of administrative contracts; rule-making) and non-legal (organizational) (mutual exchange of information in the field of combating money laundering, holding joint meetings and working meetings; joint participation in seminars, round tables dedicated to the fight against money laundering) forms. It is revealed that each of the forms of interaction between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions has its own methods of interaction aimed at ensuring effective and efficient cooperation between these entities, where such methods are methods of information support, coercion, forecasting, planning, administrative suppression, work with personnel, persuasion, coordination of acts and decisions, regulation. The role of the State Financial Monitoring Service of Ukraine in coordinating the interaction of law enforcement agencies and financial institutions is revealed. The tasks that are solved by coordination in the field of combating money laundering are determined: 1) determination of the main areas for combating money laundering based on the analysis of information contained in reports of suspicious financial transactions; 2) development, coordination and implementation of joint activities aimed at timely detection, disclosure and suppression of crimes related to money laundering; 3) raising awareness of interacting subjects about the specifics of identifying, disclosing and investigating the facts of money laundering. It summarizes the foreign experience of interaction between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions in combating money laundering (USA, Canada, Great Britain, Belgium, France, Italy, Switzerland, Uzbekistan, Russia) and concludes that total borrowing of the experience of other countries is not possible. Still, the introduction of regular meetings of law enforcement officers with representatives of financial institutions, educational work or training on the financial monitoring system and the process of investigating financial and economic crimes, establishing private-legal partnerships, adopting interagency instructions on interaction issues will more effectively counteract money laundering and will bring interaction to a qualitatively new level. It is proposed to develop a methodology for interaction between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions in the field of combating money laundering, which should contain the following structural elements as 1) interacting entities; 2) the legal framework for interaction; 3) the goal and objectives of the parties to the interaction; 4) principles of interaction; 5) the level of interaction; 6) areas of interaction; 7) forms of interaction; 8) the rights and obligations of interacting parties; 9) the responsibility of the interacting entities; 10) criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of interaction. The scientific novelty of the research is that the presented scientific work is one of the first comprehensive legal research of the administrative and legal framework for the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions to combat money laundering and determining areas for their improvement in domestic science of administrative law. As a result of the study, new conclusions and provisions were formulated, proposed by the applicant personally. The practical significance of the results obtained lies in the fact that they constitute a scientific, theoretical and practical interest and can be used in: 1) research sphere – the provisions and conclusions of the dissertation are the basis for the development of further areas for improving the administrative and legal framework for the interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions to combat money laundering; 2) lawmaking – in the development of amendments to regulatory legal acts that regulate some aspects of interaction between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions, as well as in the development of a separate regulatory legal act regulating the procedure for interaction of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions to combat money laundering; 3) law enforcement activities – to improve the practical activities of law enforcement agencies with financial institutions during their interaction; 4) educational process – when conducting classes and preparing educational and methodological literature for the courses "Administrative Law" and "Judicial and Law Enforcement Agencies"; they are already used for these courses at Sumy State University.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
The combating of money laundering has become crucial since it has escalated from a domestic to an international problem and vice versa. South Africa, in an attempt to combat money laundering has enacted anti-money laundering (AML) and anti-terrorism legislation. The legislation consists of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 (POCA); the Financial Intelligence Centre Act 38 of 2001 (FICA); and the Protection of Constitutional Democracy against Terrorist and Related Activities Act 33 of 2004 (POCDATARA). In essence POCA and POCDATARA criminalise money laundering and terrorist financing. FICA requires certain professions, such as the legal profession to maintain specific controls. Such controls include AML measures, combating the financing of terrorism (CFT) and also require the keeping of confidential client records, the filing of suspicious transaction reports (STR's) and certain cash transaction reports (CTR's).

