Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Mongol Empire'

The advent of the hordes of HUlegU Khan into Persia in the mid thirteenth century marked not only a new era for the peoples of the Iranian plateau and the surrounding lands but for the invaders and settlers themselves, The coming of HUlegU Khan was in sharp contrast to the visitations of his father, Tolui Khan, and grandfather, Chinggis Khan, and the two generals, lebei and SUbodei, some three decades earlier This dissertation explores the establishment and development of the early ll-Khanate concentrating on the period of HUlegU and his son Abaqa's reign from 1256 until 1282, roughly covering the period of the luwaynis' ascendancy After a survey and review of the primary sources used in researching this dissertation, chapters two three and four look at the main events of the first two ll-Khans' reigns and the problems they faced as their armies moved west Chapters five and six deal with the threats that the emerging kingdom suffered from fellow Mongols in the north and in the east, and how these tensions and conflicts were indicative of events and developments elsewhere in the Mongol Empire, Chapters seven, eight and nine deal respectively with the semi-autonomous provinces of Kirman, Shiraz, and Herat Each of these provinces dealt with the central Mongol power in a different way and these contrasting relationships is examined. Chapter ten is concerned with a phenomenon often associated with the later thirteenth century, namely the growth in the incidence of Sufis, Qalandars, and poets, all of whom flourished under the II-Khans This chapter creates a picture of a world not always associated with Mongol Iran. The final chapter summarises the conclusions drawn from the preceding chapters and attempts to portray a fresh, more positive image of these early II-Khanid rulers and paint a more balanced and less cynical picture of conditions under HUlegU and his son Abaqa. The illustrations are intended more for their aesthetic appeal than their historical revelations.

À travers l’étude de nombreuses sources textuelles arabes et persanes de la période mamelouke, la présente thèse a pour but de traiter l’ensemble des implications relatives au déclin politique et militaire des Kurdes au sein du sultanat d’Égypte et de Syrie à partir des années 1250. Nous y étudions les multiples facteurs de la construction d’un territoire des Kurdes entre les franges occidentales du Zagros et l’Anatolie de l’est. En ancrant leur histoire dans les montagnes zagrossiennes, lieu refuge de ces groupes belliqueux, les tribus entérinent cette construction. Les grands États du Moyen-Orient sont également des contributeurs essentiels des transformations spatiales, notamment par le pouvoir qu’ils sont de nommer les lieux. Les tribus kurdes implantées dans le Pays kurde sous influence mongole se trouvaient dans une situation intermédiaire du point de vue géographique, social et politique leur permettant de capter un certain nombre de ressources. Dans le détail de cette description ethnographique du territoire des Kurdes se logent les modes de captation des ressources et la production par ces acteurs d’un ordre intratribal et intertribal, matrice de leur autonomie. L’étude du rapport des groupes kurdes aux deux Empires de la région, les Mamelouks et les Ilkhanides mongols, révèlent le déclin politiques des Kurdes en Syrie et en Égypte et la réinstallation de pouvoirs kurdes autonomes en Haute Mésopotamie. Les autorités mameloukes marginalisent les émirs kurdes et tentent d’utiliser les forces kurdes contre les Ilkhanides. Ces derniers tentent dans un premier temps de les réduire, puis les intègrent peu à peu à leur appareil militaire pour le contrôle du territoire. La convergence de ces politiques étatiques contradictoires s’impose comme le facteur essentiel d’une autochtonisation des Kurdes<br>Through the study of many arabic and persian sources of the Mamlûk period, this doctorate seeks to take into account all the implications of the political and military decline of the Kurds within the Egypt’s and Syria’s Sultanate from 1250. The multiple factors of constructing the territory of the Kurds that stretches from the Zagros western fringes to eastern Anatolia, will be studied. In asserting their history in the heart of the Zagros mountains, shelter of these rebel groups, the tribes endorsed this territorial construction. The great States of the Middle East also highly contributed in this spatial transformation, by naming places for instance. The tribes established in the Kurdish land under mongol influence occupied an intermediary position, from the geographic, social and political viewpoint. This allowed them to capture a certain amount of resources. Describing the ethnographic situation of the Kurdish territory helps studying the capture of these resources and the production by the actors of a intra-tribal and inter-tribal order at the core these groups autonomy. The study of the relationship between the Kurdish groups and the Great Empires of the time, Mamlûks and Ilkhanids, reveals the political decline of the Kurds in Egypt and Syria as well as the reinstitution of Kurdish powers in High Mesopotamia. The Mamlûks sought to protect the core institutions of the state from the threat of a Kurdish-Ayyūbid restoration, in marginalising the Kurdish amirs. Nevertheless, faced with the overawing power of the Mongol warmachine and in order to offset their military inferiority outside Egypt and Syria, they adopted a relatively novel set of favourable strategies towards the Kurdish tiny powers in the highlands of western Asia. On the other hand, the Ilkhanids try at first to annihilate the Kurdish presence but soon commence to integrate Kurdish tribes within their military apparatus in order to control the territory. The convergence of these contradictory state policies resulted in the autochtonisation of the Kurds

