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Journal articles on the topic 'Monothelitism'
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1
Johnson, Randall K. "Molinism and the Person-Will Paradigm." Philosophia Christi 22, no. 2 (2020): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pc202022225.
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The traditional Molinist scheme implies that God is one center of consciousness, knowledge, and will. The person-will paradigm, however, claims there are three centers of consciousness, knowledge, and will in the Godhead. I argue that the Molinist ought to reject the person-will paradigm, and thus reject both monothelitism and social trinitarianism. I begin by presenting standard accounts of Molinism, monothelitism, and social trinitarianism. Then I consider three approaches to reconciling Molinism and the person-will paradigm. I show that each approach is fraught with difficulties.
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Wygralak, Paweł. "Rola biskupów Rzymu w sporach doktrynalnych starożytnego Kościoła." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3282.
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This article presents the role of the bishops of Rome in the resolution of three doctrinal disputes (nestorianism, monophysitism, monothelitism) that hit the community of the Church between the 5th and the 7th centuries. Both the teaching of Nestorius and Eutyches were unequivocally condemned by the contemporary bishops of Rome, respectively Celestine and Leon the Great. Their teachings were confirmed by the general councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Solving the problem of monothelitism has caused even more difficulties to the Holy See because of the attitude of Honorius I, who supported the erroneous teaching of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergei. Thus, the work discusses the actions of the subsequent bishops of Rome (especially John IV, Theodore, Martin I and Agathon) for restoring orthodoxy, which resulted in the adoption of resolutions condemning monothelitism by the Third Council of Constantinople (680-681). The article was primarily written on the basis of the preserved correspondence between heresiarchs and the bishops of Rome, the bishops of Rome and the emperors, as well as the resolutions of synods and councils.
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Ter Ern Loke, Andrew. "On Dyothelitism Versus Monothelitism: The Divine Preconscious Model." Heythrop Journal 57, no. 1 (August 29, 2013): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.12073.
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Хромець, Віталій. "Oleksandr Kashchuk. Monothelitism in Byzantium of the Seventh Century. Doctrine, Politics and Ideology of Power." Theological Reflections: Euro-Asian Journal of Theology, no. 23 (October 2, 2019): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.29357/2521-179x.2019.23.12.
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Lourié, Basil. "Five Anastasiae and Two Febroniae: A Guided Tour in the Maze of Anastasia Legends. Part One. The Oriental Dossier." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 252–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.20.
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The recent data related to the legend of St Anastasia in Byzantium require a fresh analysis of the mutually connected cults of Anastasia and Febronia in both the Christian East and West. Part One of the present study is focused on the East, whereas Part Two will be focused on the Latin West. In Part One, the cult of Anastasia is discussed especially in Constantinople from the mid-fifth to the fourteenth centuries, with special attention to the epoch when the Imperial Church was Monothelite (seventh century). In this epoch, a new avatar of St Anastasia was created, the Roman Virgin, whose Passio was written on the basis of Syriac hagiographic documents. The cult of this second Anastasia was backed by Monothelite Syrians, whereas the fifth-century cult of Anastasia in Constantinople was backed by the Goths. Transformations of Anastasia cults in the era of state Monothelitism were interwoven with a new Syriac cult of Febronia of Nisibis that appeared in the capital shortly after its creation in Syria in a Severian “Monophysite” milieu.
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Clarke, Kevin M. "Preserving the whole theological system: Maximus the Confessor’s dyothelitism as a bulwark for trinitarian theology, christology, and soteriology." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3373.
