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1

Kelly, Justin Robert. "The syntax-semantics interface in distributed morphology." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3559577.

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Distributed Morphology (DM; Halle & Marantz 1993; Marantz 1997) is founded on the premise that the syntax is the only computational component of the grammar. Much research focuses on how this premise is relevant to the syntax-morphology interface in DM. In this dissertation, I examine theory-internal issues related to the syntax-semantics interface in DM. I also I propose an account of the Encyclopedia, where meaning is stored in the semantic component of the grammar, since a clear model is generally absent from DM literature.

Much of this dissertation is based on the Strong DM Hypothesis (SDMH; Embick & Noyer 2007), the idea that roots lack syntactico-semantic features. However, a corollary of the SDMH is necessary but generally ignored: a root cannot take an argument directly. The SDMH has repercussions for the syntax and compositional semantics in DM, so I propose models for both that are compatible with the SDMH. By defining the syntax of lexical categories, based on Hale & Keyser (2002) and Baker (2003), I extend the syntax to present an inventory of functional heads in DM. Utilizing a semantics based on Kratzer (1996), I define a formal semantic model for DM, and show how it interprets the syntax. I then present an approach to causation based on Kratzer (2004) and Pylkkänen (2008), providing an overt syntax and semantics for a variety of causative structures in English; zero and analytic causatives, and prepositional and adjectival resultatives. This approach to causation is applied to an analysis of other argument-structure phenomena in English, as well as in Italian and Japanese, showing how these phenomena are accounted for within this model of DM. However, cases remain where argument-structure phenomena cannot be resolved in the syntax alone, so I present an approach to the Encyclopedia with Hopper & Thompson's (1980) typology of transitivity as a starting point, and show how it can account for such cases.

By further specifying the nature of the syntax in DM and integrating this with a broader semantic model encompassing both compositional semantics and the Encyclopedia, this dissertation contributes to our overall understanding of the DM framework.

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2

Pierce, Patricia Ann. "On merging morphology and syntax in Romance /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004358.

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3

Dai, Xiang-ling. "Chinese morphology and its interface with syntax." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1218131835.

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4

Bonet, i. Alsina M. Eulàlia. "Morphology after syntax--pronominal clitics in romance." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13534.

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5

Hoffman, Mika Christine. "The syntax of argument-structure-changing morphology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13519.

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6

Padrosa, Trias Susanna. "Complex word-formation and the morphology-syntax interface." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/32103.