Participant à une certaine opacité dans son étude générale, la civilisation nomade des steppes Eurasiatiques fut longtemps considérée comme apolitique et symboliquement ancrée dans la barbarie. Cependant, cette dernière demeure un sanctuaire d’investigation scientifique à l’intérieur duquel le politique s’est considérablement manifesté par la création de nombreuses confédérations tribales. Opérant son entrée dans l’histoire de l’humanité en tant qu’élément perturbateur des sociétés sédentaires, les peuples de la Haute Asie ont ainsi participé, durant près de deux mille ans, à la chute, au bouleversement ou au renouveau des plus grandes civilisations. La création et l’expansion de l’empire gengiskhanide, dès le début du XIIIème siècle a permis de démontrer la faculté pour ces populations de pasteurs nomades d’opérer d’importantes modifications au sein même de leur morphologie sociale, et ce pour les besoins du politique et de la guerre vers l’extérieure. Cependant examinée de l’intérieur, cette civilisation atypique n’en reste pas moins problématique, notamment du fait de son actualisation culturelle. Cette dernière, accomplie au travers de concepts socio culturels alliant pensée animiste, spiritualité chamanique et utilisation de représentations sociales à aspects zoomorphiques, ne semble rentrer dans aucune grille de lecture impériale. La symbolique du loup est ainsi devenue omniprésente dans l’évolution de la morphologie tribale altaïque, participant à une unification massive des tribus turco-mongoles sous l’hégémonie hiérocratique de Gengis Khan. Devenu progressivement élément mythologique attracteur, l’animal carnassier s’est ainsi frayé une place de choix au sein de la mentalité collective nomade, participant directement au chamboulement de la morphologie tribale, pour les besoins du politique et de l’expansion de la civilisation des steppes en terres sédentaires. Au delà de la simple utilisation lycanthropique de l’ancêtre clanique, sa symbolique, réutilisée habilement par Gengis Khan, est en mesure de démontrer à la fois le dynamisme politique à apposer aux sociétés considérées à tort comme «primitives», tout comme l’instauration d’une identité sociale et d’une idéologie guerrière prédatrices. Etablissant de ce fait l’entité nomade comme antagonique mais complémentaire avec la pensée et l’histoire humaine sédentaire<br>Participating in a certain opacity in it’s general study, the nomadic civilization of Eurasian steppe was long regarded as non-political and symbolically rooted in barbary. However, the latter remains a sanctuary of scientific investigation within which the political has significantly expressed itself by the creation of many Tribal confederations. It’s entry operates in the history of mankind as a disruptive element of sedentary societies. People of High Asia participated for almost two thousand years to the collapse, disruption or renewal of the world’s greatest civilizations. From the beginning of the 13th century the creation and expansion of the gengiskhanid empire enabled the demonstration of the faculty of these nomad pastors. They operated major changes in their social morphology for the political needs and because of the war outside. Examined from the interior, this atypical civilization remains questions. This is a result of cultural updating. The latter, accomplished