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Journal articles on the topic 'Mongoles'
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1
Meneses, Jorge. "Para matar a los mongoles." La Colmena, no. 113 (March 17, 2022): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.36677/lacolmena.v0i113.14508.
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Dos hermanos se quedan solos en casa, esperan a que su madre regrese. Mientras aguardan su llegada reviven sus miedos a la violencia a través del juego, es así que mueren, invocan fantasmas y retan lo desconocido. La ausencia y el terror por la figura del padre los deja a merced de un mundo limítrofe entre la pesadilla y la realidad.
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Lodwick, Kathleen. "For God and Queen: James Gilmour Among the Mongols, 1870-1891." Social Sciences and Missions 21, no. 2 (2008): 144–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489408x342255.
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AbstractThe Rev. James Gilmour, London Missionary Society, spent twenty years in Mongolia, but never converted any of them to Christianity. A keen observer of Mongolian society he published Among the Mongols in 1883 vividly describing their lifestyles and customs. Termed "one of the best books ever written about Mongolia" it remains in print as a lasting legacy to Gilmour's lonely toil in one of the world's most remote missionary locations. Durant les vingt années qu'il a passées en Mongolie pour la London Missionary Society, le Révérend James Gilmour n'a pas fait un seul converti au christianisme. En 1883, ce fin observateur de la société mongole publia Among the Mongols, un livre dans lequel il décrivait leur modes de vie et leurs coutumes. Considéré comme « l'un des meilleurs ouvrages jamais écrits sur la Mongolie », le livre est l'héritage tangible du parcours solitaire de Gilmour dans l'une des contrées missionnaires les plus reculées au monde.
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Savatier, François. "Les élites avares étaient proto-mongoles." Pour la Science N° 536 – juin, no. 6 (June 1, 2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pls.536.0015.
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Borjigin, Huhbator. "The History and the Political Character of the Name of ‘Nei Menggu’ (Inner Mongolia)." Inner Asia 6, no. 1 (2004): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481704793647207.
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AbstractAfter the independence of ‘Outer Mongolia’ in 1911, and especially after the founding of the Mongolian People's Republic in 1924, ‘Outer Mongolia’ (Wai Menggu in Chinese or Gadaad Mongol and Ar Mongol in Mongolian) became a historical term. Inner Mongolia, on the other hand, became the focal point of the so–called ‘Mongolian problem’, and its name Nei Menggu (C) or Dotood Mongol (M) remained sinocentric, denoting direct rule as it did in the Qing geographical– administrative demarcation of the Mongols. The question of naming Inner Mongolia in both Chinese and Mongolian has thus become significant not only for the Mongols in China, but also for Mongols in the independent state of Mongolia. The founding of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government in 1947 introduced a new name in Mongolian: instead of Dotood Mongol, it is now called Öbör (the sunny side of mountain) Mongol, thereby forming a geobody with Ar Mongol (formerly Outer Mongolia), and it no longer connotes internal administration within China. However, this change has not been reflected in Chinese translation, as Inner Mongolia continues to be called Nei Menggu and historicist Chinese continue to refer to Mongolia as Wai Menggu. In recent years, some Mongols began to call Inner Mongolia ‘Nan Menggu’, and with it came the change of English translation from Inner Mongolia to Southern Mongolia.
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May, Timothy, and Laurent Testot. "Gengis Khan et le secret des conquêtes mongoles." Sciences Humaines N° Hors-série, HS4 (January 2, 2019): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.hs4.0044.
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Bulag, Uradyn E. "Hybridity and Nomadology in Inner Asia." Inner Asia 6, no. 1 (2004): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481704793647199.
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AbstractIdentity, especially modern national identity, entails ideas of authenticity and hybridity. For much of the history of Mongolian studies, authenticity has been a staple of scholarly concern, whereas hybridity or diversity is brushed aside. This is as much an Orientalist imperative as a nationalist quest for the homogeneity of the Mongolian nation/nationality. Every country which has a substantial number of Mongols – Mongolia, China, and the Soviet Union (Russia) – has set their own separate but often mutually conflicting standard of what Mongolness means and where its boundary should lie. In this issue, we publish several important studies about Mongols in China, concerning precisely the issue of hybridity, or Mongols who possess certain qualities or attributes, which are deemed un- Mongol. It is imperative that we realise that hybridity is not only an objective reality but also a product of modernist nationalism that is predicated on such governmentalities as standardisation and categorisation.
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Lacaze, Gaëlle. "Les Techniques D'Alimentation Mongoles: Manger, Boire, Goûter Et Lécher." Nomadic Peoples 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2002): 130–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/082279402782311185.
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Lacaze, Gaëlle. "Des négociantes à la valise dans les villes sino‑mongoles." Ethnologie française 165, no. 1 (2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.171.0037.
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Borjigin, Burensain. "The Complex Structure of Ethnic Conflict in the Frontier: Through the Debates around the ‘Jindandao Incident’ in 1891." Inner Asia 6, no. 1 (2004): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481704793647171.
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AbstractToward the end of the Qing dynasty, Inner Mongolia became the main destination for bankrupt Chinese peasants from interior China. With the increase in numbers of Chinese immigrants, conflicts between Mongols and Chinese intensified as Chinese struggled for more benefits and Mongols tried to maintain their traditional social order. In 1891 a Chinese secret society called Jindandao massacred tens of thousands of Mongols in the mixed Mongol–Chinese regions of eastern Inner Mongolia. The survivors fled to the pastoral areas south of the Hingan mountains, propelling the agriculturalisation of these regions and the refiguration of the local societies.
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Norov, Batsaikhan, Binderiya Batsaikhan, and Batchimeg Usukhbayar. "Mongol Familiarisation with European Medical Practices in the Nineteenth–Twentieth Centuries." Inner Asia 22, no. 2 (November 4, 2020): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340152.
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Abstract It was primarily Russian activities in Mongolia between 1860 and 1921, reflecting its geopolitical interests, that introduced European medical practices to the Mongols. Competing alongside other European powers, the Russian Government capitalised on conditions within Mongolia to increase Mongolia’s dependency on Russia. Thus, the Russian government’s motives for medical intervention, like that of other European groups, were mainly political, economic and cultural. In the context of Buddhist dogmatism and the expansive territorial distances between the Mongols (a term this paper uses to encompass all people of Mongol ethnicity in northern and central Asia), the reluctance of Russian doctors to disseminate European medical knowledge prevented its spread into Mongolia. Medical intervention was primarily a method of colonisation justified through healthcare support. Ultimately the familiarisation of European medicine in Mongolia was the first crucial step towards the amalgamation of traditional Mongolian and European medical practices after the Mongolian People’s Revolution.
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Wallenböck, U. "Memory and Identity: Tashi Tsering, the Last <i>Qinwang</i> South of the Yellow River." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 10 (November 30, 2022): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-10-51-62.
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Today’s Henan Mongol Autonomous County is located in the southeastern part of present-day Qinghai Province, in the northeastern part of the Tibetan plateau. This historical pastoral area South of the Yellow River is a border area where, a milieu was created due to the long-term mutual contacts between Tibetans and Mongols, in which specific local customs, language patterns, and social communities have emerged. The initial turning point in their ethnical and cultural identity was the integration into the modern Chinese State in 1954, followed by ethnic classification. Moreover the local pastoral Mongol and Tietan populations have been transformed into minority nationalities is-á-vis the Han Chinese, and many Tibetans even were classified as Mengguzu (Mongols), however, perceived as Tibet-Mongols (Tib. Bod Sog) by themselves and their neighbours. By looking at the outstanding historical figure of Tashi Tsering, the last Mongol qinwang of the Henan grasslands at the Sino-Tibetan borderlands, this paper examines how the people of the Henan grasslands integrate their memory of the local traditional leader into their identity construction, and how they revive their Mongolness despite their seclusion from other Mongol communities.