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L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi és estudiar un tipus específic de formació de paraules complexes, és a dir, els compostos, i la seva relació amb la interfície morfologia-sintaxi, amb l’objectiu final d’entendre millor el fenomen. S’analitzen diferents aspectes de la composició. A continuació es resumeixen les preguntes principals que s’adrecen a cada capítol. En el primer capítol es presenten arguments per a la plausibilitat d’una teoria de la gramàtica en què la sintaxi de la paraula i la sintaxi de la frase (a les quals ens referim com a morfologia i sintaxi, respectivament) són dos mòduls distints dins un mòdul sintàctic més gran (cf. Jackendoff 1990, 1997, 2002, Ackema & Neeleman 2004) així com també arguments per a la formació de compostos dins la sintaxi de la paraula/la morfologia. S’explora una explicació morfològica de la composició, basada en la teoria de la competició morfosintàctica d’Ackema & Neeleman (2004), amb dades de l’anglès i de llengües romàniques (el català i l’espanyol). El resultat d’aquesta exploració es contrasta amb l’anàlisi sintàctica de compostos de Harley (2004, 2008b), d’acord amb la Morfologia Distribuïda (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997a, b, 2001, 2007, entre d’altres). Les dades que s’estudien en aquest capítol afavoreixen l’explicació morfològica de la formació de compostos i no l’explicació sintàctica. Per exemple, la primera pot explicar contrastos com *to meat-eat (carn-menjar) i to computer-generate (ordinador-generar), mentre que la segona no ho pot fer. El segon capítol comença establint l’existència de nuclis en la morfologia i demostrant el seu paper crucial en la classificació de compostos. Tot seguit, s’estudia la naturalesa dels elements que formen els compostos en anglès i en català. El segon capítol també inclou un panorama general de classificacions de compostos. La més prometedora és la de Bisetto & Scalise (2005), segons la qual hi ha tres macrotipus de compostos: els subordinatius, els atributius i els coordinats. Cada tipus està subdividit en endocèntric i exocèntric. S’afegeix un nou nivell d’anàlisi a la classificació original i l’esquema que en resulta s’aplica a un estudi detallat de compostos en anglès i en català. La classificació tripartita de Bisetto & Scalise s’adopta inicialment però canvia substancialment al llarg del capítol. Els tres macrotipus queden reduïts a un sol tipus, basat en la relació de nucli envers no-nucli, de la qual en sorgeixen les diferents interpretacions (subordinativa, atributiva). Es nega l’existència de compostos coordinats i de compostos exocèntrics. El tercer capítol primer explora el Paràmetre dels Compostos de Snyder (Snyder 1995, 1996, 2001, 2002). Després d’identificar quins predicats complexos s’han de considerar rellevants per al paràmetre, el funcionament d’aquest s’analitza en vàries llengües. Es qüestiona la validesa del Paràmetre dels Compostos. Es conclou que no es pot mantenir una aplicació estricta de composició/paràmetre de predicats complexos ni tampoc la suposada dependència dels predicats complexos en la composició de NN. La segona part del capítol considera la possibilitat d’un lligam real entre resultatives i composició. A aquesta fi, s’analitzen breument dues anàlisis sintàctiques de resultatives (Kratzer 2005 i Mateu 2000, 2010). La conclusió és que la composició i les construccions resultatives semblen tractar-se de dos fenòmens bastant diferents. En darrer lloc, s’aborda la qüestió de per què en algunes llengües, com el català, la composició de NN és productiva, tot i que en un grau inferior als compostos de NN en llengües com l’anglès. El quart capítol sintetitza les troballes principals de la tesi.
The goal of this dissertation is to study a specific type of complex word-formation, namely compounding, and its relation to the morphology-syntax interface, with the ultimate aim of gaining a better understanding of the phenomenon. Different aspects of compounding are explored in this work, of which the main questions addressed in each chapter are outlined below. The first chapter presents some evidence for the plausibility of a theory of grammar in which word syntax and phrasal syntax (which will be referred to as morphology and syntax respectively) are two distinct modules within a bigger syntactic module (cf. Jackendoff 1990, 1997, 2002, Ackema & Neeleman 2004), as well as evidence for the generation of compounds within word syntax/morphology. A morphological account of compounding, based on Ackema & Neeleman’s (2004) morphosyntactic competition theory, is explored, tested with some English and Romance (Catalan and Spanish) compounds and contrasted with Harley’s (2004, 2008b) syntactic analysis of compounds, based on Distributed Morphology (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997a, b, 2001, 2007, a.o.). The data examined in this chapter favour the morphologically-based account over the syntactically-based account of compound formation. For example, the former account can explain contrasts like *to meat-eat and to computer-generate, while the latter cannot. The second chapter starts by establishing the existence of heads in morphology and showing their crucial role in the classification of compounds. Then, the nature of the compounding elements in English and Catalan is examined, which is followed by a brief overview of some compound classifications. The most promising classification is that of Bisetto & Scalise (2005), according to which there are three overarching macro-types of compounds: subordinate, attributive, and coordinate, each being subdivided into endocentric and exocentric types. Another level of analysis is added to their original classification and the resulting scheme is applied when carrying out an exhaustive study of compounding in English and Catalan. Although initially adopted, Bisetto & Scalise‘s tripartite classification changes substantially in the course of the chapter. The three macro-types of compounds are reduced to one compounding type, based on a head vs. non-head relation, from which the different interpretations arise (subordinate, attributive). The existence of coordinate compounds and exocentric compounds is argued against. The third chapter first explores Snyder’s Compounding Parameter (Snyder 1995, 1996, 2001, 2002). After identifying which complex predicates must count as relevant to the parameter, its workings are considered in a few languages. The validity of the Compounding Parameter is questioned. It is concluded that a strict application of the compounding/complex-predicate parameter cannot be maintained nor can the alleged dependence of complex predicates on NN compounding. The second part of the chapter considers the possibility of a real connection between resultatives and compounding. To this end, two syntactic analyses of resultatives (Kratzer’s 2005 and Mateu’s 2000, 2010) are briefly reviewed. The conclusion is that compounding and resultative constructions seem to be two rather different phenomena. Finally, the question of why in some languages - like Catalan - NN compounds are productive, albeit to a lesser degree than NN compounds in a language like English, is addressed. The fourth chapter brings together the main findings of this dissertation in a compact form.
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7

Mollman, Rachel R. "The Syntax and Morphology of Honorification in Nahuatl." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192547.