through social and cultural concepts combining animist thinking, shamanist spirituality and the utilisation of social representations with zoomorphic aspects doesn’t fit any imperial cases studies. The symbolic representation of the wolf became ubiquitous in the development of the Tribal-Altaic morphology and participation of a massive unification of Turko-Mongolian clans under the hierocratic hegemony of Gengis Khan. The carnivorous animal had progressively became administred as an attraction mythological element and cleared the way to the Tribal collective mentality. This participating directly to the disruption of Tribal morphology for the political needs and expansion of the steppe civilization in settled population territories. Beyond the single lycanthropic utilization of the Tribal ancestor, its symbolism skillfully reused by Gengis Khan demonstrates simultaneously the political dynamism to pin on societes mistakenly considered as « primitive », and the establishment of a predatory social identity and war-making ideology created de facto the nomadic identity as an antagonist but complementary to the social wores and history of human sedentary<br>Судалгааны хувьд ерөнхийдөө зарим тайлбарлахад амаргүй байдлыг хуваалцахад, Евро- Азийн тал нутгийн соёлыг урт хугацааны туршид зэрлэг бүдүүлэг байдалтай байсан хэмээн үздэг. Гэсэн хэдий ч сүүлд оршин байсан ариун дагшин газраас шинжлэх ухааны судалгаа авч үзвэл олон овог аймгийн нэгтгэн байгуулсан улс төрийн байдал нь нэлээд тод томруун харуулж өгдөг байна. Хүн төрлөгтөний түүхийн хувьд авч үзвэл уналт, өөрчлөлтийн зөрчилдөөн эсвэл илүү том нөлөө бүхий соёл иргэншлээр шинэчлэл явагдсан байдал зэргээр сууршмал нийгмийн хөгжил нь төв азийн нүүдэлчин улс орнуудын оролцоо нөлөөгөөр 2000 орчим жил тасалдсан. Улс төрийн болон гадагш хандсан дайны шаардлагаар Чингис хааны эзэнт гүрний байгуулалт болон тэлэлт нь 13-р зууны эхэн үед нийгмийн бүтцэд чухал өөрчөлтүүдийг бий болгоход малчин нүүдэлчид их нөлөө үүрэг гүйцэтгэсэн гэдгийг илэрхий харуулж өгдөг. Гэвч дотоод байдлыг нь ухан авч үзвэл энэхүү өвөрмөц соёл багагүй асуудалтай байсан бөгөөд дашрамд дурдахад соёлын өөрчлөлтийн нөлөө ч бас илэрхий байв. Энэхүү нийгэм соёлын үзэл баримтлалыг нь өргөнөөр авч үзвэл сүнслэгжүүлсэн үзэл санаа, бөөгийн сүнслэг үзэл болон амьтны сүнстэй холбосон үзэл санаан дээр тулгуурласан нийгмийн төлөөллийг ашигласан зэрэг нь эзэнт гүрний утга зохиолын хүрээнд оруулсан байдаг. Чингис хааны доор Түрэг-монголчуудын овгуудын өргөнөөр нэгтгэсэн байдлыг хамруулан Алтайн овгийн хэл зүйн хувьсал өөрчлөлтөнд чонын билиг тэмдгийн талаар хаа сайгүй дурдагдсан байдаг. Бодлогын зорилгоор болон соёлын алхамын тэлэлтүүд сууршиж, нүүдэлчдийн ерөнхий сэтгэлгээнд үлгэр домгийн хэлбэрүүд аажмаар багасаж махчин амьтны талаарх сэдэв түгэж эхлэсэн бөгөөд овгийн хэл зүйд шууд өөрчлөлтөнд нөлөө үзүүлэв. Эртний отог аймгийн энгийн бэлэг тэмдэг болсон чонын утгыг Чингис Хаанаар дамжуулан цааш улс төрийн хүч, итгэл үнэмшлийг харуулах арга замаар ухаалгаар дахин ашиглагдаж ирсэн байдал нь хэсэг бүлгийнхний дүгнэлтэнд буруугаар тайлбарлагдах шалтгаан болсон бөгөөд балар эртний дайтан эзлэн түрэмгийлэгч хэмээн тэд авч үзэх болсон бөгөөд нүүдэлчдийн энэхүү байдлыг хувиа хичээсэн байдлаар оршин тогтнож байсан хэдий ч сууршмал соёлын үзэл баримтлал холбоотой зүйлс бас байсан байна хэмээн үзжээ

