Academic literature on the topic 'Morale sociale – Aspect religieux – Christianisme'

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Cameron, Ian. “Aquarius Festival Photographs.” 1973. Clarke, Jennifer. Aborigines and Activism: Race, Aborigines and the Coming of the Sixties to Australia. Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2008. Derrett, Ross. Regional Festivals: Nourishing Community Resilience: The Nature and Role of Cultural Festivals in Northern Rivers NSW Communities. PhD Thesis. Southern Cross University, Lismore, 2008. Dunstan, Graeme. “A Survival Festival May 1973.” 1 Aug. 1972. Pamphlet. MS 6945/1. Nimbin Aquarius Festival Archives. National Library of Australia, Canberra. ---. E-mail to author, 11 July 2012. ---. “The Aquarius Festival.” Aquarius Rainbow Region. n.d. Farnham, Ken. Acting Executive Officer, Aboriginal Council for the Arts. 19 June 1973. Letter. MS ACC GB 1992.0505. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Foley, Gary. “Australia and the Holocaust: A Koori Perspective (1997).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_8.html›. ---. “Whiteness and Blackness in the Koori Struggle for Self-Determination (1999).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_9.html›. ---. “Black Power in Redfern 1968-1972 (2001).” The Koori History Website. n.d. 20 May 2013 ‹http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html›. ---. “An Evening with Legendary Aboriginal Activist Gary Foley.” Conference Session. Marxism 2012 “Revolution in the Air”, Melbourne, Mar. 2012. Hoff, Jennifer. Bundjalung Jugun: Bundjalung Country. Lismore: Richmond River Historical Society, 2006. Jacob, Jeffrey. New Pioneers: The Back-to-the-Land Movement and the Search for a Sustainable Future. Pennsylvania: Penn State Press, 1997. Jerome, Burri. Interview. 31 July 2012. Joseph, Paul. Interview. 7 Aug. 2012. 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Cette étude cherche à éclairer la place qu'il convient d'accorder à l'angoisse dans l'interprétation historique, théologique et morale de la constitution pastorale "gaudium et spes" du concile Vatican II. Elle présente d'abord l'apparition progressive du thème de l'angoisse durant les quatre années de rédaction, en comparant les états successifs du texte et en recourant à des documents d'archives. Un choix méthodologique est ensuite clairement posé, en fonction duquel le vocabulaire de l'angoisse est analysé d'un point de vue littéraire et linguistique dans le corpus final, ce qui conduit à examiner sa fonction dans la structure du texte promulgué et dans son argumentation morale, puis à conclure que l'angoisse est un concept organisateur de la constitution pastorale, nécessaire à sa juste compréhension. Un éclairage complémentaire est apporté sur la pensée de trois collaborateurs français de la rédaction qui, soucieux d'habiter l'histoire philosophique et religieuse du 20e siècle, ont veillé à l'insertion de l'angoisse dans le texte. Le travail qui s'est opéré sur le concept étant ainsi précisé, l'étude peut accéder à une compréhension renouvelée de la constitution pastorale, mais elle cherche corrélativement à gagner une meilleure intelligence de la portée éthique et théologique du concept mis en évidence. Il s'avère que celui-ci désigne une méthode théologique, qui part de l'expérience vécue et la ressaisit dans la dogmatique pascale, ainsi qu'une manière neuve d'aborder les questions de morale sociale au plan fondamental. Le texte propose en effet à ses lecteurs de se réapproprier la confiance qui, lorsqu'elle nait dans l'angoisse, les met en demeure de répondre à l'amour d'autrui et d'assumer leurs responsabilités sociales. L'étude prolonge enfin le discernement engagé sur la notion de personne qui, dans la constitution pastorale, bénéficie peu de l'apport heuristique et théologique qu'aurait pu lui offrir le concept d'angoisse.