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Sodnompilova, Marina M. "Орографические объекты «Сокровенного сказания монголов» (Mongγol-un niγuča tobčiyan) в контексте исторической географии Внутренней Азии." Oriental Studies 13, no. 5 (December 28, 2020): 1349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-51-5-1349-1358.
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Introduction. Investigation of the space once invaded and reclaimed by the Mongolic peoples is one of the pressing problems in the history of nomadic societies. Goals. The paper seeks to investigate names of positive topographic forms, analyze written sources reflecting the formation of the Mongol Empire for oronyms inherent to the medieval Mongolian language, and determine their localization. Materials and Methods. Historical geography stresses the significance of one stage in the Mongolian invasion of Inner Asia reflected in famous historical monuments, such as The Secret History of the Mongols, Compendium of Chronicles by Rashid al-Din, and Yuán Shǐ. The tasks of identifying individual objects and landforms presented in the text of The Secret History, as well as their localization in the geographical space of medieval Mongolia, were solved by the methods of phonetic reconstruction, comparative analysis of terms and historical events — through the use of 13th–14th century written sources, contemporary toponyms across the territories to have served as a historical arena for the events described. Results. The paper investigates etymologies of terms and names of orographic objects, attempts to identify the places mentioned in The Secret History within the real geographic space. Conclusions. The terminology denoting elevated landforms in The Secret History of the Mongols is distinguished by diversity and represents a very ancient stratum of vocabulary that had been formed through the abundant use of figurative words. Many terms are obsolete and do not function in modern Mongolian any more. At the same time, traces of obsolete terms are found in toponyms across territories inhabited by Mongolic peoples as such. So, the work outlines the circle of sacred orographic objects revered by the medieval Mongolian community.
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Deng, Yannan. "The Manchukuo Mongolian Army." Inner Asia 24, no. 2 (October 12, 2022): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-02302027.
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Abstract Among the core elements of the Manchukuo Military, a puppet force created in northeast China in 1932 by the Japanese Kwantung army, were units from eastern Inner Mongolia, also known as the Xing’an province. These Inner Mongols played a role in the Manchukuo Military far beyond their ratio of the total population, and many of the military officers participated in establishing a pro-Communist regime in Xing’an after the Japanese surrender. An examination of the early history, establishment, and collapse of these forces is vital for a clear understanding of twentieth-century northeast China and Inner Mongolia. This article focuses on the motivations of the Mongols in the Manchuria Incident, the formation of the Japanese-Mongol military collaboration and the reasons for the military insurrection against the Japanese.
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Aigle, Denise. "Loi mongole vs loi islamique. Entre mythe et réalité." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 59, no. 5-6 (December 2004): 971–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s039526490002285x.
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RésuméLa loi mongole, le jasaq, a donné lieu à une longue tradition d’études qui fut inaugurée par Pétis de la Croix dans un ouvrage publié en 1710. Il fut le premier à dresser une liste des préceptes du jasaq, sans tenir compte de la chronologie des sources et de leur provenance. Les chercheurs qui se sont penchés par la suite sur cette question ont repris, pour la plupart d’entre eux, cette vision du jasaq. Le débat s’est ensuite focalisé sur l’existence ou non d’un code de loi écrit chez les Mongols. Mais, jusqu’à présent, il a été peu discuté de ce que le jasaq représentait pour les Mongols eux-mêmes et comment cette loi mongole a été perçue par les auteurs médiévaux qui confondaient, la plupart du temps, les édits impériaux (jasaq) et les coutumes (yosun). Le jasaq est ici examiné dans son contexte politicoculturel, et, en particulier, il prend en compte, dans l’analyse des préceptes, le système de représentations des Mongols, le chamanisme. Il met ainsi en lumière les raisons de l’incompréhension, de la part des musulmans, de certaines coutumes en désaccord avec l’islam, ce qui les a conduits à voir dans le jasaq l’équivalent de la sharia: un ordre mongol imposé aux populations tombées sous leur domination.
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GARAMTSEREN, BAYARJARGAL. "Re-Establishment of the Christian Church in Mongolia: The Mongolian Standard Version Translation by National Christians." Unio Cum Christo 2, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc2.2.2016.art3.
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Abstract: This paper has two main parts: the history of Christianity in Mongolia and the history of Bible translation in the Mongolian language. The history of Christianity in Mongolia and among the Mongols, especially before and during the Mongol Empire, is largely understudied and unknown. I will attempt to show that four tribes, the Kerait, the Naiman, the Onguud, and the Uyghur, who were important parts of the Mongol Empire, had already become Christian, with their own church structures and tradition, by the thirteenth century. Giving the history of Christianity up until the present time, I briefly outline the seven-hundred-year history of Bible translation into the Mongolian language. At the end, I describe the Mongolian Standard Version project, an ongoing activity of Bible translation from the original languages by national Christians.
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Aigle, Denise. "Le grand jasaq de Gengis-khan, l'empire, la culture mongole et la shari'a." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 1 (2004): 31–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852004323069394.
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AbstractMongol law, the jasaq, has provided the basis for a long tradition of studies which were inaugurated by Petis de la Croix in 1710. He was the first to define a list of precepts of the jasaq, but without taking into consideration either the chronology or their origins. Most subsequent scholars dealing with the question revived this same vision of the jasaq. Debate was especially focused on whether or not the Mongols possessed a written code of laws. But, until now, little discussion has taken place concerning what the jasaq represented for the Mongols themselves and how this Mongol law was perceived by Mediaeval authors who, on the whole, confused the imperial edicts (jasaq) with customs (yosun). The present article is an attempt to clarify these issues. The author examines the jasaq in its politico-cultural context and, in particular, the analysis of the precepts takes into consideration shamanism, the Mongol system of representations. Reasons for the lack of understanding by Muslims of certain customs in disharmony with Islam are thereby highlighted, reasons which led them to see, in the jasaq, an equivalent of the sharī'a: a Mongol order imposed on populations which had fallen under their domination. La loi mongole, le jasaq, a donné lieu à une longue tradition d'études qui fut inaugurée par Petis de la Croix au XVIIe siècle. Il fut le premier à dresser une liste des préceptes du jasaq, sans tenir compte de la chronologie des sources et de leur provenance. Les chercheurs qui se sont penchés par la suite sur cette question ont repris, pour la plupart d'entre eux, cette vision du jasaq. Le débat s'est surtout focalisé sur l'existence ou non d'un code de loi écrit chez les Mongols. Mais, jusqu'à présent, il a été peu discuté de ce que le jasaq représentait pour les Mongols eux-mêmes et comment cette loi mongole a été perçue par les auteurs médiévaux qui confondaient, la plupart du temps, les édités impériaux (jasaq) et les coutumes (yosun). Cet article fait le point sur ces questions. L'auteur examine le jasaq dans son contexte politico-culturel et, en particulier, il prend en compte, dans l'analyse des préceptes, le système de représentations des Mongols, le chamanisme. Il met ainsi en lumière les raisons de l'incompréhension, de la part des musulmans, de certaines coutumes en désaccord avec l'islam, ce qui les a conduits à voir dans le jasaq l'équivalent de la sharī'a: un ordre mongol imposé aux populations tombées sous leur domination.