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This paper examines Maximus the Confessor’s thought concerning the pressing urgency of his day, namely, the threat posed by monothelitism and monenergism. What were the theological stakes, as he saw them, for orthodoxy that prompted such stark resistance to imperial attempts at a doctrinal compromise? The paper focuses first on the mode of union in the Incarnation and the manner of the assumption of the human nature, including a human will and a human operation. Maximus also manages to rescue orthodoxy’s fathers, especially Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril of Alexandria, and Dionysius and from his opponents’ interpretations of various ¢por…ai. The second section considers Maximus’s presentation of the synthetic heterodoxy and its inevitable result, namely that one composite will in Jesus Christ – in isolating Christ from the Godhead on the one hand and from true humanity on the other – ultimately destroys all of theology. How can Christ save or divinize man if he is no longer like man? He cannot, says Maximus. Instead, Christ would become a sort of tertium quid, neither God nor man, in one movement unraveling Trinitarian theology, Christology, and soteriology. The concluding section briefly considers the immediate impact of Maximus from his martyrdom, including the matter of Constantinople III’s strange failure to mention Maximus in the conciliar text. Finally, this section explores Maximus in our own time, especially how the theology that developed in the seventh century through Maximus is a sort of answer to some of the difficulties of post-Enlightenment modernity.
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Sidorenko, Valery A. "Objective Methods in the Research of Coinages of Byzantine Cherson and the Crimea." Materials in Archaeology, History and Ethnography of Tauria, no. XXVI (2021): 424–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-189x.2021.26.424-446.
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This paper considers the coin-die method of numismatic research, which, by A. N. Zograf’s definition, is an “objective scientific method.” The need to turn to this description is related to the fact that not all authors of publications are familiar with the principles of this method. The technical features of the use of mechanically connected pairs of dies in coinage, which became widespread in ancient times and were applied in the coinages of Bosporos and Chersonese (mediaeval Cherson) from the Roman Period on, are highlighted. The transition to the coin production not interconnected by dies under the Golden Horde creates more complex intersections of die connections in the method of research of coins. This paper publishes two folles of Justin II (565–578) of the mint of Constantinople produced by the same obverse die and reverse with different numeric marks (Г and Є) interpreted as the signs of the 3rd and 5th officinae. One can infer a special value of the fifth officina differing from those of the marks 1–4 to explain the appearance of its mark on the coins of Leo I and Verina of military issues in Cherson before the organization of its polis coinage. The study of the coins of mediaeval Cherson by die and analytical methods detects the continuity of issues from 549 on, allows the one to determine the coins of Justine II (565–578) and Tiberios II Constantine (578–582), Maurice Tiberios (582–602), Phokas (602–610), Herakleios (610–641) and Constans II (641–668). The end of the coinage of Cherson under the Emperor Constans II corresponded to the economic crisis described by Pope Martin in his letters, when he was exiled to that city in 655 as an avid opponent of the Monothelitism.
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Esders, Stefan. "Chindasvinth, the ‘Gothic disease’, and the Monothelite crisis." Millennium 16, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 175–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2019-0010.
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Abstract Taking up important observations made by L. A. García Moreno on King Chindasvinth’s involvement in the Monothelite crisis via connections to North Africa and to Rome, this article argues that a deep division within the Visigothic episcopate on the king’s policy should already be assumed for October 646, when Chindasvinth assembled the 7th Synod of Toledo. A new reading of the synod’s first canon, usually interpreted as a mere confirmation of Chindasvinth’s law on high treason of 641/2, proceeds from the observation that the synod’s decisions must be seen as a minory vote, given the fact that the synod was not attended by more than 30 bishops and several episcopal representatives, and that it lacked any attendance or support from the ecclesiastical provinces of Tarraconensis and Septimania. As is shown, fears were expressed at the synod somewhat shroudedly that numerous clerics of every rank could find a common cause with a foreign enemy beyond the frontiers and that, as a consequence, an infringement of the orthodox faith could result. This most likely referred to the clergy of Septimania and Aquitania, whose territories the Visigothic kingdom and the Frankish kingdom neighboured. This paper argues that Frankish Aquitania, being the south-western part of the Austrasian kingdom of the Merovingian king Sigibert III, never adopted the policy of Sigibert’s brother Clovis II, who assembled a synod of the episcopate of Neustria and Burgundy at Chalon-sur-Saône in support of Pope Martin’s condemnation of Monothelitism at the Lateran synod of 649. While it is not clear whether Sigibert prevented the Aquitanian clergy from attending the synod for religious reasons or for diplomatic considerations related to Constantinople, the division of both the Frankish and Visigothic episcopates over the issue of supporting the Lateran Council fostered a constellation in which treason could become a crime with strong religious overtones.