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This dissertation aims to analyze some points of major importance within the theme money laundering. It is a scientific research, using qualitative and historical methods, because if provides an overview of the historical evolution of this behavior and makes a literature review of books, magazines, periodicals, websites and jurisprudence on the topic. The theme focused on attempts to achieve a criminal reality quite refined, improved and little known, even by most jurists since, amounts to a legislative innovation of considerable complexity. The objective is to expose the density of theme, had its own particularities, summarizing the historical evolution of anti-money laundering legislation, showing generations by passing or may pass such laws, in an attempt to contextualize the topic, presenting the concepts that reach such criminal and the various terms used as synonymous, thus showing that, due to their complexity, some phases sometimes be necessary to show that the capital of illicit origin are being reintroduced to the socio-economic-financial system, to gain the appearance of legitimate . Search will, within this context, presenting the legal interests protected by the standard anti-money laundering, interconnecting it to the criminal aspects of the law 9.613/98, exposing finally some ensure measures to combat and prevent washing. Compared to the plexus of the criminal action that achieves this offense, the call for new and efficient legal systems is worldwide, making a recommendation to the constitution of international legal texts, treaties, conventions etc. enabling all countries act cooperatively to combat money laundering. Worries thus not enhance the legislative tool that is available, but criticize it properly, only in their gaps, because there are many who admonish National Legislation anti-money laundering, however, few collaborate to address their breaches. Faced with increased macro crime organized and the large sums raised by them, upon exercise of their criminal activities, combined with the easy movement of values around the world and use these facilities to hide the values from the crimes committed by criminal bands mentioned, a concern of international order gained intensity in order to curb legally and said concrete globalized phenomenon. The problem evidenced in this work goes beyond the barriers of criminal policy, legal rulings and doctrinal studies on the topic. Its consequences are deleterious and that shows more concern is its scope, the constituency that borders finds no criminal activity. The only way to prevent such crime and to control it with the required property is taking it seriously. Recognizing the magnitude and wishing are truly creating a structure capable of detecting crime prior placate him at home. The Implementation of public policies, the rigging of the competent authorities involved in combating money laundering, awareness of financial institutions, the resurgence of standards etc., Initiatives that are in the medium term could make concrete have some effect, with respect to this crime decreased as offensive to the world society.
A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar alguns pontos de reconhecida importância dentro do tema lavagem de capitais. Trata-se de uma pesquisa científica, utilizando-se os métodos histórico e qualitativo, porquanto, se apresenta uma síntese da evolução histórica dessa conduta e se perfaz uma revisão bibliográfica de livros, revistas, periódicos, sites e jurisprudências referentes ao assunto. O tema focalizado tenta alcançar uma realidade criminal bastante refinada, aprimorada e pouco conhecida, até mesmo por boa parte dos operadores do direito, posto, se tratar de inovação legislativa de considerável complexidade. Objetiva-se expor a densidade do tema, apresentado suas particularidades, sintetizando a evolução histórica da legislação antilavagem, mostrando as gerações por que passa ou podem passar essas leis, em uma tentativa de contextualizar o tema, apresentando os conceitos que alcançam esse tipo penal e as diversas expressões que são utilizadas para cognominá-lo, demonstrando, assim, que, por sua complexidade, algumas fases, por vezes, se mostram necessárias para que os capitais de origem ilícita sejam reintroduzidos ao sistema socioeconômico-financeiro, para ganhar aparência de legítimo. Procurar-se-á, dentro desse contexto, apresentar os bens jurídicos protegidos pela norma antilavagem, interconectando-o aos aspectos penais da lei 9.613/98, expondo, por fim, algumas medidas assecuratórias de combate e prevenção à lavagem. Ante o plexo da ação criminal que alcança esse delito, o apelo por novos e eficientes sistemas legais é mundial, perfazendo uma recomendação internacional a constituição de textos legais, tratados, convenções etc. que permitam que todos os países atuem de forma cooperativa no combate a lavagem de capitais. Preocupa-se, assim, não em enaltecer a ferramenta legislativa que se encontra à disposição, mas, criticá-la com propriedade, apenas nas suas lacunas, pois, são muitos os que admoestam a Legislação Nacional Antilavagem, porém, poucos colaboram para colmatar suas brechas. Diante do aumento da macrocriminalidade organizada e das grandes somas por elas levantadas, quando do exercício de suas atividades delitivas, aliado a fácil circulação de valores em todo o mundo e a utilização dessas facilidades para ocultar os valores oriundos dos crimes praticados por citadas bandas criminais, uma preocupação de ordem internacional ganhou intensidade, no intuito de coibir de forma legal e concreta dito fenômeno globalizado. O problema evidenciado nesse trabalho ultrapassa as barreiras da política criminal, das normas jurídicas e dos estudos doutrinários sobre o tema. Suas consequências são deletérias e o que se mostra mais preocupante é o seu alcance; a circunscrição dessa atividade delituosa não encontra fronteiras. A única forma de se prevenir tal delito e combatê-lo com a necessária propriedade é levando-o a sério. Reconhecendo sua magnitude e desejando-se, verdadeiramente a criação de uma estrutura apta a detectar o crime prévio e aplacá-lo na origem. A Implantação de políticas públicas, o aparelhamento das autoridades competentes envolvidas no combate ao branqueamento, a conscientização das instituições financeiras, o recrudescimento das normas etc., são iniciativas que em médio prazo poderiam fazer surtir algum efeito concreto, no tocante a diminuição dessa criminalidade tão ofensiva à sociedade mundial.

Le terrorisme est international, il n'est pas lié à un pays en particulier. Sa prolifération est due à un manque de coopération entre les Etats. Pour lutter contre la criminalité terroriste, cette coopération se doit de s'ériger en objectif stratégique planétaire. C'est dans cette perspective de caractérisation du crime terroriste et des stratégies et mécanismes mis en oeuvre pour l'endiguer que s'inscrit cette thèse. Elle vise à présenter l’étude de la conceptualisation du terrorisme et des différentes coopérations internationales pour lutter contre ce phénomène. Sont ainsi étudiés les principales formes, approches conceptuelles et explications du terrorisme, les divers instruments et conventions de lutte contre ce fléau. Cette étude est conduite par référence à l'expérience tunisienne en matière d’éradication du terrorisme et a conclu à la nécessité, d’une définition au sens large du terrorisme, d’élargir les composantes de la stratégie fondamentalement pénale à une approche pluridisciplinaire intégrant le social, le culturel et l’économique
Terrorism is international, it is not linked to a particular country. Its proliferation is due to a lack of cooperation between states. To fight against terrorist crime, this cooperation must become a global strategic objective. It is in this perspective of characterization of the terrorist crime and the strategies and mechanisms implemented to contain it that this thesis is inscribed. It aims to present the study of the conceptualization of terrorism and the various international cooperations to fight against this phenomenon. The main forms, conceptual approaches and explanations of terrorism, the various instruments and conventions in the fight against this scourge are thus studied. This study is conducted with reference to the Tunisian experience in the eradication of terrorism and has concluded on the need, for a broad definition of terrorism, to broaden the components of the fundamentally penal strategy to a multidisciplinary approach integrating social, cultural and economic