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8

Sookgasem, Prapa. "Morphology, syntax and semantics of auxiliaries in Thai." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185107.

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This dissertation presents a study of three linguistic areas--morphology, syntax and semantics--of what have traditionally been called auxiliaries or auxiliary verbs in Thai, but what I call temporal verbs. My morphological analysis offers answers to long-term questions: What is the grammatical category of temporal verbs? What is the structure of sequences of these elements? And how are their syntactic discontinuities to be handled? My syntactic analysis investigates all possible positions of temporal verbs in both Subject-Verb-(Complement) and Verb-Subject-(Complement) sentences (Sookgasem 1989). Using Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (Pollard & Sag 1987) for my analysis, I focus on three interesting points: First, a problem with the Head Feature Principle when describing a temporal verb in a sentence. Second, a problem with the linear order of the VP constituent in the Verb-Subject-(Complement) constructions of temporal verbs. And third, a position of some temporal verbs in relation to part of its VP complement. For the semantic analysis of temporal verbs, I focus on the temporal interpretation of the Future and Aspect verbs. I argue that Thai is a tense language. To support this, I analyse Aspect in Thai and examine tense interpretation in simple sentences and all types of complex sentences. Based on the evidence, I propose a tense system in Thai. I provide definitions of Reference Time and Tenseness. I propose a Tense Assigner Hierarchy, a relation named Overlap, a semantic model for tense interpretation, and the truth conditions for tensed sentences and clauses. To provide an accurate account of tense interpretation in Thai, I analyse eventualities which include Activities, Accomplishments, Achievements and States.
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9

Whong-Barr, Melinda. "Morphology, derivational syntax and second language acquisition of resultatives." Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2783/.

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This thesis explores questions of functional morphology in morphosyntactic theory and in second language acquisition. The work develops Emonds' (2000) notion of a Syntacticon as the store of grammatical lexical items in the Lexicon and it explores the interaction between morphology and syntax in syntactic derivation. The focus of the work is the resultative construction (e.g. She painted the table red). As a resultative, the string conforms to a regular syntactic structure and gives rise to an interpretation in which there is an agent that acts upon some object so as to effect some change of state. In this work, resultative formation in English is contrasted with resultative formation in Korean because the latter, but not the former, includes an obligatory functional result morpheme, -key. The proposed analysis of the resultative accounts for both the morphological and syntactic facts in English and Korean. Additionally, traditional notions of subcategorization are developed, using a Feature-based approach in order to explain the lexical restrictions associated with resultatives. The thesis also includes an experimental study of the acquisition of English resultatives by native Korean and Mandarin Chinese speakers. These languages were chosen in order to highlight the mismatch between Korean and English resultative formation in terms of functional morphology. Accepting the Full Transfer/Full Access model of Schwartz and sprouse (1996), the whole of the native language is assumed to transfer to form the initial state of second language acquisition. The results of the experimental study provide support for the claim that functional morphology, like that implicated in Korean resultative formation, transfers from the native language to affect the development of the Interlanguage in second language acquisition.
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Wong, Lai-yin, and 王麗賢. "The morphology, syntax, and semantics of adverbs in Cantonese." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3122684X.

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11

Wong, Lai-yin. "The morphology, syntax, and semantics of adverbs in Cantonese /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25058228.

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12

Magnana, Ekoukou Brunelle. "Description de l'Ikota (B25), langue bantu du Gabon. Implémentation de la morphosyntaxe et de la syntaxe." Thesis, Orléans, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ORLE1142/document.