<p> This study is based on the extraction and sequencing of the mitochondrial DNA from 132 ancient human samples from central Mongolia dating to the Neolithic, Bronze Age, Iron Age (Xiongnu) and Mongol Empire periods. The data collected were compared to mtDNA gene pools from multiple published studies of ancient and modern human populations from across Eurasia with particular focus on Eurasian steppe populations. The results of these analyses support a model of human migration showing an original eastern population on the Neolithic Mongol Steppe that admixed with a western population, which had migrated onto the eastern Eurasian steppe zone during the Neolithic. This study demonstrates western Eurasian DNA on the eastern Eurasian steppe as far as the Mongol Steppe by the Late Neolithic, and reveals a significant western component in the Bronze Age population of Central Mongolia. It supports an indigenous population as the origin of the Xiongnu, confirms that the Xiongnu had a strongly admixed mtDNA gene pool, and indicates that a significant shift towards eastern mtDNA occurred between the Xiongnu Empire and Mongol Empire periods, which has continued up to the present.</p><p>

En conséquence de la formation de l’empire mongol, entre le XIIIe et le XIVe siècle l’espace eurasiatique atteint un degré sans précédent d’intégration. Sous l’égide des Mongols, les échanges entre les différentes régions de l’Eurasie s’intensifient et les voyages à longue distance se font de plus en plus fréquents. Dans ce contexte, les premiers voyageurs occidentaux gagnent l’Asie de l’Est. C’est le cas de Jean de Plan Carpin et de Guillaume de Rubrouck, qui atteignent la Mongolie, ou bien de Marco Polo et d’Odoric de Pordenone, qui gagnent la Chine. Leurs ouvrages témoignent de la rencontre de l’occident chrétien avec un monde vaste et complexe jusque-là presque inconnu. Dans les mêmes années, le monde persan est rattaché à l’empire mongol. Les intellectuels de culture persane se trouvent ainsi, eux aussi, en relation étroite avec le monde est-asiatique. Des ouvrages tels que l’Histoire du conquérant du monde de ʿAṭā Malik Juwaynī ou l’Histoire universelle de Rashīd al-Dīn attestent de leurs efforts pour intégrer l’Asie de l’Est et ses peuples dans la géographie mentale du monde persan. En faisant recours aux ouvrages de ces auteurs, ainsi qu’à d’autres textes de l’époque, il est possible de mener une étude comparative de la représentation de l’Asie de l’Est dans l’occident chrétien et dans le monde persan. Nous prendrons dès lors en considération la vision que ces savants et voyageurs ont donnée de la géographie physique et humaine de cet espace, ainsi que des religions, des langues et des modes de vie de ses habitants<br>Among the many consequences of the formation of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century, one of the most significant was the emergence of a truly integrated and interconnected Eurasia. Under the aegis of the Mongols, trade, cultural and religious exchanges between the different Eurasian civilisations intensify, and long-distance travel becomes more and more common. The first Western travellers thus reach East Asia. This is the case of John of Plano Carpini and William of Rubruck, who both travel to Mongolia, as well as of Marco Polo and Odoric of Pordenone, who spent years in China. Their travel accounts testify to the Latin west’s encounter with a wide, complex world, about which until then almost nothing was known. Yet, in the very same period, the Persianate world came to have even closer ties to East Asia. Literary works such as ʿAṭā Malik Juwaynī’s History of the World Conqueror and Rashīd al-Dīn’s Universal History testify to their efforts to integrate this space into the mental geography of Persianate intellectuals. Drawing on these sources, as well as to a wider corpus of Latin, French, Italian, Arabic and Persian works on East Asia of different genres, from travel literature to historiography and geography, a comparative study of the representation of this space in the Latin West and in the Persianate world in the Mongol period can be undertaken. The dissertation thus discusses the Western and Persianate representation of East Asia in fields as diverse as geography, religion, languages, and urban and civil life

This dissertation began with a question: what does it mean to say or grasp "the economy"? This dissertation examines it examines on-the-ground trading, mining, and money lending between Russian and Qing subjects in Qing Mongolian territories and southeastern Siberia, primarily, though not exclusively, during the years 1860 - 1911. This dissertation uses archival records from Mongolia, the Russian Federation, and the People's Republic of China, in addition to travel accounts, economic surveys, gazetteers, and periodicals. Combining Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, and Russian primary sources, it provides a trans-imperial examination of both how quotidian trade was carried out as well as the broader intellectual and political contexts that shaped the parameters of economic life. A bourgeoning labor market developed in Mongolia in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The legalization of Russian trade provided new labor opportunities for Mongolians and Russian alike, particularly in working in transportation, wool washing, and mining. In addition to the transportation industry examines cases of gold-mining, Russian-Mongolian debt, and Buddhist monasteries' roles in facilitating trade.

This dissertation studies the nexus of empire, environment, and market that defined Qing China in 1750-1850, when unprecedented commercial expansion and a rush for natural resources – including furs, pharmaceuticals, and precious minerals – transformed the ecology of China and its borderlands. That boom, no less than today’s, had profound institutional, ideological, and environmental causes and consequences. Nature itself was redefined. In this thesis, I show that it was the activism, not the atavism, of early modern empire that produced “nature.” Wilderness as such was not a state of nature: it reflected the nature of the state. Imperial efforts to elaborate and preserve “pure” ethnic homelands during the boom were at the center of this process. Using archival materials from Northeast China and Mongolia as case studies, the dissertation reassesses the view that homesteaders transformed China’s frontiers from wilderness to breadbasket after 1850. I argue instead that, like the Russian East and American West, the Qing empire’s North was never a “primitive wilderness” – it only seemed so to late 19th century observers. Manchuria and Mongolia, in fact, had served local and global markets. The boom years of the 1700s in particular witnessed a surge in poaching, commercial licensing, and violent “purification” campaigns to restore the environment, stem migration, and promote “traditional” land-use patterns. Results were mixed; conservation succeeded in some territories, while others suffered dramatic environmental change: emptied of fur-bearing animals, stripped of wild pharmaceuticals, left bare around abandoned worker camps. Beginning with changes in material culture in the metropole, the dissertation follows the commodity chain to production sites in the frontier, providing a fresh look at the politics of resource production and nature protection in the Qing empire.<br>East Asian Languages and Civilizations