Income tax in South Africa is levied in terms of the Income Tax Act, 58 of 1962 (the South African Income Tax Act) on taxable income, which by definition, is arrived at by deducting from ''gross income" receipts and accruals that are exempt from tax as well as deductions and allowances provided for in the Act. The South African Income Tax Act provides no guidance with regard to the taxation of income and expenditure from illegal activities. In this mini thesis, case law and legislation is reviewed in an attempt to provide clarity on the tax consequences of income and expenses arising from illegal activities. An overview is provided of the taxation of income and expenditure in respect of illegal activities in the United States of America, Australia and New Zealand. Similarities are found between the American, Australian, New Zealand and South African tax regimes in relation to the taxation of income earned from illegal activities, but there appears to be more certainty in America, Australia and New Zealand with regard to the deduction of expenses arising from illegal activities. In South Africa, taxpayers earning income from ongoing illegal activities will, in principle, comply with the definition of “trade” as defined in section 1 of the South African Income Tax Act. However, this is contrary to the view of the South African Revenue Service that illegal activities do not meet the definition of “trade”, a viewpoint that may not hold if challenged in court. Recommendations are made for the amendment of the South African Income Tax Act to specifically provide for the inclusion in “gross income” of income from illegal activities and to prohibit the deduction of expenditure arising from illegal activities.

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Nenhuma
Os crimes de lavagem de dinheiro têm provocado grandes perdas aos países e a seus sistemas financeiros, o volume de dados em transações digitais representa dificuldade para a detecção deste tipo de ilícito. As auditorias em dados financeiros mostram-se limitadas na identificação de fraudes, pois em grande parte, ainda são realizadas com dados coletados por amostragem e incapazes de identificar as situações de delito em tempo real. Este trabalho, visando auxiliar no atendimento a esta lacuna, tem por objetivo propor um método estatístico de monitoramento por Cartas de Controle multivariadas, com base na Lei de Benford, para a detecção de suspeitas de fraude em lançamentos financeiros, entre eles os devidos à lavagem de dinheiro. Foi definido um modelo conceitual com distribuição de probabilidades representando dados oriundos de lançamentos financeiros, e adotada a suposição de que aderem a distribuição da Lei de Benford. Posteriormente foi considerada a distribuição empírica, estimada a partir dos próprios dados e dois procedimentos foram testados para verificar as suspeitas de fraude por lavagem de dinheiro utilizando a avaliação dos primeiros dígitos significativos: A Carta de Controle multivariada _2 e a Carta de Controle multivariada T2 de Hotelling. Foram simulados dados com auxílio do software R-Project até a ocorrência do 50.000o sinal. Foram avaliados casos simulados e reais, com o fim de exemplificar a operação do método. A partir da simulação, as duas Cartas de Controle testadas foram avaliadas quanto ao ARL, isto é, o número médio de observações até sinalizar que a série passou a operar em um estado fora de controle, o que significa a suspeita de lançamentos fraudulentos. Após aplicação do método de análise retrospectiva, com base nas proporções dos primeiros dígitos de Benford em lançamentos financeiros da campanha para Prefeito em 2016, não foram evidenciadas suspeitas de fraude nos dados obtidos junto ao sítio do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE). Em um conjunto de dados de uma instituição financeira, foram observados sinais de divergência entre as frequências dos primeiros dígitos nos lançamentos e nos valores esperados, porém os pontos além dos limites de controleidentificados encontram-se em um período próximo nas três análises realizadas, concentrando os dados de investigação para a auditoria financeira. A contribuição acadêmica deu-se pelo desenvolvimento de um modelo de aplicação de Cartas de Controle multivariadas e da Lei de Benford, com uma abordagem inovadora do controle estatístico de processos voltado à área financeira, utilizando recurso computacional acessível, de fácil processamento, confiável e preciso, que permite aprimoramento por novas abordagens acadêmicas. No que tange à contribuição à sociedade, se dá pelo uso do modelo por entidades que atuam com movimentações financeiras e pela comunidade, em dados de organizações civis e estatais divulgados nos canais de informação, de modo a proporcionar a prática cidadã pelo acesso à análise e a constatação da idoneidade dos fatos e dos dados.
Large losses are generated in the countryes financial systems, by money laundering. The volume of financial data is big issue to identify digital crime and money laundering. Audits in financial data have limitations in detecting fraud, in large part it is still performed in a traditional way, data are collected by sampling and often unable to identify a real-time crime situation. This research is aiming to serve in addressing this gap, to propose an monitoring statistical method, from multivariate control chart based on Benford’s law for detecting suspicious of fraud in financial data, including those due to money laundering. It was initially defined as a conceptual model in order to determine the type of probability distribution that represents data from financial launches. It was adopted an assumption that this type of data adheres to the Benford’s Law distribution. Subsequently, an empirical distribution was obtained, estimated from the own data. Two procedures were tested to verify a suspected money laundering fraud through the significant first-digit assessment: The Multivariate 2 Control Chart and the Multivariate Hotelling’s T2 Control Chart. Data were simulated using the R-Project software until the occurrence of the 50.000o signal. Finally, the simulation procedures were applied to real data in order to exemplify the method operationally. From the simulation, the two Control Charts tested were evaluated for ARL, that is, average number of observations until the signaling that the series started to operate in an out-of-control state, which it means suspicious of fraudulent launches. The application of the retrospective analysis method in the financial launchings of county’s campaign from 2016 Elections in five capitals of Brazil, based on the expected proportions from the first digit given by Benford’s Law, no suspicions fraud were evidenced in the data obtained from the site of Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE). Considering the application in a set of data from a financial institution, signs of divergence between the frequencies of the first digits of the entries and the expected values were observed, but these points beyond the identified limits are close in all three analyzes. Indicating the period of the data which ones the audit will focus in a further investigation. Academic contribution is identified by developing a multivariate Control Chart together the Benford’s law in an application model with an innovative approach to the statistical process control aimed at the financial area,using accessible, easy to process, reliable and accurate computational resources that allow improvement through new academic approaches. As regard to the contribution to society, it is given the opportunity of applying the model by financial entities and the community in the data of civil and state organizations, disclosed in the information channels in order to provide access to analysis and verification of the suitability of facts and data by citizen practice.