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Sutrisno, Tonny, and Billy Kristanto. "DYOTHELITISME DALAM KRISTOLOGI YOHANES CALVIN." VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 6, no. 1 (April 15, 2019): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc6.1.2019.art3.
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Kesinambungan di dalam pemahaman ortodoks mengenai dua kehendak Kristus, berdasarkan dua natur-Nya (Dyothelitisme) merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk mengerti mengenai Pribadi Kristus dan bagaimana pekerjaan penebusan dilaksanakan dengan sempurna oleh Pribadi-Nya, di dalam inkarnasi Sang Logos yang mengambil natur manusia. Dyothelitisme yang diwakili oleh pemikiran Maximus the Confessor merupakan acuan di dalam memahami Kristologi dua natur – satu pribadi dari Chalcedon, yang diterima sebagai ortodoksi Gereja di dalam melawan ajaran Monothelitisme dan Monoenergisme. Kesinambungan antara pemikiran Dyothelitisme Maximus the Confessor tersebut dengan pemikiran serta karya Yohanes Calvin di dalam Kristologinya, adalah sangat penting bagi pemahanan mengenai pelaksanaan dan penggenapan sempurna karya penebusan Kristus di dalam pandangan teologia Reformed sebagaimana diwakili oleh Calvin.
Kata kunci: Dyothelitisme; Monothelitisme; hypostasis; pribadi; ousia; essence; natur; ke-ilahian; kemanusiaan
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Wessling, Jordan. "Crisp on Conciliar Authority." Philosophia Christi 23, no. 1 (2021): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pc20212316.
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In Analyzing Doctrine: Toward a Systematic eology, Oliver Crisp infers from a general principle concerning God’s providential care for the church that it is implausible that God would allow substantial error on the central theological promulgations of an ecumenical council. is conclusion is then used specifically against contemporary neo-monothelites, who consciously contravene the dyothelite teachings of the third Council of Constantinople. In this paper, I raise several doubts about the inference utilized by Crisp against these neo-monothelites, and I seek to point to a more promising manner of upholding the deliverances of the ecumenical councils.
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Louth, Andrew. "Palestine under the Arabs 650-750: the Crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014339.
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The period from the beginning of the seventh century to the middle of the ninth was decisive for the history of the Byzantine empire. At the beginning of the seventh century, the idea of the Roman, or Byzantine, empire as the political configuration of the Mediterranean world - something that the Emperor Justinian had done his best to restore - still seemed valid, though there were already significant cracks in the edifice. By the end of the seventh century - let alone the middle of the ninth - that was a dream, though a dream to which the Byzantines obstinately clung. For the early years of the seventh century had seen the temporary Persian conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire, soon followed by the Arab conquest which the Byzantines were to prove unable to overturn. The impact on the Byzantine empire of these events and the infiltration into the Balkan peninsula by the Slavs, was profound - politically, economically, culturally, and theologically. But the story of this impact is generally presented, both in the sources and in scholarly accounts, from the point of view of the centre, the Queen City, Constantinople. Central to the Byzantine world view, as it emerged with renewed confidence in the middle of the ninth century, was the idea of the empire, and the Emperor, as the guardian of Christian Orthodoxy, which was symbolized in the proclamation of the ‘Triumph of Orthodoxy’ with the final overthrow of iconoclasm in 843, a proclamation that became part of the normal ecclesiastical calendar, celebrated thereafter each year on the first Sunday of Lent. But that Orthodoxy, in its final form, had not been nurtured in Constantinople, nor had the wealth of liturgical poetry that came to celebrate it. Constantinople had reacted to the catastrophe of the early seventh century by plunging into heresy: first, the Christological heresy of monenergism, with its refinement, monothelitism, and then the heresy of iconoclasm, also believed - by both iconoclasts and their opponents - to be ultimately a matter of Christology. The Orthodoxy whose triumph was celebrated from 843 onwards had been defined, and celebrated, in Palestine, the province that had been lost for good to the Byzantines in the 630s. Orthodoxy, in fact, achieved its final definition at the periphery - and defeated periphery at that - and from there took over the centre. In this paper, we are not concerned with Christians who visited the Holy Land as pilgrims, but rather with those who belonged there: mainly monks, both natives and those who came to the Holy Land to live in the complex of monasteries in and around Jerusalem. How and why did these Palestinian monks come to play this role in the wider history of the Christian œcumene?