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Pochekaev, Roman Yu. "LEGAL REALITIES OF MONGOLIA IN 18th - FIRST HALF OF 19th c. AS SEEN BY RUSSIAN TRAVELERS (ATTEMPT OF ANALYSIS FORM LEGAL ANTHROPOLOGY POINT OF VIEW)." RUDN Journal of Law 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 602–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-4-602-621.
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The article is devoted to analysis of notes of Russian travelers to Mongolia as a source on legal situation in this country during 18th - first half of 19th c. Until now these texts were used mainly as a source on political or economic history as well as on ethnology of Mongols but far less as one on legal history of this people. Indeed, the information on legal realties of Mongolia is rather fragmentary and lapidary as the travelers didn’t have a goal to describe state and law of Mongolia. Nevertheless, this information is of great interest and value as it allows us to give a notion on real legal situation, legal relations realized in practice - in contrast to survived written legal monuments (codes) of Mongols from this period: travelers could observe such legal practice and even participate in the legal relations among Mongols. The source base of research are notes of travelers who visited Mongolia since the beginning of the 18th c. to 1850s. There were diplomats (ambassadors and their companions), couriers, intelligence officers, tradesmen and scientists. Depending on goals and objectives of their trips they interested in different aspects of Mongolian legal realties, so the comparative analysis of their information allows to present different aspects of legal life of Mongols The study of travelers’ notes from the legal anthropology point of view (basing on works of N. Rouland, A.I. Kovler, V.V. Bocharov) presumes analysis positions of their authors, reasons of their interest to specific field of law as well as Mongols’ attitude to law and order, legal rules, will of Mongol and Manchu authorities, etc. Analysis of Russian travelers’ notes in combination with legal monuments allow to understand better specific features in legal development of Mongolia in the turning-point period of its history: just at this time there was activated the policy of the Qing Empire to transform Mongols from autonomous vassals to complete subjects with disfranchisement, performance of duties and obligations and further closing in status with other categories of subjects (as Chinese, etc.). Also these notes are examples of basic stage of Russian practical-oriented legal anthropology which differed from the western one by attempting to study and understand the law of “traditional” societies without disregard of the Europocentrism.
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Tuo, Jianing. "Between Colonialism and Despotism." Prism 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 538–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9290712.
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Abstract The Mengjiang 蒙疆 puppet regime was established in Inner Mongolia by Japanese colonizers, in collaboration with the Mongolian Prince Demchugdongrub, during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The Mengjiang regime tried to revive Mongolian culture in the name of resisting Chinese despotism. However, the Japanese supported the Mongols' desire for “self-determination” merely to use it as a vehicle for their colonial designs. Through a close reading of several texts that appeared in Sinophone magazines published in Japanese-occupied Inner Mongolia during the war, this article explicates the distinctions between Han writers' and Mongol intellectuals' nationalist writings, in order to theorize the dual oppression of the Mongol minority culture under Japanese colonialism and Chinese despotism. Despite the mission of this so-called Mongolian nation-state to write in a Mongolian style, the Han writers in Mengjiang expressed their ethnic identity through Sinophone literature; at the same time, Sinicized Mongol intellectuals failed to revive Mongolian culture through the same vehicle. In the end, both the former Han despots and the new Japanese colonizers tried to instrumentalize Mongol minority culture to establish their own cultural hegemony. Under this dual oppression of foreign colonialism and native despotism, the Sinophone nationalist writings of the Han majority and the Mongol minority problematize any simple binarism of colonizer and colonized.
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Borchigud, Wurlig. "Between Chinese Nationalism and Soviet Colonisation: A Chinese Orientalist's Narration of Inner and Outer Mongolia (1926–1927)." Inner Asia 4, no. 1 (2002): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481702793647605.
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AbstractThis essay questions the nature of ‘Chinese orientalism’ vis-à-vis the Western model of ‘orientalism’. It examines the dialectics of the interconnection between Chinese civilisation/nationalism and Soviet communist colonisation/modernisation, and how these shape and limit the perceptions of a Chinese scholar politician, Ma Hetian, in his travel writing about Inner and Outer Mongolia in the mid 1920s. Unlike most travel writings which focus on cultural differences of the ‘inferior’ others as study object and aesthetic idol, Ma's was a political travel writing, which represents his Chinese Nationalist Party and the Chinese Republican government in relation to its internal frontier Inner Mongolia and the independent ‘Outer Mongolia’ (the MPR) at the time. This political travel writing challenges Kojin Karatani's coherent though essentialised reinterpretation of orientalism from its specific sociocultural contexts and geopolitical positions. Similarly to Western orientalists, Ma had an authority to speak of his ‘inferior’ Inner Mongol objects as their civiliser as well as to represent his ‘helpless’ Outer Mongol ‘brothers’ as their national guardian. However, unlike many orientalists (Western and non-Western), Ma's politically charged Sinocentric position and often chauvinistic attitude towards Mongols align him closer to his ‘enemy/friend’ – Soviet Russia.
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КУРАС, Леонид Владимирович. "«Культурный» Панмонголизм или романтики начала ХХ в. = «Kul'turnyy» Panmongolizm ili romantiki nachala XX v." Historia i Świat 6 (September 14, 2017): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2017.06.11.
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This paper examines Pan-Mongolism, a socio-cultural and political phenomenon negatively perceived from the outset. This notwithstanding, Pan-Mongolism occupied a special place in ethnic Buryatia. Its development was strongly influenced by the Buryat national movement in the early twentieth century that pursued national autonomy as its major goal. To a great extent the development of Pan-Mongolism was intensified by the foreign policy interests of Russia in Asia, particularly, in Tibet, and by the religious, diplomatic and public activity of Dalai Lama 13th mentor Agvan Dorzhiev, a proponent of a “great Buddhist confederation” that ensured positive attitude of the principal hierarch of Buddhism toward Russia. External factors that contributed to the emergence of the idea of national-cultural autonomy and “cultural Pan-Mongolism” in the period when various political groups and autonomist scenarios shaped played an important role in the evolution of Pan-Mongolism. All this led to the fact that “cultural Pan-Mongolism” became a catalyst of development of humanitarian knowledge, a basic element of the further construction of national state of the Mongols. In the process of discussion Pan-Mongolism went beyond the Buryat area and started to ripen as a Pan-Mongolian movement that gradually grew into Pan-Mongolist ideology.
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Nasirov, Nurlan. "Azerbaijan under the rule of Mongol Noyans and civil viceroys." Scientific Bulletin 1, no. 1 (2021): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/qzvc8660.
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In beginning of XIII century turco-mongol army was sent by Genghis Khan under the command of Jebe Noyan and Sebutai Bahadur had occupied some of the Azerbaijan cities and came back to Mongolia through the Darband passage - way. However, after the dead of Genghis Khan was conducted second turcomongol compain in order to complete invasion and settled in South Caucasus under the comand of Chormagan qorchi by the order of Ogedei Khan. In 1231-1239 years the mongols occupied Ganja, Shamkir, Tavus, Darband and others cities of Azerbaijan and created ”tamma” which military management apparatus by Chormagan Korchi and his noyans in the center of Mughan plain. However, after some years the Grand Mongol Khans of Mongol Empire decided to send civil viceroys instead of Mongol military commanders in order to rule the region. In the paper we attempt to investigate the rule of military and civil viceroys of Mongol in Azerbaijan
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Dampilova, Liudmila S. "Маркеры этничности в песнях бурят о Чингис-хане." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 14, no. 1 (April 18, 2022): 212–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2022-1-212-222.