Ce travail est une contribution aux recherches sur les diffusions de techniques de Chine en occident par l'intermediaire du Proche-orient, au moyen-age. Apres avoir examine les systemes postaux a relais de chevaux en us-age du sixieme siecle avant j. C jusqu'a leur disparition aux onzieme sie-cle apres j. C. , nous abordons l'etude de la poste d'etat a relais de che-vaux de la chine, sa diffusion en russie meridionale, en iran et en iraq par les mongols. Par l'examen des affrontements entre mamluks et mongols en Syrie et en Palestine, nous montrons que l'appareil d'etat mamluk a emprunte le systeme postal a relais de chevaux d'origine sino-mongol. Les relations pri-vilegiees etablies entre l'empire mamluk et les villes-etats d'Italie du nord au quatorzieme siecle vont permettre la diffusion de l'institution postale etatique orientale a milan, a la fin du quatorzieme siecle. Au quin-zieme siecle, le roi louis onze, imitant la poste d'etat a relais de chevaux milanaise, installera la premiere poste a relais a caractere nationale en europe. Nous concluons notre travail par des reflexions sur les relations etroites qui lient tout appareil d'etat et la poste a relais de chevaux, en orient et en occident; sur une comparaison entre les etats d'orient et d'occident; et sur quelques unes des consequences en orient et en occident de l'insti-tution d'une poste a relais de chevaux sur les plans economiques politiques et culturels

Les fouilles françaises de Médamoud se sont déroulées entre 1924 et 1939 sous la direction de F. Bisson de la Roque (entre 1924 et 1932) et de Cl. Robichon (entre 1933 et 1939). Elles ont mis au jour de nombreux monuments s’échelonnant de la XIe dynastie jusqu’à l’époque byzantine, mais aucune synthèse n’avait encore offert une étude globale de l’histoire du site. L’ensemble de cette documentation constitue un corpus riche mais hétérogène dont il a fallu restituer le contexte de découverte. En effet, les deux étapes des fouilles sont inégalement publiées et l’étude des archives nous a permis de reconstituer le déroulement, les modalités et les résultats des actions sur le terrain. Après avoir restitué l’histoire des fouilles et proposé une nouvelle datation des vestiges mis au jour, nous avons analysé l’état du temple depuis sa fondation. L’existence du temple primitif a ainsi été prouvée, même si nous avons modifié son plan et très largement nuancé les théories d’A. Varille quant à son usage cultuel. Ensuite, Sésostris III a refondé le temple, qui a ensuite été modifié par Thoutmosis III. Une nouvelle étude des maçonneries a permis de réfuter la présentation traditionnelle qui supposait des destructions successives du bâtiment et nous avons proposé, au contraire, qu’une partie du temple du Moyen Empire et du Nouvel Empire furent inclus par les Ptolémées dans leur propre programme architectural. Le dieu de Médamoud, Montou, a également été étudié à travers la documentation du site qui le présente comme le dieu thébain par excellence. L’essentiel du programme iconographique n’était pas consacré à l’exaltation guerrière de la divinité mais plutôt à la légitimation royale et au culte des ancêtres, parmi lesquels Sésostris III occupait une place de choix<br>Medamud’s French excavations took place between 1924 and 1939 under the supervision of F. Bisson de la Roque (between 1924 and 1932) and of CL. Robichon (between 1933 and 1939). They excavated numerous monuments which spread from the XIe dynasty to the Byzantine period although there is no global overview of the history of the site. It was necessary to re-establish the discovery’s context of all of this information as the corpus of documents was extensive but heterogeneous. As the two excavation stages were unequally published, studying the archives allowed us to establish how the field actions took place, its methods and results. After having summarized the excavations’ history and offered the uncovered vestiges a new dating, we analysed the temple’s condition since its founding. In this way, the existence of the « temple primitif » has been proven even though we modified its plan and widely qualified A. Varille’s theories regarding its cult uses. Senwosret III rebuilt the temple, which was modified by Thutmose III afterwards. Thanks to a new study of the masonry, we re-examined the traditional assumption, which supposed successive destruction of the building. Instead, we believe that parts of the Middle Kingdom’s temple and of the New Kingdom’s were included by the Ptolemies in their own architectural plans. Regarding Montu the god of Medamud, he is presented as the ultimate Theban god through the site’s documentation. Most of the iconography wasn’t dedicated to the war glorification of the deity but rather to royal legitimisation and ancestor worship among which Senwosret III occupies a prominent place

On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.