Traitée autour de la question : « Quelles sont les stratégies discursives des évêques pour transformer les agents en acteurs de changement souhaité, et donc, en artisans de paix », la recherche montre à partir de l’analyse rhétorique de huit discours des évêques de la CENCO, l’impact et la pragmatique de leurs discours dans la reconstruction de la paix en RDC. En prenant comme base empirique, la crise socio-politique que traverse la RDC (1990-2010), l’analyse rhétorique de la parole épiscopale, se ressourçant dans la pragmatique de la communication telle qu’élaborée dans la théorie de l’argumentation de C. Perelman, l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et du discours politique de P. Charaudeau, traite de la reconstruction de la Nation, de la consolidation de la paix et des perspectives pour un Congo démocratique paisible, juste et prospère. L’analyse porte deux enjeux majeurs : elle poursuit une visée pragmatique de manière à produire un impact effectif sur l’auditoire et construit de nouveaux sens, précisément, un nouveau système de valeurs sur lesquelles il convient de bâtir la Nation. Mettant le point focal sur les valeurs de l’ethos : paradigmes du « devoir-faire » et du « faire-être », la recherche s’inscrit dans la théologie morale, précisément l’éthique théologique. Ces valeurs structurantes sont des principes normatifs, principes de réflexion et des points d’ancrage qui fondent le discours théologique et éthique sur la paix. Aux antivaleurs qui hypothèquent la paix, l’analyse propose, partant des élaborations de P. Ricoeur sur la responsabilité et la cohérence, et de M. Foucault sur la vérité, une éthique de responsabilité et une éthique de cohérence adossée à l’éthique de vérité. La paix est une responsabilité citoyenne, une composante de l’éthique de fraternité à construire sur l’éthique de vérité. L’aléthique engendrera chez les destinataires l’éthique de cohérence. Justesse du discours à l’authenticité de la vie, conformité de la parole à la manière de vivre et d’agir, l’éthique de cohérence comme mode de sincérité et d’authenticité de vie, aiderait à édifier la paix et l'homonoïa en RDC. Mots-clés : Paix, ethos, logos, doxa, dialogisme, auditoire, valeurs, changement, reconstruction, consolidation, pragmatique, État de droit, analyse rhétorique, analyse du discours, éthique de responsabilité, éthique de vérité, éthique de cohérence.
Developed around the question: « What are the bishops’ discursive strategies for turning agents into actors of desired change, and hence into peacemakers », research shows from the rhetorical analysis of eight speeches by the bishops of the CENCO, the impact and pragmatic of their speeches in the reconstruction of the peace in the DRC. To be based on an empirical basis the socio-political crisis in the DRC (1990-2010), the rhetorical analysis of the episcopal word, emerging in the pragmatics of communication as elaborated in the theory of C. Perelman’s argumentation, in the argumentative analysis of R. Amossy’speech and P. Charaudeau’s political discourse, deals with the reconstruction of the Nation, the consolidation of peace and the prospects for a peaceful, just and prosperous democratic Congo. The analysis raises two major issues: it pursues a pragmatic aim in order to produce an effective impact on the audience and constructs new meanings, precisely, a new system of values on which to build the Nation. Putting the focal point on the values of the ethos: paradigms of « must-do » and of « bring-into-being », the research is inscribed in the moral theology, precisely theological ethic. These structuring values are normative principles, principles of reflection and anchors that the theological and ethical discourse on peace. To the counter values that threaten peace, analysis proposes, starting from the elaborations of P. Ricoeur on responsibility and coherence, and of M. Foucault’s on truth, an ethic of responsibility and an ethic of coherence backed by eths ethic of truth. Peace is a civic responsibility, a component of the ethics of fraternity built on the ethics of truth. The alethic generate the ethic of coherence among the recipients. The correctness of discourse the authenticity of life, the conformity of speech to the way of living and acting, the ethics of coherence as a mode of sincerity and authenticity of life, make it possible to build peace and self-Homonoïa in the DRC. Keywords: peace, ethos, logos, doxa, dialogism, values, change, reconstruction, consolidation, pragmatics, rule of law, rhetorical analysis, discourse analysis, ethic of responsibility, ethic truth, ethic of coherence.