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Introduction. The article analyzes legends and songs about Genghis Khan recorded in expeditions across Buryatia, Mongolia and China — to further compare them with related archival and published materials. Goals. The work aims at identifying distinctive features inherent to folklore texts dealing with Genghis Khan in different linguistic and ethnic environments. The issue of revival of ethnic consciousness actualizes insights into ethnic culture and its peculiarities. Methods. The paper is first to consider local versions of Buryat songs about Genghis Khan in a comparative aspect. Semantic contextual analysis proves instrumental in revealing ethnic markers. Results. The article discusses songs about Genghis Khan of both local and general Mongol significance. Songs about kinship with Genghis Khan and the ancestral homeland of Buryats — Nayan Nava — have a local and specifically tribal meaning being connected to the history of the Khori Buryats proper. Songs with a motif of chase contain parallels with plots of all-Mongol toponymic legends. The song titled ‘Two Steeds of Bogdo’ (Bur. Bogdyn hoyor zagal) and known among the Mongolic peoples dates back to the Mongolian medieval literature — The Tale of Two Steeds of Genghis Khan. The songs are examined in comparison with legends and The Secret History of the Mongols. Conclusion. Contextual analysis of songs about Genghis Khan along with legends and The Secret History reveals a hidden deep layer in the semantics of texts. The songs of Russia and Mongolia’s Buryats identify ancient roots of the motif of kinship with Genghis Khan that date back to the historical homeland. The Shinehen Buryats of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region (China) have shown a perfect preservation of authentic materials in an isolated environment, while Mongolia’s Buryats experienced a transformation and song borrowings in the close ethnic culture. The paper also concludes there are virtually no such songs about Genghis Khan among modern Buryats of Russia. In general, the comparative analysis of Buryat songs about the legendary warlord proves those had been created in their historical homeland of present-day Russia to be further preserved both in the alien (China) and kindred (Mongolia) ethnocultural environments.
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Lavoie, Gervais. "Identité ethnique et folklorisation : le cas des Mongols de Chine." Anthropologie et Sociétés 10, no. 2 (September 10, 2003): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006349ar.
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Résumé Identité ethnique et folklorisation : le cas des Mongols de Chine Depuis 1949, le gouvernement chinois s'est donné une série d'institutions, tel l'Ensemble de danse et de chant de Mongolie intérieure, dont la fonction est de supporter une structure politico-économique définie comme socialiste. En comparant les définitions classiques d'ethnicité et d'identité ethnique à celle de minorités nationales utilisée par les sociologues chinois, cet article tente d'établir des corollaires permettant de poser l'origine du " folklore " chez les groupes minoritaires en tant que dévaluation de leurs propres valeurs traditionnelles. Se basant sur l'expérience mongole en République populaire de Chine, il propose aussi une nouvelle définition de l'assimilation et de l'intégration et suggère que l'assimilation des valeurs socio-politiques est un préalable indispensable à l'intégration d'une minorité ethnique.
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Norovsambuu, Naranzhargal. "Халх голын дайнд оролцсон халимаг дайчид (О калмыцких военных — участниках событий на Халхин-Голе)." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-96-103.
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The author describes the history of the military collaboration of the Kalmyks and Mongols and their participation in the battles of Khalkhin-Gol in 1939 based on the archive materials, mass media publications, memoirs of the participants and researchers. Mongol-Kalmyk collaboration hiked in 1920s and was wound down by 1925 and most of the Kalmyk military experts left Mongolia. In the summer of 1939 the military events at the river KhalkhinGol caused sending the Kalmyk military experts and junior commanders back to Mongolia where they took part in the battles. Among the participants of that event were M. T. Bimbaev, L. S.Erendzhenov, M. Kalykov and many others who were honored with military awards. Many of them were deported later and after coming back from Siberia worked in Kalmykia. The clear illustration of Kalmyks being proud of their compatriots who fought for the independence of Mongolia is naming one of the streets in Elista Khalkhin-Gol – in honor of the great victory.
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Batbayar, Tsedenbamba. "Grand Union between Tibet and Mongolia: Unfulfilled Dream of the 13th Dalai Lama." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, no. 17 (August 14, 2013): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i17.83.
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Since the late sixteenth century when Altan Khan of Tumed in Southern Mongolia adopted the Yellow Hat sect of Tibetan Buddhism and supported it as the common faith of the Mongol people, the teaching and discipline of Buddhism greatly influenced the customs, society, and various activities of the nomadic Mongols. The Mongolian version of Tibetan Buddhism was called Lamaism, and the Buddhist monks were known as lamas. The highest ranking lama of Northern or Khalkha Mongolia was the well-known Jebtsundamba Khutagt. His first and second incarnations were born in the house of Tusheet Khan, the most influential one of four Khans of Khalkha Mongolia. They were recognized as spiritual leaders of Mongolia with high prestige in Mongolian politics. Consequently, the Manchu court in Peking became anxious of the prospects of a reunified Mongolia under their leadership. In order to prevent such perspective the Manchu emperor issued the unwritten regulation by which the third and its subsequent incarnations of the Jebtsundamba Khutagt were to be found in Tibet instead of Mongolia.1 The 8th Jebtsundamba Khutagt, who played an important role in the political life of modern Mongolia, was found as a boy in Tibet, and was brought to Mongolia in 1875 as a reincarnation of his predecessor. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i17.83 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, No.17 2012: 75-80
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Pochekaev, Roman Yu. "The Law of the Mongols as Seen by John of Plano Carpini: Historical Legal Verification." Golden Horde Review 10, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2022-10-1.8-31.
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Research objectives: The goal of the article is a comparative analysis of information recorded by John of Plano Carpini on Mongolian and Mongol Empire law, along with other sources on the Mongolian law and legal traditions aimed at determining the objectivity of diplomat’s materials and observing the evolution of traditional law of the Mongols. Research materials: Verification is carried out on the basis of the work “The Story of the Mongols Whom We Call the Tartars” by John of Plano Carpini, making comparisons with the corpus of other historical sources, including travelers’ notes and historical chronicles by authors of the medieval and modern eras, as well as materials of ethnographic research on the legal traditions of nomadic peoples of Eurasia. The novelty of the study: The presented article is the first attempt to compare the information of John of Plano Carpini on the customary and imperial law of the Mongols with other sources on Mongolian law to observe certain legal traditions of the Mongols and the evolution of law among the Eurasian nomads. Research results: The author has found that the majority of information from John of Plano Carpini on Mongolian law in the middle of thirteenth century can be characterized as objective as it is confirmed by the data from independent sources dating from the thirteenth to nineteenth centuries. These include testimonies of other foreign travelers who visited Mongolia in different epochs, medieval historical chronicles, studies resulting from ethnographic research, etc. Besides that, the value of the information of the diplomat is emphasized within the context of comparative legal research on the history of the state and law of the Mongol Empire and Chinggisid states.
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Sergeev, Tikhon S. "ETHNOCULTURE OF THE MONGOLS IN THE WORKS OF ORIENTALIST N.Ya. BICHURIN." Historical Search 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2022-3-2-95-104.