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Com o advento dos avanços tecnológicos, a interação supranacional das relações socioeconômicas tem-se erigido de forma profícua, de modo a viabilizar maior circulação de capital. Em contrapartida, é nesse ambiente desenvolvimentista que a criminalidade econômica organizada avança, mormente por meio da utilização de atividades profissionais lícitas como instrumento viabilizador da circulação de capitais, via ocultação e dissimulação de origem ilícita para sua inserção na economia formal. Com vistas à investigação desse fenômeno, o presente trabalho objetiva analisar o fundamento e o limite da participação delitiva sob a forma de cumplicidade por meio do exercício profissional contábil na lavagem de capitais, denominado de cumplicidade por meio de ações neutras. E, para a composição dessa análise, optou-se pela abordagem metodológica de caráter qualitativo mediante uma revisão de literatura especializada de cunho descritivo-exploratório acerca do concurso de pessoas enquanto elemento fundamental à compreensão dos limites da responsabilidade penal nos casos de lavagem de capitais. O estudo nuclear desse trabalho recai sobre os fundamentos da responsabilidade penal na cumplicidade por meio de ações cotidianas na prestação de serviços contábeis, buscando demonstrar o fundamento político criminal que permite isentar de responsabilidade penal comportamentos profissionais exercidos legalmente, e os fundamentos dogmáticos que demonstram a inexistência de colaboração delitiva com o fato praticado por terceiro. A doutrina desenvolve uma variedade de construções teóricas que buscam solucionar a problemática da cumplicidade por ações cotidianas no âmbito da tipicidade objetiva, tipicidade subjetiva, analisando sobre as duas perspectivas da tipicidade objetiva-subjetiva, existindo, inclusive, proposta de solução no campo da antijuridicidade. Resultados: a colaboração para o crime de lavagem de capitais, realizada por meio da prestação dos serviços contábeis, é solucionada no âmbito da tipicidade objetiva: primeiro, em razão do princípio da proporcionalidade, que demonstra a inidoneidade do Direito Penal para proteger o bem jurídico protegido na lavagem de capitais por meio da proibição de prestação dos serviços contábeis; segundo, pela aplicação do filtro normativo da imputação objetiva, demonstrando que os serviços contábeis, em que pese o alto risco para a lavagem de capitais, é um risco juridicamente tolerável. Conclusão: o exercício profissional contábil representa atividade juridicamente tolerada impunível, não ingressando na conduta típica do autor, submetido, ainda, aos deveres de colaboração com a persecução penal antilavagem nos termos da Lei 9.613/1998, comunicando operações suspeitas e atípicas, sendo assim autorizado está a prestar seus serviços mesmo em circunstâncias de elevado risco para a realização da lavagem de capitais.
With the advent of technological advancements, the supranational interaction of socioeconomic relations has proficuously emerged in order to enable greater capital circulation. Conversely, within this developmental environment, organized economic criminality progresses, chiefly through the use of licit professional activities as enabling instruments for capital circulation, by means of concealment and dissimulation of illicit origins for insertion in the formal economy. In order to investigate this phenomenon, the present work aims at analyzing the basis and limits of delinquent participation in the form of complicity by means of professional accounting practices in the laundering of capital, known as complicity through neutral actions. A qualitative nature methodological approach was chosen to compose the analysis, through a specialized descriptive-exploratory character literature review of the concourse of people as fundamental element to understanding the limits of criminal liability in cases of money laundering. The core study of this work lies on the foundations of criminal liability for complicity by means of everyday actions in the provision of accounting services, seeking to demonstrate the criminal political foundation that allows to exempt legally performed professional practices from criminal liability, as well as the dogmatic grounds indicating the non-existence of delinquent collaboration with the fact practiced by third parties. Doctrine develops a variety of theoretical constructions that seek to solve the problem of complicity by everyday actions within the scope of objective vagueness and subjective vagueness, analyzing both perspectives of objective-subjective vagueness, also including an existing solution proposal in the field of anti-legality. Results: Collaboration with the crime of money laundering, carried out through the provision of accounting services, is solved within the scope of objective vagueness. First, due to the principle of proportionality, which demonstrates the inaptitude of Criminal Law to protect the legal interest from money laundering by prohibiting the provision of accounting services. Secondly, by the application of the objective imputation normative filter, showing that accounting services, despite the high risk for money laundering, encompass a legally tolerable risk. Conclusion: The professional accounting practice represents an unpunishable legally tolerated activity, not entering the typical conduct of the author, also submitted to the duties of collaboration with the anti-money laundering criminal prosecution, under the terms of Law 9.613/1998, reporting suspicious and atypical operations, thus being authorized to provide such services, even in circumstances of high risk for the purpose of money laundering.