Les représentations du « corps » et de la « sexualité » telles qu’elles se dégagent, respectivement, de la déconstruction des discours religieux de l’Orthodoxie grecque et du Catholicisme romain, font ressortir des conceptualisations divergentes, qui mettent notamment en lumière la construction et le fonctionnement différents de la « normativité » au sein des deux cultures religieuses. L’étude diachronique comparée des systématisations respectives théologiques, d’une part, et juridiques-canoniques d’autre part, nous amène à constater la profondeur de la « différence anthropologique » qui existe entre ces deux confessions, et ceci malgré leur appartenance commune à la « famille » de la religion chrétienne. Cette divergence traduit en réalité une vision du monde [« Weltanschauung »] et de l’être humain différente, et en vient à se concrétiser notamment à partir du XIIème siècle, avec la double transition, dans l’Occident latin, d’une part, du droit canon du premier millénaire (« jus antiquum ») à la nouvelle science canonique (« jus canonicum ») et, d’autre part, de la « théologie des Pères » à la théologie dite « scolastique » - cette grande synthèse de théologie et de philosophie opérée à partir du XIIIème siècle. L’ensemble de ces mutations profondes vont exercer leur influence sur la conceptualisation du mariage et de l’« acte conjugal », ce qui conduira progressivement à la formation d’une nouvelle « morale sexuelle », codifiée et contraignante, en rupture avec les schémas conceptuels du corps et de la sexualité d’une part, et la Tradition théologique et canonique d’autre part, qui marquèrent le premier millénaire chrétien, soit l’ère de l’« Église [chrétienne] indivise »
The representations of “body” and “sexuality” that can be drawn respectively from the religious discourses of Greek Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism, illustrate the different conceptualizations of these issues that highlight the divergent construction and functioning of “normativity” within the two religious cultures. The comparative diachronic study of the respective systematizations, theological on one hand, and “juridical-canonical” on the other hand, leads to the conclusion that there is a profound “anthropological difference” between these two confessions, in spite of their common belonging to the «family» of the Christian religion. This profound divergence which represents, in reality, a different Worldview [“Weltanschauung”] as well as a different conception of the human being, gets a concrete expression after the significant changes that shaped Roman Catholicism from the 12th century onwards in the Latin West; more specifically, after the double transition operated, on one hand, from the Canon Law of primitive Christianity (“jus antiquum”) to the new canonical science (“jus canonicum”) and, on the other hand, from the « Theology of the Fathers » to the Scholastic theology – the big synthesis of theology and philosophy that took place from the 13th century onwards. All these significant transformations had far-reaching and fundamental consequences thereof, and contributed to the progressive shaping of a new sexual moral code, as well as to a new understanding of marriage and the « conjugal act », breaking off radically with the conceptual schemes and the theological and canonical Tradition that marked the era of the « undivided [Christian] Church »

L'ascétique chrétienne orthodoxe, telle que permettent de la définir en particulier les enseignements de la grande tradition patristique orientale, du 1er au 14e siècles, peut être considérée comme une méthode thérapeutique des maladies spirituelles. Prenant pour norme de la sante spirituelle de l'homme l'état originel de sa nature, caractérisé par l'orientation de toutes ses facultés et énergies vers dieu, c'est à partir du péché originel qu'elle définit l'étiologie des maladies qui affectent sa nature déchue, et qui sont essentiellement constituées par un usage pervers, déraisonnable et contre nature de ces mêmes facultés et énergies, détournées de dieu pour être tournées vers le "monde". Elle fait de cet état de maladie multiforme qui affecte tout l'être de l'homme déchu et se manifeste en particulier dans les passions, une description qui constitue une véritable sémiologie médicale. C'est de manière tout aussi systématique qu'elle présente une thérapeutique, qui consiste essentiellement dans la réorientation de l'homme vers dieu, conformément à l'ordre de sa nature. Cette conversion ontologique s'effectue principalement en un double mouvement méthodiquement défini : le combat contre les passions et l'acquisition corrélative des vertus. Elle n'est possible que par la synergie de l'effort humain librement mis en œuvre, que désigne le terme d'ascèse, et de la grâce divine acquise à l'humanité par le christ, qui a guéri et restaure en lui la nature humaine qu'il a assumée. C'est dans l'impassibilité, porte de la charité parfaite et condition de la connaissance spirituelle, que l'homme retrouve pleinement la santé