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The article is dedicated to the role of a native of Chuvashia, an outstanding learned monk, corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, founder of Russian sinology N.Ya. Bichurin (1777–1853) in the study and popularization of the ethnoculture of the Mongols in the XIX century. Mongol studies date back to the XIII century, the time of Genghis Khan, who created a vast and powerful Mongol Empire. It was a memoir of ambassadors and travelers, Western European Christian missionaries. In the XIX century, the center of world Mongolian studies was concentrated in Russia, where A.L. Leontiev, I.K. Rossokhin, Ya.I. Schmidt, O.A. Kovalevsky, A.V. Popov, I.P. Voytsekhovsky, P.Ya. Petrov and other orientalists were focusing on its problems. They studied languages, history, ethnography, geography of the peoples of China, Mongolia, Tibet, India, Kalmykia, etc. A significant trace in the study of the Mongolian language and ethnoculture was left by Professor of Kazan University O.M. Kovalevsky, a participant of expeditions to Transbaikalia and Mongolia (1828–1833), the author of grammar, anthology, and dictionaries of the Mongolian language. The Kazan school of orientalists included N.Ya. Bichurin (monk Hyacinth), the head of the IX Russian Theological mission in China (1807–1821), and a participant of ethnographic expeditions (1830–1831, 1835–1837). During 1828–1853 he published a number of fundamental works on Oriental studies, including on the ethnoculture of the Mongols and their neighbors: a translation of the “History of the Mongols”, the works “Notes on Mongolia”, “The History of the Four Khans from the Family of Genghis Khan”, “Historical Review of the Oirats or Kalmyks from the XV century to the present time”. He published more than a dozen articles in well-known Russian popular journals. Not all the judgments and conclusions of N.Ya. Bichurin on the ethnogenesis of some Eastern peoples are shared by modern scientists. Nevertheless, his works on China, Mongolia, Tibet, Kalmykia, the Uyghur territories to a certain extent helped the Russian state to learn about the internal and external problems of the Eastern countries and peoples, their original ethnic culture. The learned monk was sympathetic to the peoples of the East and predicted our rapprochement in the historical future. Laureate of four Demidov Prizes, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences N.Ya. Bichurin received well-deserved recognition during his lifetime. Our contemporaries, residents of Chuvashia, with respect and pride treat the heritage of the outstanding countryman N.Ya. Bichurin. Settlements, streets, museums are named after him, monuments and busts are built in his honor, state and public awards (order, medal, pennant, prizes) are established.
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Gazagnadou, Didier. "Les postes à relais de chevaux chinoises, mongoles et mameloukes au XIIIe siècle : un cas de diffusion institutionnelle." Actes de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public 24, no. 1 (1993): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/shmes.1993.1644.
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JACKSON, PETER. "The Testimony of the Russian ‘Archbishop’ Peter Concerning the Mongols (1244/5): Precious Intelligence or Timely Disinformation?" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (January 2016): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618631500084x.
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The first decade of the 21st century proved remarkably fertile in yielding up manuscripts relevant to the earliest direct contacts between Latin Europe and the Mongol empire – namely, those framed by the devastation of Rus´ (1237-40), Poland, Moravia and Hungary (1241-2) by the Mongols (or ‘Tartars’) and the subsequent despatch to the Mongol world of three parties of friars (1245-7) as envoys of Pope Innocent IV. These texts include:- (1) an early manuscript of the Epistula de vita secta et origine Tartarorum of the Hungarian Dominican Julian, who travelled to the Ural region in 1236–7 in search of the Hungarians’ pagan kinsmen in what was known as ‘Greater Hungary’, and returned with news of the imminent Mongol assault on Rus´; (2) two hitherto unknown letters from the Nestorian monk Simeon Rabban-ata to the Emperor Frederick II and King Louis IX of France, brought back from Azerbaijan in 1247 by one of Innocent IV's envoys, the Dominican André de Longjumeau; and (3) a second copy of the so-called ‘Tartar Relation’, an account produced in Poland in mid July 1247 by a Franciscan friar calling himself ‘C. de Bridia’ and closely linked with the most celebrated of the papal embassies to the Mongols, which was led by the Franciscan John of Plano Carpini and travelled across the Eurasian steppes as far as the court of the Qaghan Güyük in Mongolia.
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Di Cosmo, Nicola. "Black Sea Emporia and the Mongol Empire: A Reassessment of the Pax Mongolica." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 1-2 (2009): 83–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244241.
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AbstractThe term Pax Mongolica indicates a period of time (c. 1280-1360) during which Mongol domination seemingly guaranteed security on the Eurasian commercial routes. At this time the Italian maritime powers of Genoa and Venice established their commercial “emporia” on the Black Sea. This essay examines the links between Mongol-controlled continental Asia and Italian-controlled maritime trade by separating the sphere of interests of the Venetian and Genoese governments from the sphere of activities of private merchants, whose presence in China and Central Asia depended heavily upon Mongol support. The end of the Pax Mongolica had a different impact on both of these two spheres.Le terme Pax Mongolica indique une période (environ 1280-1360) pendant laquelle la domination mongole assurait apparemment la sécurité des itinéraires commerciaux eurasiatiques. A cette époque les puissances maritimes de Gênes et de Venise établissaient leurs ‘emporia’ commerciaux sur la Mer Noire. Cette contribution étudie les liens entre l’Asie continentale contrôlée par les Mongols et le commerce maritime, contrôlé par les Italiens en séparant la sphère d’intérêt des gouvernements vénitiens et génois de la sphère d’action des commerçants privés, dont la présence en Chine et Asie centrale dépendait du soutien mongol. La fin de la Pax Mongolica devrait affecter ces deux sphères de façon différente.
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Rossabi, M. "The Development of Mongol Identity in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013012.
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The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed the development of a Mongol identity. The Mongol conquests in the thirteenth century had laid the foundations but had not truly forged such an identity. These earlier events provided, in modern parlance, the cultural memory that eventually served to unify them. However, the Mongol Empire actually revealed the fractiousness of the Mongols and their inability to promote the unity that might gradually have fostered a Mongol identity. As Joseph Fletcher argued, the creation of a supra-tribal identity for nomadic herders has proven to be extremely difficult. The so-called Mongol Empire attested to this predicament, as within two generations it evolved into four separate Khanates, which occasionally waged war against each other. For example, individual Khanates frequently sided with non-Mongols against fellow Mongols. In addition, the military, the quintessential Mongol institution, was not, as the Empire expanded, composed simply of Mongols. Turks, Persians, and even Chinese served in and sometimes led the Mongol armies, contributing to the blurring of Mongol identity.
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Rossabi, M. "The Development of Mongol Identity in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044491.
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The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed the development of a Mongol identity. The Mongol conquests in the thirteenth century had laid the foundations but had not truly forged such an identity. These earlier events provided, in modern parlance, the cultural memory that eventually served to unify them. However, the Mongol Empire actually revealed the fractiousness of the Mongols and their inability to promote the unity that might gradually have fostered a Mongol identity. As Joseph Fletcher argued, the creation of a supra-tribal identity for nomadic herders has proven to be extremely difficult. The so-called Mongol Empire attested to this predicament, as within two generations it evolved into four separate Khanates, which occasionally waged war against each other. For example, individual Khanates frequently sided with non-Mongols against fellow Mongols. In addition, the military, the quintessential Mongol institution, was not, as the Empire expanded, composed simply of Mongols. Turks, Persians, and even Chinese served in and sometimes led the Mongol armies, contributing to the blurring of Mongol identity.
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Drobyshev, Yu I. "Tangut captivity of Genghis Khan." Orientalistica 4, no. 2 (July 14, 2021): 380–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-2-380-405.