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Popova, Tatiana G. "Christian Monasteries of the East of the 6th-7th Centuries in the “Sacred Space” of The Ladder of Divine Ascent by John Climacus." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 17 (2022): 122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/17/7.
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The article studies the translation of The Ladder of Divine Ascent by John Climacus with the aim to name historical evidence and facts about the life in Eastern monasticism of the 6th-7th centuries, described in this work of literature. The author uses the term “sacred space” to define the residences of Egyptian monks described by John Climacus. In total, The Ladder names four Christian monasteries (St. Catherine’s Monastery of Sinai, the Raifa Monastery, the Lavra of St. Savva the Sanctified, and the Tavennisi Monastery), Scetis, five places of monastic seclusion near St. Catherine’s Monastery of Sinai (Fola, Siddin, Arsilaia, and two unnamed places: the residence of St. Stephen on Mount Sinai and the residence of Isychii on Mount Khoriv). The names of three monasteries included in the “sacred space” are not given, though The Ladder contains vivid pictures of the life there. These are: 1) a monastery in Asia, where St. Acacius of Sinai lived; 2) a monastery in Pontus, where St. John the Silent lived; 3) a monastery near Alexandria, which plays the key role in the “sacred space” of The Ladder. This monastery owned a lavra and a metochion, used a prison. The name of the hegumen of this monastery is also unknown, though The Ladder presents him as an ideal collective vision of a senior priest: a sheperd, father, teacher, judge, doctor, helmsman, and artist. The symbolic key to understanding The Ladder is the Parable about the Good Shepherd and the Mercenary. The traits of a “good shepherd” The Ladder are epitomized by an anonymous hegumen of an anonymous monastery. Concealing the name of the hegumen, John Climacus names the monks who lived in this monastery (Isidore, Lawrence, Avvakir, Macedonian, Mina). In total, there were 330 monks, besides those were in the lavra or metochion. John Climacus privides a vibrant description of the life in this monastery, which he observed for two month, paying special attention to the description of the monastery prison. The monks voluntarily doom themselves to suffering in the prison, with their torments making the deepest impression on the medieval reader. These images can be found in various types of fine arts, in Byzantine hymnography and in other literary monuments, for example, in the “Testament” of the Kiev Metropolitan Constantine I, who ordered not to bury his body after death, but to drag it out to the wasteland and leave it to be torn apart by the street dogs. The question remains why the name of a huge monastery near Alexandria, whose hegumen enjoyed undoubted spiritual authority, has not been mentioned in The Ladder. Probably, the monastery was the spiritual center of Monothelitism, so that it was cursed and deleted from all sources, including The Ladder. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Jevtić, Aleksandar. "Asymmetric symmetry of Christology: The question of the number and unity of wills in Christ according to the 'Discussion with Pyrrhus'." Sabornost, no. 15 (2021): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2115069j.
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The doctrine of will or wills in Christ was a great challenge for theology in the 7th century. Understanding the dogmas that were formulated in previous centuries, but also the future of theology, depended on the outcome of the disputes between monothelites and diotelites. This work seeks to present the overall complexity that Saint Maximus the Confessor faced when formulating the doctrine of the two wills in Christ, as shown in the book Discussions with Pyrrhus. The extremes of Monophysitism and Nestorianism, skillfully used by the Monothelites, were a constant threat but also an incentive for a great step forward that highlighted the person of Christ as a central place for understanding controversial theological issues. Christological asymmetric symmetry is the result of the above.
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Pashin, Adrian. "St. Anastasius of Sinai.Chapters against the Monothelites: chapters 3-4." Theological Herald 26-27, no. 3-4 (2017): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450/2017-26-27-487-510.
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Benevich, Grigory. "Presence and absence of προαίρεσις in Christ and saints according to Maximus the Confessor and parallels in Neoplatonism." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 111, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2018-0002.