La lutte internationale contre le blanchiment d’argent et le financement du terrorisme peut être définie comme l’ensemble des mesures qui concourent à l’éradication des flux financiers illicites.Le cadre juridique tel qu’il est défini de nos jours et intégré dans les ordres juridiques nationaux est une combinaison des conventions de l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) et des Recommandations du Groupe d’Action Financière (GAFI). Il a été construit ces trente dernières années en raison de la menace que représentent certaines formes de criminalité : trafic illicite de stupéfiants, criminalité transnationale organisée, terrorisme et son financement.La présente étude se propose de matérialiser l’émergence d’un principe intrinsèque à la lutte contre les flux financiers illicites à travers le concept de sécurité financière internationale, qui apparait comme la finalité des mesures adoptées dans le cadre de la lutte internationale contre le blanchiment de capitaux et le financement du terrorisme.Nous illustrons cette hypothèse à partir d’une analyse de la politique criminelle internationale, autrement dit, l’ensemble des procédés par lesquels la communauté internationale organise les réponses au phénomène de la criminalité financière. Celle-ci permet de dessiner les contours de ce que nous qualifions de sécurité financière et démontre que la réponse de la communauté internationale au phénomène de la criminalité financière, tend inexorablement vers l’instauration d’un ordre à l’échelle internationale.Cette sécurité financière est synonyme d’ordre. Un ordre qui s’établit aussi bien en droit international que dans les droits internes, un ordre qui est caractérisé par un « droit à texture multiple avec primauté de la soft law ».Cet ordre justifie et fonde à la fois les obligations préventives et répressives, malgré les restrictions qu’il apporte à certains droits fondamentaux. Cet ordre regroupe de fait, un ensemble de prescriptions dont l’objectif est de préserver la société internationale des facteurs de désordre que sont les flux financiers illicites, le crime organisé, et le terrorisme.La sécurité financière est à la fois un objectif à atteindre et une nécessité majeure.Nous consolidons cette hypothèse par une réflexion sur les enjeux que représente l’instauration d’une sécurité financière et sur les moyens susceptibles d’en garantir l’effectivité
The international fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism can be defined as the set of measures helping eradicate illicit financial flows.The legal framework as it is settled on and implemented into national legal orders is a combination of the United Nations (UN) conventions and the recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).It was built over the past 30 years in response to the threat posed by certain forms of crime such as drug trafficking, transnational crime and the financing of terrorism.This work ambitions to highlight the emergence of an inherent principle to the fight against criminal financial flows through the concept of international financial security, which appears as the main goal of the measures adopted in the context aforementioned.We illustrate this assumption with an analysis of the international crime policy, in other words all the processes through which the international community organizes responses to the phenomenon of financial crime. This analysis permits to behold the shape of what we call “financial security” and demonstrates that the answer of the international community tends inexorably to the establishment of a sort of “international financial security”.This financial security stands for an order.An order established in both international law and domestic law, an order that is characterized by what we call "droit à texture multiple avec primauté de la soft law".This order justifies and bases both preventive and repressive obligations, despite the restrictions it imposes on fundamental rights. This order contains a whole set of prescriptions whose aim to protect the international society from the factors of disorder such us illicit financial flows, organized crime and terrorism.Financial security is as much a goal to reach as a necessity.We consolidate this premise with an afterthought on the challenge of establishing financial security and the means that can be used to guarantee its effectiveness

Le blanchiment d'argent est considéré comme un crime organisé international. Du fait des progrès techniques et technologiques, il a connu un développement rapide. Ce qui a eu pour conséquence une évolution croissante de sa diffusion pendant vingt ans, en particulier après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Ceci a incité la communauté internationale à envisager soit au niveau régional soit au niveau mondial un certain nombre d'accords et de traités. Afin de lutter contre le blanchiment d'argent et le financement du terrorisme en tant que crime organisé du fait de leurs effets d'autant plus négatifs en temps de crise économique et internationale, il fut nécessaire de faire des efforts régionaux et internationaux dans le but d'en limiter l'expansion. La lutte contre le blanchiment d'argent inclut donc les obligations des professions juridiques et comptables et les professions bancaires et financières afin de rechercher et révéler les sources d'argent illicite qui ont été « lavées » et démasquer non seulement leur origine véritable mais également leur réutilisation. Le contenu de la lutte contre le blanchiment d'argent et le financement du terrorisme comporte trois obligations qui sont profondément attachées. Une obligation classique qui est l'obligation de secret professionnel, une obligation de vigilance allégée ou renforcée, fondée sur la qualité ou le degré du risque qui apparaît au cours de l'exécution d'opérations juridiques, comptables et bancaires, et une obligation de déclaration de soupçon sur les opérations suspectes envers les autorités compétentes visées par l'État. Il s'agit d'une étude comparative, analytique et critique des droits français et koweïtien dans une perspective législative, juridique et procédurale
The crime of money laundering is not only considered to be an organized international crime but also an advanced and sophisticated task of fast and remarkable technology, which led to its spread globally over twenty years, particularly after 11 September 2001 attacks. Hence, the international community has called for the need to confront it at the regional and global level through the treaties and agreements, to prevent money laundering and terrorism funding. Money laundering is considered an organized crime as it has negative effects like economic crises. So it is necessary to exert efforts to stop its spread. There are three obligations to fight this crime, either it is for legal, accounting, or investment banking careers. These obligations aim at looking for sources of illegal and laundering money so as not to hide its illegal source but also to prevent its reuse or recycling. To confront this crime, there are three interrelated and interdependent obligations. First, traditional obligation of professional secrecy. Secondly, censorship or monitoring obligation can be diluted or intensive to fit (be adapted to) the dangerous degree which is shown through its implementation either in the legal, accounting, or banking transactions. Thirdly, the notification's obligation of suspicious transactions to the state's authorities to receive the suspicious notification of money laundering. This study is a critical and analytical comparison of French and Kuwait law through legal, legislative and procedure perspective