Christian orthodox ascetics, such as it may be defined in particular from the teachings of the great eastern patristic tradition, from the lst to the 14th centuries, may be considered as a therapeutic method of spiritual diseases. Taking as a norm of the spiritual health of man, the original condition of his nature, characterized by the orientation of all his faculties and energies toward god, it is from original sin that it defines the etiolgy of the diseases which affect fallen man, and which are essentially constituted by a perverted, unreasonable and against-nature use of these same faculties and energies turned away from god to be turned towrd "world". It makes of this multiform state of disease which affects the whole being of fallen man, a description that constitutes a true medical semiology. It is in such a systematic way, that it presents a therapeutics, which consists essentially in the reorientation of man toward god, in conformity with the order of his nature. This ontogic conversion is mainly realized by a double activity methodically defined : the straight against passions and the correlative acquiring of virtues. It is only possible by the synergy of human effort, freely carried out, which is designated by the word "asceticism", and of divine grace, acquired for mankind by christ, who has cured and restored in himself human nature he has assumed. It is in impassibility, the gate of perfect charity and the condition of spiritual knowledge, that man recovers health fully

Ayant oeuvré pendant plusieurs années en paroisse, force nous a été de constater le peu d'implication au niveau de l'engagement social auprès des plus défavorisés sauf pour un petit nombre de personnes qui en font le leitmotiv de leur vie de foi. Leur engagement a piqué notre curiosité à un point tel que nous avons décidé d'en étudier le phénomène que nous définissons comme ±militance chrétienne¿ inscrite dans la dynamique du Royaume. Notre recherche a consisté à découvrir les éléments structurants du parcours de militants chrétiens qui les ont conduits à pratiquer un type de militance qui s' inscrit dans la dynamique du Royaume. Pour ce faire, nous avons interviewé une dizaine de militants chrétiens en leur demandant de nous faire le récit de leur parcours. Dans un souci de rigueur, nous avons utilisé la méthode qualitative de recherche: la théorisation ancrée. Cette méthode d'analyse de données empiriques a fait ressortir un certain nombre d'éléments structurants de leur parcours de militants chrétiens en les répertoriant en catégories. Cela a permis de voir émerger une théorie particulière qui explique comment des militants - insérés dans un contexte particulier - vivent et comprennent leur foi. Nous avons découvert qu'ils vivent leur foi comme un impératif d'engagement à favoriser la dignité des plus défavorisés et à construire un monde plus juste. Cet impératif est provoqué par une série d'éléments déclencheurs et de motivations humaines et chrétiennes qui, fondamentalement, prennent leur source dans un dynamisme intérieur qu'ils attribuent à Dieu. À partir de cette théorie, nous avons réalisé que ces militants affichent un comportement conforme aux critères de jugements retenus dans le récit du jugement dernier en Matthieu 25,31-46. Ceci nous a mené à l'élaboration d'un discours théologique qui a consisté à vérifier et à approfondir le lien que les militants chrétiens établissent déjà avec Matthieu 25,31-46. Enfin, nous avons découvert que cette foi cherche à se dire, à se nourrir et à se célébrer. D'où l'importance de créer des espaces adéquats qui permettraient aux militants de dire et d'approfondir leur foi inscrite dans la dynamique du Royaume.

Cette recherche est née de l'observation de la télénovela brésilienne en tant que produit mainstream aux caractéristiques tellement sui generis. L'immersion dans un récit, quotidienne et sur une période d'environ huit mois, plonge le public dans cet environnement fictif et permet d'atteindre un objectif qui va bien au-delà du divertissement. La télénovela se manifeste par la nécessité d'être un reflet constant de la société, dans laquelle elle aussi finit par se refléter. Si sa valeur artistique est remise en question, son pouvoir d'influence est incontestable. Conscients de ce pouvoir de persuasion, nous nous intéressons au rôle des personnages de béates dans la propagation du métarécit religieux au sein des sociétés fictives où elles sont insérées. Le parcours méthodologique commence par l'analyse du cadre narratif afin de comprendre comment les relations sociales des personnages sont structurées. Ensuite, la recherche vérifie dans quelle mesure ce simulacre de la société reflète les règles sociales en vigueur dans le pays, notamment en matière de comportements fondés sur des normes religieuses. La présence des bigotes dans les villes fictives et leurs actions en tant que juges de la moralité nous ont fait réfléchir sur l'utilisation de la comédie chez ces personnages pour dénoncer l'hypocrisie et le conservatisme à l'origine de discours moralisateurs et anachroniques. Les béates des feuilletons incarnent dans la figure féminine le vecteur de reproduction d'un métarécit patriarcal, qui a pour but de faire obstacle à toute pensée qui dialogue avec la libération de la femme ou qui la dissocie du modèle servile et dévot proposé par le discours religieux