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Cette thèse est une description formelle de la morphosyntaxe et de la syntaxe de l'ikota (Gabon, Bantu B25).Les données recueillies sur le terrain sont modélisées à l'aide de théories récentes (Paradigm FunctionMorphology (PFM), Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG)). Je montre qu'une description formelle adéquate permetun passage rapide à une implémentation des règles grammaticales sous forme de contraintes. En effet, cesrègles ont permis la génération automatique des formes nominales et verbales fléchies de cette languebantu à morphologie riche ainsi que la réalisation d’une grammaire électronique des phrases de base.En morphologie, mes analyses reposent en particulier sur le concept de classes de position tel que définidans Stump (2001). Je montre qu'une analyse 'plate' (i.e. non arborescente) fournit une description élégantedes différentes classes nominales, de leurs accords sur les démonstratifs, possessifs, relateurs, adjectifs etverbes ainsi que de la flexion verbale riche (définie sur x positions). Les formes morphologiques généréessont alors réutilisées en syntaxe, les traits associés aux formes servent à contraindre la combinatoire desarbres syntaxiques. XMG2 (eXtensible MetaGrammar, Petitjean 2014) est l'outil qui permet à la fois lagénération des formes fléchies et la génération des arbres dans une grammaire TAG lexicalisée
In this thesis, I propose a formal description of the morphosyntax and the syntax of Ikota (Bantu languageB25, spoken in Gabon). Field data are represented using recent linguistic theories (namely ParadigmFunction Morphology (PFM) and Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG)). I show how a formal description makes itpossible to quickly implement grammar rules as constraints. These rules allowed for the automaticgeneration of nominal and verbal inflected forms belonging to this morphologically-rich Bantu language,along with the creation of an electronic grammar covering core sentences.Regarding morphology, my analyses rely on the concept of position classes as defined in Stump (2001). Ishow how a 'flat' analyse, that is to say differing from a tree-based representation, provides an elegantdescription of several nominal classes, including agreements with demonstratives, possessives, relators,adjectives or verbs, and of rich verbal inflection (defined on x positions). Inflected forms generated from thisdescription are then reused in syntax, their morphosyntactic features allow for a reduced combinatory atparsing (fewer syntactic trees are considered according to the sentence to parse). XMG 2 (eXtensibleMetaGrammar, Petitjean 2014) is the framework which has been used for describing and generating bothinflected forms and lexicalised TAG trees
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Schäfer, Florian Mathis. "On the nature of anticausative morphology external arguments in change-of-state contexts /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2007. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:93-opus-33071.

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Dugas, Edwige. "Non- dans le paradigme des préfixes de négation en français : étude synchronique et diachronique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL30034/document.

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Cette thèse porte sur les constructions nominales et adjectivales en non- ([non-N] et [non-Adj])en français d’un point de vue synchronique et diachronique dans le cadre de la grammaire de constructions. À partir d’un corpus constitué d’occurrences de [non-N] et de [non-Adj] issues de la base de données Frantext, de la Base de Français Médiéval, de dictionnaires, de la presse écrite et de la Toile, je montre que le patron [non-N] est une construction morphologique dans laquelle non- est un préfixe, tandis que le patron [non-Adj] est une construction syntaxique où non est un adverbe. Les [non-N] peuvent prendre trois interprétations (que j’appelle ontologique,complémentaire et contraire) selon le type de nom base et les informations pragmatiques fournies par le contexte. Les [non-Adj] sont comparés aux [in-Adj], avec lesquels ils partagent un sémantisme négatif mais dont ils se différencient sur plusieurs points (préférence pour les bases apparentées à des verbes, absence d’intégrité lexicale, expression de la négation contradictoire ou contraire). Je montre que les [non-N] et les [non-Adj] ont en commun des propriétés formelles et sémantiques et je propose de représenter ces constructions comme l’instanciation d’une construction plus générale qui maintient la distinction entre morphologie et syntaxe tout en tenant compte de la proximité entre ces deux constructions. Enfin, je montre que les [non-N] et les [non-Adj] ont émergé à la fin du moyen français à partir d’emplois syntaxiques de non, à la faveur de changements opérés dans le système de la négation verbale du français
This dissertation deals with nominal and adjectival constructions in non- ([non-N] and [non-Adj])in French from a synchronic and diachronic perspective within the framework of constructiongrammar. On the basis of a corpus of [non-N] and [non-Adj] drawn from the Frantext database,the Base de Français Médiéval, dictionaries, the written press and the internet, I show thatthe [non-N] pattern is a morphological construction in which non- is a prefix, whereas the[non-Adj] is a syntactic construction in which non- is an adverb. [Non-N] can have three differentinterpretations (which I call ontological, complementary and contrary), depending on the basenoun and pragmatic information provided in the contex. [Non-Adj] are compared to [in-Adj], withwhich they share a negative meaning but from which they differ in several respects (preferencefor bases related to verbs, no lexical integrity, expression of contradictory or contrary negation).I show that [non-N] and [non-Adj] have common formal and semantic properties and I proposean analysis whereby they are represented as instantiations of a more general construction. Thisanalysis maintains the distinction between morphology and syntax and at the same time takesinto account the similarities between the two constructions. Finally, I show that [non-N] and[non-Adj] have emerged from syntactic uses of non at the end of the Middle French period as aresult of changes in the system of verbal negation in French.375
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15