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The article puts forward a hypothesis about the capture of Genghis Khan by the Tanguts during his attack on the Tangut state of Xi Xia in 1207-1208. The only source that provides this information is the work of Guillaume de Rubruk, who visited Mongolia in 1253-1255. No supporting information has yet been found, however, there is no data that would completely exclude the possibility of Genghis Khan being captured. On the basis of Chinese, Mongolian, Persian, Tibetan, and Tangut sources, the author reconstructs a picture of the Mongol invasions into Xi Xia in search of the moment when this event had the maximum chance to occur. Special attention is paid to the goals that the Mongols may have set in each of the five documented attacks on the Tangut country. Analysis of the sources suggests that the nature of these raids changed dramatically after the second Tangut campaign of 1207-1208: predatory raids were replaced by a full-scale war, which ended with the submission of Xi Xia to the Mongols. Perhaps the reason for this was revenge for the stay of the Mongol leader in Tangut captivity. The possibility of Genghis Khan being held captive in the Chin Empire is also briefly discussed, which is also only reported in a thirteenth-century Chinese diplomat's essay
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Bayarsaikhan, Dashdondog. "Kirakos Gandzakets‘i, as a Mongol Prisoner." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340027.
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AbstractArmenian Historian Kirakos Gandzakets‘i was captured by Mongol noyan Molar during the first wave of Mongol conquest of the Caucasus. He was in captivity for about a year. This gave him a certain understanding of the history and religion of the Mongols as well as some knowledge of Mongolian.On Molar’s orders, Kirakos was taken to serve the Mongols’ secretarial needs, writing and reading letters.In this paper I argue that the Armenian source of Kirakos Gandzakets‘i is a first-hand history on the early Mongols in the Caucasus, and the Mongolian vocabulary that Kirakos gives in his work ranks among the earliest Mongolian glossaries in non-Mongol sources.
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Miyawaki–okada, Junko. "The Japanese Origin of the Chinggis Khan Legends." Inner Asia 8, no. 1 (2006): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481706793646819.
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AbstractMost members of the Japanese public today, when hearing the words Mongols or Mongolia, immediately think of three different tales: 1) That the forefathers of the Japanese Imperial Family were the horsemen of the Mongolian Plateau, who came through the Korean Peninsula to conquer Japan; 2) that Chinggis Khan, the founder of the Mongol Empire, was really Minamoto no Yoshitsune, a Japanese general; and 3) that the Mongol invasion of the thirteenth century failed because of a typhoon caused by a Divine Wind (kamikaze), which saved Japan from Mongolian subjugation. Each of these three stories emerged to fill the psychological requirements of national pride in the times after Japan experienced the modernisation process launched by the Meiji Restoration in 1868. These can be seen as a Japanese version of The Invention of Tradition famously described by Hobsbawm and Ranger. The second of these tales was also born in England. Kenchō Suyematsu, 1855–1920, was ordered to study in England at national expense in 1878–86. He wrote a book in English, The Identity of the great conqueror Genghis Khan with the Japanese hero Yoshitsune, An historical thesis, and published it in London in 1879. Suyemastu’s arguments for the identity of Chinggis Khan with Minamoto no Yoshitsune are all absurd. Nevertheless, in 1924 after the Japanese dispatch of troops to Siberia, there appeared a study by Mataichirō Oyabe entitled, Genghis Khan is Gen Gi–kei (Jingisu Kan wa Gen Gi–kei nari) packed with the abundant results of numerous field surveys, which became a runaway best seller. This paper aims to explain why the Japanese became so particularly interested in the Mongols, among the many Asian nations of the Asian Continent, and why they displayed such enthusiasm about the Mongols, but not the Chinese, in relating connections with the history of the past.
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Kim, Hodong. "Formation and Changes of Uluses in the Mongol Empire." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 2-3 (March 18, 2019): 269–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341480.
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AbstractUlus is a key concept for understanding the Mongol Empire; the Mongols called the empire they had created the ‘Mongol Ulus’ or the ‘Yeke (= Great) Mongol Ulus.’ It was a single huge ulus containing within itself a large number of multilayered smaller uluses. The sizes of these uluses differed. The three large western uluses of Chaghadai, Jochi, and Hülegü were so large that they looked like independent empires, and in fact they were politically quite autonomous from the Qa’an Ulus in the east. However, their enormous size or political independence notwithstanding, to the Mongols of that time they were after all individual uluses comprising part of the Yeke Mongol Ulus. The notion of ulus appears to have been an important basis that enabled the Mongols to retain a sense of unity within their empire.
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STEWART, ANGUS. "Reframing the Mongols in 1260: The Armenians, the Mongols and the Magi." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 1 (September 21, 2017): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000414.
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The irruption of the Mongols led to profound changes in the political, cultural and confessional climate of the thirteenth-century Near East. While many did not survive the initial onslaught and the years of turmoil that followed, and rulers that opposed the Mongols were largely swept away, the communities and dynasties that remained were forced to seek some sort of accommodation with the new overlords. While subjection to the Mongol yoke was far from desirable, rulers could seek to make the best of the situation, in the hope that the ambitions of the Mongols might come to match their own, or that the Mongols might be persuaded to support their cause. This paper will consider how certain Christian groups in the Near East sought to reconcile themselves to the Mongol presence, and how they sought to place these alien invaders within a more familiar framework. In particular it will examine the visual evidence for this process by looking at a couple of appearances of recognisably Mongol figures within Christian artwork, dating from the time of the second major Mongol invasion of the region, led by the Ilkhan Hülegü, which by 1260 had extended Mongol power into Syria and to the borders of Egypt.1
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Antonov, Igor V. "Book Review: Zlygostev V.A. Geroi “Sokrovennogo skazaniya” [Heroes of the “Secret History”]." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 438–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-2.438-450.
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Research objectives: This article analyzes a new book by independent historian, Valery Zlygostev, written in the historical, biographical genre. The book is dedicated to outstanding figures in the medieval history of the Mongols, their allies, and opponents, as have been preserved in written sources. It discusses the territories eventually covered by the Mongol Empire, stretching from the Mediterranean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, during the period from the eighth to thirteenth century. Zlygostev traced the process of the establishment of Mongolian statehood, the formation of the Mongol Empire, and the expansion of its borders until the end of the era of conquests in the 1270s. The author reconstructs the biographies of all the characters of this period on the basis of the Mongol chronicle of c. 1240, traditionally called the “Secret History,” alongside other sources. The scholarly novelty of the research lies in the presentation of the secondary and tertiary heroes of Mongolian history and their role in various military and political events that culminated in the creation of the greatest world empire in history. Particular attention is paid to the so-called “dark” period in the history of the Mongols stretching until the middle of the twelfth century, that is, the period of Chinggis Khan’s birth. This period is still insufficiently analyzed in historiography and yet is very important for clarifying the prerequisite conditions which brought about the subsequent unification of Mongolia and the conquests of Chinggis Khan and his successors in Asia and Europe. The author has done a tremendous job of analyzing all available sources and identifying all possible details of the biography of certain heroes. The book is recommended for everyone interested in the medieval history of Eurasia.
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Kaziev, Eduard V. "Once Again on the Chronology of the As People’s Entry into Mongol Service." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 506–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-3.506-519.
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Research objectives: To ascertain the time and circumstances of the As people’s incorporation into the service of the Great Mongol Qa’ans. Research materials: Biographies of the As military commanders presented in the official History of the Yüan dynasty (the main source), the narratives of John of Plano Carpini and William of Rubruck, the chronicles of Vardan Areveltsi, Kirakos Gandzaketsi, and Grigor Aknertsi, Rashid al-Din’s Compendium of Chronicles, the Hypatian Codex, notes of Chinese officials Peng Da-ya and Xu Ting on the Mongols. Results and novelty of the research: The paper clarifies one aspect of the author’s previous research of the problem under consideration. It partially refutes a prior conclusion that the As entried into the Mongols’ military service only during the Western campaign. On the contrary, this paper substantiates the traditional assertion that the As joined Mongol service during the reign of Möngke Qa’an. Besides, it indicates that this argument finds its substantiation in the information found in the As military commanders’ biographies in the History of Yuan which are usually overlooked on this issue. The assumption is also put forward and argued that the enthronement of the rulers of Alania took place in the Caucasus, and they did not need to go to the capital of the Mongol Empire for this purpose. In addition, it is noted that in the related sources, analyzed by the author in both papers on this topic, there is no information that would allow for asserting or suggesting the possibility of the arrival of the As to serve in Mongolia and China after the beginning of the process of the actual division of the Empire into independent uluses following the death of Möngke Qa’an in 1259.