This research resulted from the observation of the Brazilian telenovelas as a mainstream cultural product with such sui generis characteristics. The daily immersion in a fictional narrative, for over approximately eight months, places the public audience in the telenovelas’ environment and reaches a goal that goes far beyond just entertainment. The telenovelas showcase several aspects of society and they also play a role as a media to influence its behavior. If its artistic value of the telenovelas is subject to questioning, its power to influence its audience is certainly undeniable. Aware of this persuasive force, we took an interest in the role of the pious women characters in the propagation of religious metanarratives through the fictional societies in which they are portrayed. The methodological process begins with the analysis of the narrative setting with the purpose of understanding how the social relations of the characters are structured. Afterwards, the research verifies to what extent that simulacrum of Brazilian society reflects the social rules established in the country. The presence of the religious bigots in the plots and their actions as moral watchdogs made us be attentive to the use of the comicality of these characters as a way to denounce the hypocrisy and conservatism inherent to a moralizing and anachronistic discourse. The "bible-thumpers" of the telenovelas personify, in the figure of the woman herself, the propagating agent of a patriarchal metanarrative, which intends to obstruct any notion of any behavior or idea suggestive of women’s liberation or that distances a woman from the puritan and devout profile proposed by the religious discourse
Esta pesquisa surgiu da observação da telenovela brasileira como produto cultural mainstream com características tão sui generis. O mergulho em uma narrativa ficcional, diariamente e ao longo de aproximadamente oito meses, submerge profundamente o público naquele ambiente e atinge um objetivo que vai muito além do entretenimento. A telenovela existe através da necessidade de ser um constante reflexo da sociedade, na qual acaba, também, por refletir. Se o valor artístico é passível de questionamentos, o seu poder de influência é, sem dúvida, incontestável. Cientes desta força persuasiva, interessamo-nos pelo papel das personagens beatas na propagação da metanarrativa religiosa nas sociedades ficcionais onde estão inseridas. O percurso metodológico se inicia na análise do ambiente narrativo de forma a compreender como se estruturam as relações sociais das personagens. Em seguida, a pesquisa verifica em que medida aquele simulacro da sociedade brasileira reflete as regras sociais estabelecidas no país, sobretudo em questões comportamentais embasadas em normas religiosas e impostas às mulheres. A presença das beatas nas tramas ambientadas em cidades fictícias e suas atuações como fiscalizadoras da moral nos fez atentar para o uso da comicidade destas personagens como forma de denunciar a hipocrisia e o conservadorismo de um discurso moralizador e anacrônico. As beatas das telenovelas personificam na própria figura feminina o veículo reprodutor de uma metanarrativa patriarcal, que visa obstruir quaisquer comportamentos ou pensamentos que dialoguem com a ideia de liberação da mulher ou que a distancie do perfil puritano, servil e devoto proposto pelo discurso religioso

La prise de conscience des limites de l'éthique dans son statut séculier et le senti-ment de distance plus ou moins douloureux, plus ou moins déchirant, entre les as-pirations à une vie chrétienne authentique et les quelconques résultats de nos pratiques quotidiennes, nous a conduit à plonger dans l'œuvre de Zundel. Aux confins de la réflexion anthropologique et théologique de celui-ci, la possibilité d'une éthique qui passe par une nouvelle sagesse nous est apparue : celle qui résulte du témoignage de ce que la personne devient quand elle fait l'expérience de la rencontre de Dieu. Pour Zundel, il paraît important de mettre en lumière que le bien, ce n'est pas d'abord quelque chose à faire, mais Quelqu'un à aimer. La cheville ouvrière et les fils qui tissent et sous-tendent toute la démarche zundélienne gravitent autour de cette expérience qui donne