Cette thèse porte sur la gestion du risque terroriste en France.En tant que droit fondamental, la sécurité publique est prise en charge par l’État qui a le devoir d’assurer la défense et la protection des personnes et des biens publiques. Afin de protéger le pays contre tout risque et toute menace terroriste, la France, un des pays du monde les plus ciblés par les terroristes, a dû s’adapter aux nouvelles formes de terrorisme qui sévissent. Pour ce faire, elle a mis en place un important dispositif d’outils et de moyens de prévention et de répression pour lutter contre le terrorisme, tels que les fichiers de police informatisés. Des outils dérogatoires de prévention du terrorisme ont ainsi été créés, d’autres ont été perfectionnés. Dans ce contexte de lutte contre le terrorisme, de nombreux acteurs interviennent, au niveau local, national, mais aussi européen et international, au sein des institutions.De leur côté, les législateurs, devant les diverses formes de terrorisme, mais également face à la fréquence de tels actes et à leur violence toujours plus grande, ont dû créer de nouvelles lois relatives à la répression et à la prévention des actions terroristes.Ils se sont aussi attachés à la répression du financement du terrorisme en incriminant les personnes qui seraient, directement ou indirectement liées à des réseaux criminels. Enfin, grâce à une collaboration efficace des acteurs sur les plans international, européen et national, ainsi qu’à des outils opérationnels et des moyens de plus en plus performants, la sécurité des personnes et des biens publics est assurée
This thesis focuses on terrorist risk management in France.As a fundamental right, public safety is supported by the State, it has the duty to defend and protect people and public property. To protect the country against all risks and terrorist threat, France, one of the most targeted countries of the world by the terrorists, had to adapt to new forms of terrorism. To do this, it has established an important tool device and means of prevention and enforcement to fight against terrorism, such as computerized police files. Derogatory tools to prevent terrorism have also been created, others have been improved. In this context of fight against terrorism, many actors involved, at local, national as well as European and international, within the institutions.For their part, legislators, facing the frequency of such acts and their ever-increasing violence, had to create new laws for the repression and prevention of terrorism.They also committed to the suppression of terrorist financing by criminalizing those who would be directly or indirectly linked to criminal networks. Finally, through effective collaboration of actors on the international, European and national, as well as operational tools and means of increasingly effective, the safety of persons and public goods is assured

碩士
國立臺灣大學
法律學研究所
102
The motive behind Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act of 1999 is the prevention of drug-related crimes. Drugs and crime are rampant in Thailand. Despite the development of drug-related crime control laws, such as the “Act on Measures for the Suppression of Offenders in an Offence Relating to Narcotics B.E. 2534” in 1991, in practice, they have not been effective. Thailand’s criminal cases related to trafficking and transport of drugs remain unabated. The reasons for this fearlessness is that evidence for investigating drug-related crimes is hard to find, many drug partners have not been arrested, and drug syndicate leaders are still fearlessly at large. Additionally, traffickers continue to put profit and property into their drug trafficking syndicate to support its operation. In order to put a stop to the rampant drug-related crimes, the Thai government believes more effective laws to contain drug-related crimes should be developed, while empowering the law enforcement powers of the police and prosecutors. Additionally, the new law for confiscating property should be revised to allow the government to confiscate profits made by traffickers from drug trafficking and to disable traffickers from drug trafficking that harms the society. In view of this, the Thai government set up “Anti-Money Laundering B.E. 2542” in 1999 to seize and confiscate dirty money at an extended level. Furthermore, the aim of the Thai government is to develop financial services industry standards, Know Your Customers policies, anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing guidelines. The Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act was developed in reference to the U.S. “in rem forfeiture” procedures, through which money laundering cases are divided into two parts: criminal cases and civil cases. Criminal cases are intended to punish money-laundering offenses; civil cases are intended to declare the forfeiture of property related to crime and prevent perpetrators from committing crimes to acquire illegal interests and use them for the next crime. Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act is applied in civil lawsuits for property forfeiture procedures. The reason for adopting this system is that the alleged facts pertain to property, and property owners should be most familiar with these facts, compared to the police and prosecutors. Hence, the obligation of providing proof is transferred to the defendant to better be able to achieve effective confiscation of property. This way, the obligation of the prosecutor is to prove to the civil court whether the defendant’s act is a serious crime or money laundering crime. As far as whether property comes from criminal acts is concerned, there is no need to provide 100% authenticity. Although this system lessens the burden of proof for the police and prosecutors, the burden of proof is shifted to the defendant for him to prove his property has nothing to do with crime. This will in turn achieve prompt and effective confiscation of criminal property. However, this system is also suspected of being in violation of the presumption of innocence and no self-incrimination. Additionally, it may be against people’s right to a fair trial and be an infringement of the people’s property rights.