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Drayton, Richard. "Histoire sociale de l’Europe et tournant global: Une rencontre tardive." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 76, no. 4 (December 2021): 751–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2021.160.
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Histoire sociale de l’Europe et tournant global Une rencontre tardivePourquoi l’histoire européenne a-t-elle pris si tard le tournant global ? Si le passé de l’Europe s’est bien sûr toujours construit par rapport à ses périphéries islamiques ou mongoles, et plus tard par rapport à ses colonies, ce n’est que récemment que l’on a compris que l’histoire européenne et extra-européenne s’entremêlent dans une relation dynamique d’influences réciproques. L’histoire intellectuelle et économique l’a reconnu avant l’histoire sociale qui, dans son épanouissement à partir des années 1960, tenait pour acquis que les formes sociales européennes étaient à la fois plus avancées et catégoriquement différentes des autres. Dans les années 1970 et 1980 cependant, une génération après la décolonisation politique, de nouveaux travaux ont commencé à explorer l’influence des périphéries sur le noyau européen et à évaluer l’Europe de l’extérieur. Depuis le début du xxie siècle, on assiste à l’émergence d’une histoire sociale européenne globalisée. En sortant des contraintes du paradigme national, elle ouvre la voie à de nouveaux projets et méthodes historiques pan- et transeuropéens. Ceux-ci suscitent de nouvelles questions sur la façon dont nous pourrions reconfigurer l’histoire européenne de manière à comprendre l’Europe centrale et orientale selon leurs propres termes plutôt que comme de simples extensions retardées de phénomènes européens occidentaux « avancés ».
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Beltrán, Marina, Florencio Vicente, Mª Isabel Ruiz, Jesús López Lucas, and Cristina Jenaro. "ACTITUDES HACIA EL SÍNDROME DE DOWN LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN." International Journal of Developmental and Educational Psychology. Revista INFAD de Psicología. 4, no. 1 (November 29, 2016): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.17060/ijodaep.2014.n1.v4.833.
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Abstract.El presente estudio analiza las actitudes que manifiesta la sociedad hacia las personas con síndrome de Down. Para conocer las actitudes se ha desarrollado un cuestionario sobre Síndrome de Down y Medios de Comunicación. Del trabajo empírico se extraen los siguientes resultados: El grupo de personas con relación familiar, percibe que en general debe haber más presencia en los medios de comunicación y rechazan la utilización de términos como subnormales o mongoles, que aún se pueden escuchar en el lenguaje coloquial. Las personas que trabajan con este colectivo reclaman una mayor presencia de personas con síndrome de Down en los medios de comunicación y consideran que una mayor presencia produce un mayor grado de acogida. Del estudio se deriva la necesidad de seguir trabajando por la integración en la sociedad de las personas con síndrome de Down y tener muy en cuenta las nuevas formas de comunicación social. En un mundo donde las redes sociales de Internet se están convirtiendo en una de las principales formas de comunicarse, debemos estudiarlas y ver cómo se pueden utilizar como instrumentos para mejorar las actitudes hacia las personas con discapacidad en general, y con síndrome de Down en particular.Palabras Clave: Medios de Comunicación, Actitudes, Discapacidad, síndrome de Down
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Tsybenov, Bazar D. "Языки и диалекты национальных меньшинств Хулун-Буира как объект исследования." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 615–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-4-615-624.
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Introduction. The article examines languages of some national minorities living in the Hulun Buir Urban District of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region (PRC). The study is relevant since the Han majority subjects national minorities to strong linguistic assimilation. Timely study of the languages and dialects of this region is necessary for a comparative analysis with the languages of the Mongolic and Tungus-Manchu peoples living in Russia. Goals. The research primarily aims to examine some aspects of linguistic studies in publications of Inner Mongolia’s philologists. The work solves the following tasks: 1) review of languages and dialects of Hulun Buir ethnic groups, including in publications of Russian researchers; 2) research of some works dealing with the Old Barga dialect of the Mongolian language; 3) analysis of publications on the Dagur language and one scientific article about the Evenki language. Materials. The article analyzes scientific works of researchers from Inner Mongolia, such as Bousian, Enkhabatu, Tseberkhas, Urangua, Yu Shan, Serenbatu. Results. The existing division into languages and dialects has some differences in China and Russia. This unequal linguistic status requires the development of a single generally accepted standard. The Old Barga dialect has preserved a number of words from the language of medieval Mongols. This Barga dialect also borrowed some words from Manchu, Japanese and Russian. Philologists of Inner Mongolia actively study the Dagur language and dialects. They carry out comparative analyses of the latter and Mongolic languages, identify features of the Hailar and Buteha dialects of the Dagur language. So, scientists conducted a sociological survey on whether the Daur people know their native language, as well as Mongolian and Chinese. Professor Serenbat analyzed Evenki verb endings in comparison with Mongolian, Manchu and Dagur ones. Conclusions. The important issue is a standardization of languages and dialects of the region. It must be done in accordance with generally accepted standards in Russia and China. Russian philologists should begin comprehensive studies of the scientific developments of Inner Mongolia’s researchers. The study of the historiography of languages and dialects of Hulun Buir has great prospects.
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Dashdondog, Bayarsaikhan. "Mongol Diplomacy of the Alamut Period." Eurasian Studies 17, no. 2 (April 24, 2020): 310–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340078.
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Abstract The subject that I would like to discuss relates to the Ismāʿīlī history of the period of the Mongol incursions in 1256. This article deals with three topics: the Mongols and their invasions of Alamut; Mongol-Ismāʿīlī relations before and after the invasions; and issues relating to the death of the Ismāʿīlī leader allegedly at the hands of the Mongols. The Mongol conquest of the Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs’ strongholds has been described as “the single-most disastrous event in their history”, putting an end to the political aspirations and prominence of the Ismāʿīlīs in the region; however, my argument lies in the pragmatic attitudes of the Ismāʿīlīs, who were allies of the Mongols at the beginning of their relationship. This paper also discusses issues relating to the death of Ismāʿīlī Imam Rukn al-Dīn, disputing the commonly accepted view of his murder.
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Kukanova, Viktoria V. "Астрономическая терминология монгольских языков: материалы к этимологическому словарю." Oriental studies 13, no. 6 (December 29, 2020): 1652–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-52-6-1652-1666.