Ma thèse se concentre sur la question de la transformation de la pratique du banquet classique face, d’une part, à la nouvelle situation sociopolitique découlant de l’installation des royaumes dits successeurs et de la dissolution des structures politiques classiques ;et d’autre part, face à l’intensification de ce que l’on appelle communément la « christianisation » du monde romain. Mes recherches concernent le monde romain occidental (Gaule, Italie et Espagne) à partir du moment où le discours ascétique oriental se diffuse massivement en occident dans la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, mettant fin à ce que Robert Markus appelle le « christianisme antique ». La question principale de ma thèse concerne le discours chrétien et ascétique qui porte sur les questions alimentaires et les réponses données par les groupes sociaux dont l’usage du banquet classique est suffisamment documenté. En l’occurrence les aristocrates (en ce compris les évêques), les communautés cénobitiques et le mouvement anachorétique. La seconde question abordée dans mes recherches est celle posée par la présence « barbare » et l’image du mangeur barbare en ces siècles de transition socioculturelle. Le terminus ante quem de mes recherches se situe à la fin du VIe siècle, en un monde romain désormais indubitablement transformé.<p><p><p> <p>La mia tesi si incentra sulla questione della trasformazione della pratica classica del banchetto nel confronto, da una parte con la nuova situazione sociale e politica dovuta all’insediamento dei regni post-romani, e, dall’altra, con l’intensificazione della cosiddetta “cristianizzazione” del mondo romano. La tesi riguarda lo spazio romano occidentale (cioè Gallia, Italia, Spagna) a partire dal momento in cui si diffonde la grande moda dell’ascetismo orientale dalla seconda metà del IV secolo. La questione principale della tesi, che occupa i capitoli tre e quattro, riguarda il discorso cristiano e ascetico sull’alimentazione e poi le risposte date dai gruppi sociali il cui uso del banchetto è documentato a sufficienza, in fatti specie gli aristocratici, il mondo monastico, e gli eremiti. I due primi capitoli riguardano, rispettivamente, la pratica del banchetto classico nella tarda antichità e la questione della presenza “barbara” e dell’immagine del mangiatore barbaro in quei secoli. La conclusione della tesi si colloca alla fine del VI secolo, in un momento in cui il mondo romano è indubbiamente trasformato.<p><p><p>My doctoral thesis concentrates on the question of the transformation of the classical banquet through the encounter with, on the one hand, the new sociopolitical situation due to the migration and installation of the new successor kingdoms ;and on the other hand, with the intensification of the Christianization of the Roman world. My research focuses on the Western Roman world (Gaul, Italy and Spain) from the moment in which the eastern ascetic discourse spreads widely in the West in the second half of the 4th century, causing what Robert Markus calls “The end of Ancient Christianity”. The main question of my thesis regards the Christian and ascetic discourse on food practices and the answers given by the social groups who’s uses of the banquet is documented enough. In this case, the aristocrats (within which the bishops), the monastic communities and the hermits. The second question taken into consideration in my thesis is the one presented by the “barbarian” presence and the literary image of the barbarian eater in these centuries of socio cultural transformation. The terminus ante quem of my research is placed at the end of the 6th century, in a undoubtly transformed Roman world.<br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

碩士<br>國立臺灣科技大學<br>管理學院MBA<br>99<br>Under the fierce global competition and fast changing environment, business leaders must have own unique business concept that could sustain the growth of firm from a small medium enterprise in becoming a multinational corporation by outperforming competitors and managing the increasing uncertainties of globalization. Similar to ancient emperors shaping powerful empires, effective leadership, efficient strategies and appropriate culture are the key essentials to succeed. This research investigates whether the survival and growth of famous 21st–century multi-national corporations can be traced back into history of the success of Genghis Khan and the Mongol Empire. Using two global business corporations and one historical military empire, an analysis of the manner in which the firm's management responded to the threats of change and turbulence by developing leadership, strategies and culture. It illustrates the main actions a company must do in different stages of corporate lifecycle during the transition of growing into a truly global business empire.

碩士<br>國立臺灣科技大學<br>資訊管理系<br>94<br>Globalization is a current trend and issue. Managing in this fast changing global environment, businesses in Taiwan will certainly face more risk and uncertainty than ever before. To run a successful global business, the leaders must identify the organization’s current missions, objectives, and strategies to avoid being outdistanced by its competitors. Every entrepreneur has his own personality and a unique business concept. Somehow, even without resources, the successful entrepreneur thrives in the global market. How? Why? Sometimes, the market is like the battlefield. Capturing markets is very similar to building an empire. Genghis Khan, the most famous leader of the Mongol Empire, unified the Mongol tribes, organized an invincible army of fearless nomadic warriors, and completed the first stage in the conquest of a vast territory that would be extended by his sons and grandsons. With extraordinary speed, the Mongols created the world’s largest empire. Genghis Khan became one of the most successful military leaders in history. In Taiwan, Foxconn and Acer are successful transnational corporations. Key successful factors (KSF) of their global business empires are similar to those of Genghis Khan’s empire across the Eurasian landmass. Our focus is to construct a global strategy framework and an evaluation module by comparing these three organizations in their cultures, leadership styles, organizational structures and strategies. By doing so, we can try to learn from them and determine how a global business can avoid repeating the Mongol Empire’s failure.