Money laundering involves activities which are aimed at concealing benefits that were acquired through criminal means for the purpose of making them appear legitimately acquired. Money laundering promotes criminal activities in South Africa because it allows criminals to keep the benefits that they acquired through their criminal activities. It takes place through a variety of schemes which include the use of banks. In this sense money laundering control is based on the premise that banks must be protected from providing criminals with the means to launder the benefits of their criminal activities. The Financial Intelligence Centre Act 38 of 2001 (‘FICA’) in aggregate with the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 (‘POCA’) form the backbone of South Africa’s anti-money laundering regime. Like its international counterparts FICA imposes onerous duties on banks seeing that they are most often used by criminals as conduits to launder the benefits of crime. In turn, POCA criminalises activities in relation to the benefits of crime and delineates civil proceedings aimed at forfeiting the benefits of crime to the state. This study identifies the idiosyncrasies of the South African anti-money laundering regime and forwards recommendations aimed at improving its structure. To this end nine issues in relation to money laundering control and banks are investigated. The investigation fundamentally reveals that money laundering control holds unforeseen consequences for banks. In particular, a bank that receives the benefits of crimes such as fraud or theft faces prosecution if it fails to heed FICA’s money laundering control duties, for example, the filing of a suspicious transaction report. However, if the bank files a suspicious transaction report, it may be sued in civil court by the customer for breach of contract. In addition, if the bank parted with the benefits of fraud or theft whilst suspecting that the account holder may not be entitled to payment thereof, it may be sued by the victim of fraud or theft who seeks to recover loss suffered at the hand of the fraudster or thief from the bank. Ultimately, this study illustrates that amendment of some of the provisions of South Africa’s anti-money laundering legislation should enable banks to manage the aforementioned and other unforeseen consequences of money laundering control whilst at the same time contribute to the South African anti-money laundering effort.
Criminal and Procedural Law
Mercantile Law
LL.D.

碩士
國立臺灣海洋大學
海洋法律研究所
96
Since 1970s the developed countries realized that money laundering had become a huge obstacle to prevent the detections of serious crimes such as drug crimes. Although to the traditional Continental Law System states, money laundering, as a legal terminology, was still a new idea of those days. In the legislation history, the United States was the first country understanding that money laundering is a highly negative factor to investigate serious crimes. In order to trace the tremendous proceeds of the drug crimes, the United States enacted the Bank Record & Foreign Transaction Act, the Currency & Foreign Transaction Reporting Act, the Organized Crime Control Act, and the Comprehensive Drug Control Act to combat money launderings of organized drug crimes. On the other hand, in 1988, the United States also impelled the ‘United Nation Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances’ providing the parties a ground to criminalize money laundering concerning drug crimes. Furthermore, in the year of 2000, the ‘United Nation Convention against Transnational Organized Crime’ required the parties to criminalize the money laundering of any offence defined by the article 2 of the convention. The convention also suggests that mutual legal assistance between the convention parties is necessary. The major ways to prevent money laundering involve the followings at least: the regulatory laws to rule the monetary institutions on one hand, and the criminal laws to punish money laundering on the other. The Anti-Money Laundering Law of Taiwan was enacted in 1996, and was amended in 2003 and 2007 respectively. The legislation aroused some criticisms partly from the scholars and partly from the judicial systems. The main perspective of those criticisms concentrated on the criminalization of money laundering for one who offends the predicate crime himself. Most criticizers think that the provision mentioned above is against the current criminal system of Taiwan. On the topic of mutual legal assistance, due to the difficulties of the diplomatic situation, Taiwan has the only criminal mutual legal cooperation agreement with the United States, and seems not able to sign another in the nearly future. Hence the progressive amendment of the Money Laundering Law in 2007 doesn’t require a treaty or an agreement when a nation requests a legal assistance. Moreover, although Taiwan is not a member of FATF by the same reason, it could, however, attend the whole FATF affairs indirectly by the membership of the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG). By the age of financial globalization, the scope of financial services enlarged, the financial derivatives increased, the instruments of money laundering varied, and the anti-money laundering strategies should be modify in cope with the rapid change of our world. In the endless war between the money laundering side and the anti-money laundering side, no one is able to defeat the other. We still have to control the impacts of money laundering, and the predicate offences by any means. Therefore the Anti-Money Laundering Law could not reach the paradise in the future, and the theories and practices should be kept modifying by the scholars and the governments.