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Introduction. The system of astronomical terms in Mongolic languages is structurally complicated due to multiple layers of both pre-Buddhist and Buddhist beliefs adopted by proto-Mongols. The latter had tended to revere celestial bodies and elaborated a number of cults still traceable in spiritual and material culture of descending nations. Goals. The work aims at identifying Mongolic astronomical terms and provides preliminary analyses of their semantics and etymologies. Materials and methods. The paper focuses on dictionaries of Mongolic languages, examines etymological studies and Turkic dictionaries, special attention be paid to An Etymological Dictionary of Altaic Languages. The reference proto-Mongolian lexical constructs are represented by those contained in Hans Nugteren’s Mongolic Phonology and ones reproduced by O. Mudrak (available on The Tower of Babel website). The study employs etymological and linguocultural analytical tools. Results. The astronomical system developed in ancient times contains several layers characterizing archaic perceptions and worldviews of proto-Mongols. Some astronyms — including the words for ‘sky’, ‘star’, ‘Sun’, ‘Moon’, ‘Venus’ — seem to have evolved from proto-Altaic stems. In Mongolic languages, the concept ‘planet’ proves a more recent phenomenon and initially all celestial bodies had been perceived as stars, which resulted in multiple onyms with the component odn ‘star’ (e.g., Venus, Mars, Mercury, Sun and Moon used to be identified as stars). The Earth proper was not believed to be a star or planet since it first and foremost served as home to ancient Mongols, their habitat. In subsequent eras, only visible celestial bodies — Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn — started being referred to as planets, their names employed for denoting the days of the week. The mobility of the Sun and Moon prompted proto-Mongols that the former were planets, though ancient humans rarely tended to distinguish between planets and stars as such. As for currently known planets of the Solar System, ancient Mongols were aware of Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and supposedly Mercury. It is after their conversion to Buddhism that they gained an onym denoting Saturn, while those of Neptune, Pluto, and Uranus are more recently adopted lexemes.
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Morley, Craig G. "Has the invasive mongoose Herpestes javanicus yet reached the island of Taveuni, Fiji?" Oryx 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 457–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605304000857.
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The Fijian island of Taveuni is being proposed as a potential World Heritage Site because much of its flora and fauna, including many endemic species, remains intact. The greatest threat facing Taveuni's wildlife is a potential incursion by the invasive small Indian mongoose Herpestes javanicus from nearby islands, and anecdotal reports have suggested that the mongoose may already be present. To determine if mongooses were present on Taveuni 40 traps were set in two locations close to the main ports of entry, in typical mongoose habitat. Normally mongooses are easily caught if they are present, but in 204 trap nights none were captured, although eight feral cats and 11 rats were caught. None of the 31 people questioned from around the island had seen the mongoose. A list of seven recommendations is provided for a management strategy to prevent any possible incursion by mongooses and to eradicate any arrivals at the earliest opportunity.
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Breier, Idan. "“If You Are Not the King You Will Be Eventually …”: Eastern and Western Prophecies Concerning the Rise of Emperors." Religions 11, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11010004.
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This article compares three literary-historical texts—two from the Jewish world and one from Mongolia—that record prophecies given to military commanders asserting that they will become the rulers of great empires and civilizations. In his The Jewish War, Josephus tells us that he prophesied that Vespasian would become emperor, an act that appears to have saved his life. A rabbinic tradition, related in several versions, similarly recounts that R. Johanan b. Zakkai prophesied that Vespasian would rise to power—he, too, thus being granted his freedom and the opportunity to rebuild his life and community in Yavneh. I compare Josephus and R. Johanan’s prophecies in the light of The Secret History of the Mongols. A chronicle describing the life of Temüjin, the founder of the Mongol Empire who gained fame as Genghis Khan (1162–1227), this tells how Temüjin, the young commander, was predicted to unite all the Mongol tribes and rule over a vast empire. The article analyzes the three prophecies, which occur in diverse genres, in the light of their historical background, hereby demonstrating the way in which written sources can serve anthropological phenomenological research and shed new light on ancient Jewish texts.
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Waugh, Daniel C. "The ‘owl of misfortune’ or the ‘phoenix of prosperity’? Re-thinking the impact of the Mongols." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2016.11.004.
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The impact of Mongol conquests across Eurasia is still controversial: did they destroy everything in their path or rather create a “Mongol peace” under which the Silk Road exchanges flourished? Too often medieval authors are cited merely for their negative reaction to the Mongols. Yet both the written sources and evidence from archeology show a picture of some complexity that requires critical analysis. The emphasis here is on archeology, often ignored or slighted by historians of the Mongols, and on evidence from Central Asia and Eastern Europe, primarily as reported in Russian-language scholarship. The impact of the Mongols varied depending on the location and the priorities of the new conquerors.
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Ma, Sheng-mei. "Sino-Anglo-Euro Wolf Fan(g)s from Jiang Rong to Annaud // Fans lupinos sino-anglo-europeos de Jiang Ring a Annaud." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 7, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2016.7.1.980.
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Fans of Jiang Rong’s Wolf Totem could arguably shapeshift into a wolf’s fangs, the sharp tips of China’s Social Darwinism today. Jiang mourns the killing of Mongolian wolves, erecting a literary totem there after wolves are gone. An elegy for the wild comes to justify the growing of fangs amid the jungle of the socialist-capitalist market. Wolf totem becomes a phallic symbol for power. A Sino-Anglo-Euro morphing materializes in global cinema as Annaud transforms the novel into The Last Wolf. Annaud’s romantic film downplays Jiang’s nationalistic tenor, avoiding to bare “red [in] tooth and claw” to the world.Resumen Los fans de Wolf Totem de Jiang Rong podrían discutiblemente transformarse en los colmillos de un lobo, las afiladas puntas del darwinismo social en China hoy en día. Jiang lamenta la muerte de los lobos mongoles, erigiendo un tótem literario allí tras la marcha de los lobos. Una elegía a los salvaje llega a justificar el crecimiento de colmillos en medio de la jungla del mercado socialista-capitalista. El tótem del lobo se convierte en un símbolo fálico de poder. Un Changling sino-anglo-europeo de algún tipo se materializa en el cine global cuando Annaud transforma la novela en El último lobo. La romántica película de Annaud resta importancia al tono nacionalista de Jiang, evitando mostrar "rojo [en] diente y garra" al mundo.
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Chichinov, V. A. "Quarrel of Mongolian Princes and Dating of the Mongols Campaign to South-Western Rus." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(113) (July 6, 2020): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)3-16.
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The purpose of this article is to research the information by historical sources related with the Mongolian invasion to the South-Western Rus, determination exact dates of the conquest of Russian southern cities and consideration the quarrel of the Mongol princes, as a turning point in the history of the Mongol invasion and the Mongol empire. The author has some several conclusions. Firstly, the Russian chronicles, the chronicle of Rashid al-Din, and the “Secret History of the Mongols” contain the information, by which we can reconstructing the chronology of events past. Secondly, to determination an accurate chronology of the events of the Mongol invasion of South-Western Russia, it is important to use a source such as “The Secret History of the Mongols”, which was written by an eyewitness to the events that unfolded in the residence of the Mongolian emperor. Thirdly, the author was able to date the events associated with the capture of some southern Rus cities by the Mongols. The research has provided information that reveals the specifics of the Mongol conquest of Kiev, namely, the date of the event was clarified, and also identified the commanders who did not participate in this campaign and were mistakenly counted among the conquerors of Kiev, the “mother of Russian cities”.
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Narangoa, Li. "Educating Mongols and Making ‘Citizens’ of Manchukuo." Inner Asia 3, no. 2 (2001): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481701793647651.
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AbstractTo control its new possessions Japan needed a mobilisation strategy of its own. In developing this strategy Japan placed great emphasis on education. The Japanese authorities saw education as tool for shaping society to serve their purposes and as part of their broader efforts to establish their dominance. This essay focuses on Japanese education policies towards the Mongols in Manchukuo. The Mongols of Manchukuo had a special place in Japanese policies in the new state. A clear Mongol political presence was essential to the Japanese construction of Manchukuo as a multi-ethnic state. The central problem for the Japanese was whether to make the Mongols of Manchukuo good and useful citizens of Manchukuo or whether to make them the spearhead of a larger Japanese orientated Mongol state north of China. Japan's education policies amongst the Mongols reflected these contradictory aspirations and therefore highlight Japan's general educational dilemmas in its Asian colonies.