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Abstract The article shows that prior to the debate with the Monothelites, Maximus the Confessor followed the Christian tradition going back to Gregory of Nyssa in recognizing the presence of προαίρεσις in Christ and the saints. Later during the debate, Maximus declined to apply προαίρεσις to Christ and started to speak about the deactivation of προαίρεσις in the saints in the state of deification. Maximus was the first Orthodox author who distinguished deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) and natural will (θέλημα), and defended the presence of natural will in Christ according to His humanity. At the same time, the opposition of desire (βούλησις) and deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) can be found in some Neoplatonists, such as Iamblichus, Proclus, and Philoponus. Iamblichus and Proclus rejected the presence of προαίρεσις in the gods and god-like humans, admitting only the presence of βούλησις - the desire for the Good. Thus, the evolution of the doctrine of Maximus the Confessor, regarding the application of προαίρε- σις to Christ and the saints, finds a parallel doctrine (and even possibly a source) in Neoplatonism.
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Chernyavsky, Alexander L. "The unity of the divine and the human in Christ: The Chalcedonian definition and Paul Tillich’s Spirit Christology." Issues of Theology 3, no. 3 (2021): 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu28.2021.307.
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The Christological disputes of the 6th–7th centuries (the polemics of Leontius of Byzantium with the Nestorians and Eutychians, and Maximus the Confessor with the monoenergistes/monothelites) showed that the Chalcedonian definition gives rise to a number of problems that cannot be solved within the framework of traditional theology: the unclear ontological status of human nature without a human hypostasis; the inconsistency of the ontological models underlying trinitology and Christology; the need to resort to an artificial interpretation of the gospel testimonies about Christ. However, the Chalcedonian definition is only one possible way to describe the unity of the divine and the human in Christ. The Christology of Paul Tillich is considered as an example of an alternative description in which the above problems do not arise. Tillich’s idea is to replace the traditional concept of the Logos incarnated in man with the concept of the Spirit of God transforming man. According to this view, God does not act on human nature without hypostasis, but on the hypostasis of man through its unifying center. During the earthly life of Christ, this effect occurred only in the hypostasis of Christ as man. And after (and thanks to) the death on the cross and the resurrection of Christ, it extends to all people.
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Tölpt, Tauri. "The List of Aristotelian Types of Motion and Its Extension in De duabus in Christo voluntatibus of John Damascene." Scrinium, March 25, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-bja10034.
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Abstract John Damascene’s use of philosophical logic in his theological treatises has remained a somewhat unclear subject. We know that John compiled purely logical and philosophical works, such as the Institutio Elementaris and the Dialectica. But it is not clear how much, if at all, John’s purely philosophical projects contributed to his later theological work. In order to illuminate the issue, I shall take under investigation the Damascene’s implementation of the Aristotelian types of motion that are clearly found both in John’s philosophic and in his theological works. One of his theological works in which the Aristotelian types of motion are used in tandem with the intelligible motion is the De duabus in Christo voluntatibus. Taking this Christological work as a starting point, this article aims to shed light on the potential sources behind the Damascene’s use of the different types of motion and the significance thereof for his arguments against Monothelitism and Monoenergism.
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Aliyeva, Lala. "RELIGION AND POLITICAL POWER IN THE CAUCASIAN ALBANIA PRIOR TO AND DURING THE ARAB CONQUESTS." Reconstructing the Past: Journal of Historical Studies, 2023, 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/pfyv4062.
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This paper examines the impact of 7th century political and military developments in the region on the position of the Caucasian Albanian Church. Holding a weak position among the common people, who preserved ancient traditions, the Caucasian Albanian Church proved unable to maintain its position after the Arab conquest, which created new political conditions. Prior to and during the Arab conquest the struggle between dyophysitism and monophysitism created uncertainty and weakened the status of Christianity in the region. Studies show that the Caucasian Albanian Church was an adherent of monothelitism and maintained close ties with Byzantium and the Georgian Orthodox Church throughout most of the Mihranid dynasty’s reign. However, with the strengthening of the Arab Caliphate during Umayyad rule, the political situation changed and the Armenian Church, holding good relations with the Caliphate, achieved the subordination of the Caucasian Albanian Church. The study reveals a number of reasons for the weakening and subordination of the Albanian Church to the Armenian.