碩士
國立臺北商業大學
財政稅務系研究所
107
Being an island State with limited natural resources, international trade is an indispensable source of economic revenue for Taiwan. In recent years, fair trading in international trade has attracted universal attention, and competent authorities have imposed related regulations. For example, when a transaction is made between the parent company and a subsidiary of a multinational corporation (MNC), the transaction price may not comply with the principle of independent transaction. The objectives for doing so include taxation planning and profit transfer. In the context of a global economy, such transactional flows have become increasingly difficult to verify, resulting in situations where cash flows are no longer transparent. Myriad problems have emerged because MNCs have avoided tax burdens or concealed illegal gains through planning. They have also engaged in unusual transactions and deliberately created non-transparent cash flows to avoid supervision. The Money Laundering Control Act (MLCA), which was promulgated by the Ministry of Justice in 1996, underwent major revisions in 2016 with the aim of reducing the number of situations where general transactions are used to conceal criminal activities. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine whether the implementation of the revised MLCA affected import and export trade. The findings indicate that there were significant impacts on import and export trade after the MLCA was revised in 2016.

碩士
國立交通大學
科技法律研究所
106
FinTech refers to the use of technology to improve the efficiency of financial services and the further development of the Internet-based service platforms. However, the development of the FinTech itself involves a number of regulatory breakthroughs. The operators in the current FinTech industry may include traditional financial institutions and non-financial institutions. Moreover, the innovative services have not been limited to traditional financial services, and may therefore lead to a qualitative change in traditional financial supervision. Take the Financial Technology Development and Innovation Experimentation Act of Taiwan for example, it allows non-financial institutions to engage in certain financial services business. Under this change, whether the non-financial institutuion FinTech operators should fully integrate into the same financial supervision network becomes a dilemma. In the absence of relevant regulatory systems, the anonymity and high convenience of these platforms may assist on money laundering and become high-risk areas. The anti-money laundering issue is therefore highly related to the development of FinTech industry. This thesis will conduct a study on anti-money laundering supervision on FinTech industry, comparative law study and practical intercultural interviews discussing the practical status of FinTech industry to see whether financial technology operators should be included in the current anti-money laundering supervision system, and how it shall be regulated. The study will take US Federal legislation as a reference and lesson. The US law system has already incorporated certain types of FinTech practitioners into the anti-money laundering supervision system. In recent years, FinCEN has imposed penalties on financial technology practitioners for violating anti-money laundering regulations (AML) and Bank Secrecy Acts (BSA). The first case is the 2015 Ripples Lab case, and the latest one is the 2017 BTC-e case. Further, since electronic payment is one of the earlist developed FinTech services, this study will look into the The Act Governing Electronic Payment Institution of Taiwan, which already have relatively complete anti-money laundering supervision regulations to discuss the possibility of applying the experience of supervising electronic payment to other FinTech services. Through the study, this thesis wishes to propose a money laundering prevention regulation model suitable for Fintech industry of Taiwan, which can not only effectively encourage the development of FinTech industry but also can prevent delicts.

The Canadian proceeds of crime provisions, Part XTJ.2 of the Criminal Code, are targeted at enterprises that are motivated by the desire to generate profit and accumulate wealth from criminal activity. The main purpose of Part XII.2 is to provide the police and prosecution with powerful new tools to attach the proceeds of crime, and the courts with the power to forfeit such proceeds. This thesis will examine how, in recognition of the procedural and substantive problems with this legislation and in contrast to American legislation, Parliament included numerous provisions to balance such extensive powers. The balancing mechanisms included a provision that allows reasonable legal fees to be paid out of seized or restrained property that is alleged to be proceeds and another that requires an in camera session to be held without the presence of the Attorney General, to determine the reasonableness of such fees. The Parliamentary record explicitly demonstrates that the balancing provisions were meant to ensure that the pre-trial restraint and potential forfeiture of property would withstand Charter challenges, especially with regard to an accused's rights to counsel, fair trial and full answer and defence. In this thesis I will analyze the complexities of proceeds litigation and demonstrate how this necessitates adequate legal representation to ensure that an accused's Charter rights are protected. This thesis explores in depth how Parliament recognized the need for balancing mechanisms that permit funds to be released for an accused to retain private counsel. However, these mechanisms have been significantly narrowed by subsequent judicial interpretation. A result of this line of authority is that defence work in the proceeds area has become very difficult. If reasonable legal fees are not taken from seized proceeds, provincial legal aid plans will have to provide for appropriate counsel. This may not be a realistic option given the funding of these plans and their stated objection to funding proceeds cases. Therefore, in this thesis I will argue that if private counsel must be retained the right to counsel could be effectively forfeited, unless a portion of the seized or restrained assets are released for reasonable legal fees. This thesis will attempt to provide a coherent basis for future interpretation of the Part XII.2 provisions that affect legal fees. The approach taken will incorporate the competing interests of accused persons and the State without undermining the objectives of the legislation. This thesis will focus on Canadian legislation and jurisprudence, but will also have a comparative component that examines how these issues have been dealt with in Australia, England and the United States.

Over the last decade, there has been an increase in the number of money laundering and terrorist financing crimes across the globe. In a bid for authorities to control these criminal activities both locally and internationally, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) 40+9 Recommendations were established as a mechanism for identifying, combating and controlling money laundering activities. In compliance with Recommendation 26, each country should establish a Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) to serve as a national centre for gathering, analysing and disseminating suspicious transactions related to money laundering and terrorism finance. This aim of this research is to examine and investigate the compliance of the principle FIU within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (known as the Saudi Arabian Financial Unit) to the International Standards of combating money laundering and terrorism financing. This research also examines the effectiveness of SAFIU in dealing with prevention of money laundering and terrorism finance based on the 40+9 FATF Recommendations. Examining these aims is important as no previous research exclusively examines the compliance of SAFIU to the International Standards.