à la personne d'être le bien, c'est-à-dire, d'être à la fois origine et témoignage de ce qu'elle devient, approche novatrice en ce sens qu'elle suppose dans ses éléments essentiels la perspective d'une mystique qui surdétermine l'éthique de convenance en l'introduisant dans l'économie créaturale de « Quelqu'un à aimer ». La naissance de la personne en Dieu concorde avec la naissance de Dieu en la personne, et c'est à cette jonction que l'éthique de convenance se mue en une éthique qui se confond avec la sagesse chrétienne dont la forme achevée est la mystique. Son œuvre donne d'abord une première impression d'obscurité. Une manière de dissiper cette impression a consisté, au long des relectures, à recueillir les innombrables pépites d'or qu'elle contient et à repérer des points de convergence; or, ces points de convergence semblent être aussi ceux où coïncident devenir de la personne et témoignage de ce qu'elle devient quand elle fait l'expérience de la rencontre de Dieu. Si sinueuse qu'en soit l'organisation, cette œuvre pointe inéluctablement vers cette rencontre de l'homme et de Dieu. Elle porte sur les conditions préalables d'une expérience détachée de toute assignation particulière, bien que concrètement destinée à s'inscrire en une mystique qualifiée de réaliste dans notre pleine existence physique. L'examen des différentes facettes de ces pépites aux mille reflets met en évidence que la personne devient le prolongement en gratuité d'une Gratuité-source qui est pour Zundel l'amen d'une éthique au meilleur d'elle-même. Ce que Zundel ne cesse de répéter, par le tranchant de son propos, est que la personne ne peut naître à elle-même que dans sa relation à Quelqu'un qui n'est pas elle, mais qui est au plus intérieur d'elle-même. Cette nouvelle naissance (Jn 3,3-8) est ce qui va lui permettre de révéler ce Quelqu'un par l'intermédiaire de l'art, de la science et de la relation interpersonnelle. Il convient donc de penser la personne en termes d'émergence, à partir de son existence hic et nunc, c'est-à-dire une émergence suspendue à l'expérience de la rencontre de Dieu. Et c'est à partir de cette expérience que la personne devient ce qu'elle a à être et révèle Celui qui l'habite. Dieu se manifeste qu'à même la transformation, voire la transsubstantiation de l'homme. Selon Zundel, une éthique dont la cellule germinative est l'amour ne se présente pas comme un corpus de nouvelles règles qui remplaceraient celles qui sont issues des éléments procéduraux et formels des grandes philosophies et théologies morales. L'amour est au principe de l'éthique par excellence. Il se montre en personne. Il se fait jour en elle et par elle. Il convertit en quelque sorte le « devoir » et le « se devoir» en témoignage. Il donne à la personne d'être le sanctuaire de Dieu. « Qui se donne à Dieu devient capable de donner Dieu. » (Zundel, M., L'homme passe l'homme, p. 105).

Notre recherche sur la problématique de la liberté chez Calvin selon sa vie permet de mieux comprendre, 1) la relation et l'évolution de la liberté civile et de la liberté chrétienne pour Calvin, à partir de son Commentaire du De clementia et son Institution ; 2) sa conception de la liberté en relation avec la notion de la Vérité, d'après les textes contre les nicodémites ; 3) sa conception de la liberté en rapport à la responsabilité, d'après les textes contre les Anabaptistes ou les libertins spirituels ; 4) sa notion de la liberté de conscience ou de la liberté religieuse dont l'homme ne peut jouir pratiquement que sous la législation de l'Etat, bien que la conscience soit un don de Dieu. Mais pour avoir une synthèse de la conception calvinienne de la liberté. Il est nécessaire d'examiner la dernière Institution où l'on peut élaborer un schéma de la liberté. Notre liberté — liberté chrétienne — est au carrefour de toutes les libertés verticlaes (libertés divine et humaine) et horizontales (libertés intérieure et extérieure). Ainsi, le concept calvinien de la liberté parait bien pondéré et apte à gouverner la vie spirituelle et la vie corporelle. Nous pouvons donc dire qu'à côté d'un Calvin moderne, il y a un Calvin introspectif
This research for the issue of the freedom of Calvin through his life permit to understand better, 1) the relation and the evolution of the civil freedom and of the christian freedom for Calvin, from his Commentary on De clementia and his Institutes ; 2) his conception of the freedom with relation to the notion of the Truth, according to his anti-nicodemite texts ; 3) his conception of the freedom in relation to the responsibility, according to his texts against the Anabaptists or the spirituals libertines ; 4) his notion of the freedom of conscience or of the religious freedom which man can enjoy practically only under the legislation of the State, although the conscience is a gift of God. But in order to synthesize Calvin's conception of the freedom. It is necessary to examine the definitive edition of the Institutes where one can make a diagram of the freedom. Our freedom — christian freedom — is located on the crossroad of all "vertical"(divine-human) and “horizontal"(interior-exterior) freedoms. Thus, Calvin's concept of the freedom appear well level-headed and capable of governing the spiritual life and the corporal life. One can say that besides "a modern Calvin", there is also "a introspective Calvin"