This study provides a new interpretation of how political authority was conceived and transmitted by the ruling elite of the Early Mongol Empire (1227-1259) and its successor state in Iran, the Ilkhanate (1258-1335). Authority within the Mongol Empire was intimately tied to the character of its founder, Chinggis Qan, whose reign served as an idealized model for the exercise of legitimate authority amongst his political successors. After Chinggis Qan's death in 1227 two distinct political traditions emerged in the Mongol Empire each claiming to have preserved the essence of Chinggis Qan's rule. For the purposes of this thesis these two traditions have been designated as collegialism and patrimonialism. Both of these streams of Chinggisid authority represented the political and economic interests of different social groups within the Mongol polity. The supporters of collegial authority were drawn from amongst Chinggis Qan's extended family (altan uruq) and companions (n{u1F42}k{u1F42}t). The collegialists held that the essence ofChinggis Qan's government had been enshrined in his laws (jasaq) and customs (yosun), which they claimed to defend. The collegialists used their supposed expertise in these laws and customs to preserve their power and influence the policy of the Empire in the years after Chinggis Qan's death. Yet the collegialists were opposed by the patrimonialists, represented by the descendants of Chinggis Qan's fourth son Tolui and their sedentary bureaucrats. This group sought to centralize authority and reduce the interference of the princes and companions in the running of the Empire. The patrimonialists considered both Chinggis Qan's authority and Empire to have been the hereditary property of his family. Moreover, the patrimonialists believed that the qans were chosen by Eternal Heaven/God, and blessed with unique virtues and powers which elevated them above their subjects. The character and composition of the Early Mongol Empire and the llkhanate were shaped by the conflict between these competing ideologies and their supporters in the central government and its military aristocracy. The influence of these rival political traditions upon the constitution of the llkhan polity was so strong that they continued to serve as the primary source of legitimate authority in Iran well after the conversion of the llkhan court to Islam at the end of the thirteenth century. The present study documents the emergence of these two streams of political authority and assesses their impact upon the constitution and character of the Early Mongol Empire and the llkhanate. In doing so this dissertation provides a more comprehensive account of how power was conceived and exercised in the Mongol Empire, particularly amongst the noyat (commanders), whose contribution to the Mongol polity has commonly received little attention. The findings of this study contribute to a better understanding of the noyat's role within the history of the Mongol polity and disprove the idea that Chinggis Qan's Empire remained the exclusive property of his family. Indeed, it is shown that the preservation of Chinggis Qan's political legacy was achieved through the participation of the entire Mongol community, not just its senior leadership.

Following several successful military expeditions against the Mongols in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Manchu rulers of Qing China (1644-1911) met an unprecedented challenge as they incorporated culturally different subjects into their growing empire. After doubling in territory and tripling in population, how did the multicultural Qing operate? How did the new imperial subjects receive and reinterpret Qing state policies? What have been the ramifications of the eighteenth-century political innovations in modern China? In this dissertation, I address these questions by examining the encounters of the expanding Qing empire with Tibetans and Mongols in Inner Asia. Central to the analysis is Tibetan Buddhism, to which Mongols and Tibetans have adhered for centuries. Recent decades have seen a growing volume of research attending to Tibetan Buddhism within the context of the Qing’s imperial policies, but key questions still remain with regards to the perspective of these Inner Asian communities and the reasons for their participation in the imperial enterprise. The inadequate understanding of the Qing’s interaction with Tibetan Buddhism is predicated upon the assumption that Qing emperors propitiated the belligerent Mongols by patronizing their religion. While this premise acknowledges Tibetan Buddhism’s importance in the Qing’s imperial formation, it simultaneously deprives those practicing the religion of agency. The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how the empire was ruled from the viewpoint of the governed. The project draws evidence from Tibetan-language biographies and monastic chronicles, letters in the Mongolian language, as well as local gazetteers, artisanal manuals, and court statutes in Chinese and Manchu, the two official languages in the Qing era. These textual sources are supplemented by Tibetan Buddhist artifacts housed in museums and libraries in North America and Asia. Through an examination of the wide array of source materials, I argue that the Qing imperial rulers capitalized on the religious culture of Inner Asian communities, which in turn gave rise to a transnational religious network that was centered on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. The religious knowledge system remained strong well past the formative eighteenth century. Its enduring impact on Qing political and social history was felt even as the empire worked towards creating a distinctive cosmopolitan Qing culture. The dissertation consists of four chapters, each of which locates a space within the context of the symbiotic growth of the Qing and the Tibetan Buddhist knowledge network. This dissertation revolves around Tibetan Buddhist scholars, institutions, rituals, and objects, as they traveled from Tibet to Qing China’s capital and eastern Mongolia, and finally entered the literary realm of intellectuals in eighteenth-century China. Chapter One brings into focus Tibetan Buddhist reincarnation—a dynamic practice that redefined the institutional genealogy of individual prestige—as the Qing imperial power increased its contact with Inner Asian communities from the 1720s in the strategic border region of Amdo between Tibet and Qing China. I discuss how local hereditary headmen refashioned themselves into religious leaders whose enduring influence could transcend even death so as to preserve their prestige. Yet, their impact reached beyond the imperial margin. Chapter Two traces the role of these religious leaders in transforming an imperial private space into the largest Tibetan Buddhist monastery in the Qing’s imperial capital. This monastery—Beijing’s Lama Temple (Yonghegong 雍和宮)—not only became a site that manifested Qing imperial devotion to Tibetan Buddhism, but also served as an institutional outpost for the increasingly transnational Tibetan Buddhist network to the east. The Lama Temple was not the only outpost of the growing religious network, and Chapter Three explores another major nodal point within this network at a contact zone in southern Mongolia. It was here that two massive Tibetan Buddhist monasteries were constructed, owing to the mutual efforts undertaken by the imperial household and Tibetan Buddhists from Inner Asia. The final chapter returns to the imperial center but shifts its focus to a discursive space formed by Tibetan Buddhist laity who also occupied official posts in the imperial court. Two Manchu princes and one Mongolian Buddhist composed or were commissioned to compile texts in multiple languages on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. Their writings reveal the fluidity and extent of the religious network, as well as its symbiotic growth with the imperial enterprise as the Qing empire took shape territorially and culturally. This dissertation concludes by addressing the nature of the Qing’s governance and that of the transnational power of the Tibetan Buddhist network, and it aims to deconstruct the dominant discourse associated with imperial policies in the Inner Asian frontier. My findings offer insight into how Tibetan Buddhism had a lasting impact on the Qing’s imperial imagination, during and after the formative eighteenth century.