La sagesse qui prend les visages des principales communautés culturelles sera considérée dès l’Antiquité tantôt comme une modération du goût et des désirs de la chair, tantôt comme une recherche de paix et de tranquillité. Au sein des peuples, elle se mue en accumulation d’expériences et prend les caractères des savoir-dire, des savoir-faire et des savoir-vivre qui livrent des indications éminentes pour l’agir humain, alors même que ceux-ci se présentent sous des dehors triviaux. La sublimation du discours sur la sagesse atteint son plus haut sommet quand la sagesse devient une personne en Jésus-Christ. La plénitude de la sagesse s’acquiert par le croisement de l’autonomie et de la théonomie
The wisdom which takes the faces of the principal cultural communities will be considered as of Antiquity sometimes a moderation of the taste and desires of the flesh, sometimes like a search of peace and peace. Within the people, it is moulted in accumulation of experiments and takes the characters of the knowledge-statement, know-how and the good manners which deliver eminent indications to act it human, while at the same time those are presented under outside commonplace. The sublimation of the speech on wisdom reaches its higher top when wisdom becomes a person as a Jesus-Christ. The plenitude of wisdom is acquired by the crossing of autonomy and the theonomy

La charité est une notion complexe en raison de son histoire. Les apports de la philosophie grecque, du donné scripturaire, patristique et scolastique, ainsi que le champ d’application social et communautaire sont autant d’éléments qui ont permis aux théologiens du renouveau moral de la première moitié du XXe siècle, de redonner une place éminente à la charité comme vertu, mère et forme des autres vertus. Cette redécouverte de la vertu de charité permet de sortir la morale du juridisme et de l’extrinsécisme dans lequel elle s’était progressivement enfermée et d’envisager la vie chrétienne comme une orientation vers le bonheur dont la règle fondamentale est le double commandement de l’amour de Dieu et du prochain qui a des implications multiples dans les domaines spirituel, social et communautaire. L’élaboration des textes du concile Vatican II, en particulier le chapitre V de Lumen Gentium, complété en Gaudium et Spes, reprend en partie seulement le donné développé par les théologiens du renouveau au sujet de la charité sous l’angle de la communion trinitaire et d’une ecclésiologie de communion, et non plus dans une perspective vertueuse héritée du thomisme. L’homme peut répondre à sa vocation universelle à la sainteté dans la charité qui n’est rien d’autre que de vivre de la sainteté de Dieu et dans la perfection de l’amour. La même sainteté vaut pour tous; elle se vit selon des modalités variées suivant l’état de vie de chacun. La charité structure la vie chrétienne de manière responsoriale où chacun est invité à répondre à sa vocation d’homme et de baptisé en aimant Dieu et son prochain
Charity is a complex concept because of its history. The contributions of greek philosophy, scriptural, patristic and scholastic theology, as well as the scope of social life, are all factors that allowed theologians of moral renewal of the first half of the twentieth century, to restore charity as virtue, mother and form of all other virtues. This rediscovery of the virtue of charity makes out the morality of legalism in which she had gradually enclosed. Christian life is now a way to the holiness, which the basic rule is the double commandment of love of God and neighbor, which has many implications in the spiritual, social and community areas. The texts of Vatican II, particularly the fifth chapter of Lumen Gentium, completed by Gaudium et Spes, includes part only the thinking developed by theologians about the revival of charity in terms of trinitarian communion and an ecclesiology of communion. The Council does not reproduce the virtuous perspective of thomism. Christians can respond their universal vocation to holiness in charity, which is nothing more than to live as God’s holiness and the perfection of love. Holiness is the same to all, although she is lived in a variety of modes, depending on the condition of life for everyone. Charity is presented as a responsorial structure of Christian life : everyone is invited to respond to his vocation of man and baptized by loving God and neighbor