The Xiongnu Empire (c. 200 BC – AD 100) was the first instance of imperial level organization by nomadic groups of the Mongolian steppe. Over a century of historical and archaeological research has produced a large body of scholarship on the political, military, and sociocultural structures of Xiongnu society. This study adds to the growing body of recent bioarchaeological research by using multiple lines of evidence to address the impacts of empire formation on the physical health of those who lived under the influence of Xiongnu rule. Models of Xiongnu empire formation posit stable access to Chinese agricultural goods and reduction in violent conflict as major motivating factors in establishing imperial-level organization among Mongolian nomadic groups. By gathering data from the skeletal remains of 349 individuals from 27 archaeological sites and analyzing the frequency of 10 dietary and health indicators, this study addresses these claims. The Xiongnu imperial expansion and administration resulted in the movement and/or displacement of nomadic groups, consequences that are documented in Chinese historical texts, but its impact on population structure is poorly understood. Craniometric data collected from this skeletal sample were used to conduct a model-bound biological distance analysis and fit to an unbiased relationship matrix to determine the amount of intra- and inter-group variation, and estimate the biological distance between different geographic and temporal groups. This skeletal sample includes individuals from 19 Xiongnu-period sites located across the region under Xiongnu imperial control. Individuals from eight Bronze Age sites in Mongolia were included to establish pre-Xiongnu health status. One agricultural site within the Han empire, contemporaneous with the Xiongnu, was included for comparison. The results of this study indicate that Xiongnu motivations for creating a nomadic empire were considerably more complex than current models suggest. Although historical texts document that the Xiongnu received agricultural products as tribute from China, dietary markers indicate the Xiongnu diet was more similar to that of their Bronze Age predecessors than to their agricultural Han neighbors. The movement of people across the Mongolian steppe during the Xiongnu period created a more phenotypically homogeneous population structure than that of previous Bronze Age groups.

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...

This thesis analyzes the major theme of ‘postcolonial genealogy’ in portraying the African bending under the weight of colonial history in Le vieux nègre et la médaille, Une vie de boy of Ferdinand Oyono and Le Chercheur d’Afriques of Henri Lopes. Being a product of a colonial Genesis, the African character runs behind the colonizer’s mirror through his Civilizing Mission. René Girard’s ‘double bind’ theory explains how this cultural assimilation is, in Le vieux nègre et la médaille and Une vie de boy, a dead end because the colonizer needs a subordinate and not an equal. The cohabitation of a black housewife with the French Commander in Le Chercheur d’Afriques should be seen as simply an allegory of postcolonial Africa’s dependency on the West. The consequences of the feminization of the African continent are enormous in the post-colonial imaginary. While the colonizer had conquered Africa with his Herculean body, in Oyono’s novels, his Fall is obtained through the aesthetics of Bakhtinian ‘rabaissement’ which degrades his ‘grotesque body’ to that of the colonized. The colonizer and the colonized are neutralized and leveled in their perishable bodies, thus, making futile the Civilizing Mission that operated by ranking races. Power is never total. It is always imperfect, and can never destroy a subjectivity that resists it. In Oyono’s novels, the Fall of the colonial Father is also obtained through the inquisitive gaze that the colonized return back to the colonizer, and through their ‘subversive mimicry’ that parodies his codes. In Une vie de boy and Le Chercheur d’Afriques, the ‘son-Father’ relationship between the hero and the colonial Father, is also symbolic of the ‘Africa-West’ rapports. Living under the specter of the Father, the son has to negotiate his survival between weaning and parricide. The biological miscegenation in Le Chercheur d’Afriques is a metaphor of the ‘rhizome identity’ of the postcolonial African who renounces both the Fathers of Negritude and those of the Civilizing Mission.<br>Thesis (Ph.D, French) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-24 12:43:30.006