Abire, Wondwosen Tesfaye. "Aspects of Diraytata Morphology and Syntax : A Lexical-Functional Grammar Approach." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Language and Communication Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-2144.

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This thesis examines Aspects of Diraytata Morphology and Syntax as it relates to lexical categories, predicate arguments, anaphoric binding relations and patterns of argument structure and mapping relations in light of the theory of Lexical-Functional Grammar. Diraytata is one of leastknown languages in the Konsoid chain in the Oromoid subgroup in the Nuclear Southern Lowland East Cushitic group within the Cushitic family. The Ethiopian Languages Research Center (ELRC), of which the candidate is a member, gives priority and encourages its staff to conduct research on the least studied languages. The present thesis goes in line with the research priority of the Center. The data were obtained from informants from two longer fieldtrips to Dirashe Special District. The methods used for data collection were elicitation and group discussion.

The thesis has two parts and ten chapters. The first chapter gives a general introduction to the people, the language, previous studies on the language, etc. and the second chapter introduces the theoretical framework.

Part I, from chapters 3 to 5, examines the morphology of Diraytata. In chapter 3, the noun morphology has been presented. In Diraytata case and definiteness are inextricably bound up with the focus system and hence inexplicable without a prior exposure to the focus system. The major claim is that the nominative case is inappropriate to designate a subject case in Diraytata and be replaced by non-focalized subject case (NFS).

In chapter 4, the adjectives have been considered. Attributive adjectives inflect for gender and number. The predicative adjectives occur in clause final position. It has been argued that the attributive and predicative adjectives in Diraytata are derived from a common categorially unspecified bound stem.

In chapter 5, the verb morphology has been discussed. In the first section, we have dealt with inflections. We said that verbs inflect for various grammatical categories such as for agreement, aspect and mood. We posited a phonetically null bound affix "ø" in order to fill the gap in a predicate paradigm. The newly introduced null bound affix "ø" has a third person masculine singular interpretation. In the second section, we have seen the verb derivations: passives, middles and causatives.

Part II, from chapters 6 to 9, discusses the syntax. In chapter 6, the phrasal arguments of Diraytata have been examined. We have classified the predicates into three types on the basis of the types of arguments they select at f-structure.

In chapter 7, the clausal complements have been considered. The clausal complements are classified into two: controlled and non-controlled. The latter type does not allow an external controller to control clause internal arguments whereas the former type allows an external controller to control clause internal argument.

In chapter 8, the anaphoric binding relation has been discussed. We have divided the anaphors of Diraytata into two: nuclear and non-nuclear anaphors. The nuclear anaphors subsume reflexives and reciprocals. There are two types of reflexive morphemes: ?iss and mašš-. Reciprocity is indicated by the morpheme ?orr. The reflexive and the reciprocal function as an object argument only. On the other hand, the non-nuclear anaphors subsume pronouns designated by PRO.

In chapter 9, the argument structure and the Lexical Mapping Theory have been discussed. We have considered the application of LMT to various predicates in Diraytata such as intransitive, transitive, passive, raising and causative predicates. The major claim is that the standard LMT is inadequate to account for the causatives of ditransitive predicates in Diraytata, as such predicates may have more than one OBJ functions that goes contrary to the Function-Argument Bi-uniqueness principle. We have seen that the version of LMT called FMT of Alsina (1996) is appropriate to handle the causatives of ditransitive predicates as the FMT allows more than one OBJ functions.

We have proposed the Recipient Suppression operation to the Morpholexical Operations of Bresnan and Kanerva (1989) and Bresnan and Moshi (1990) in order to account for the active intransitive counterparts of the ditransitive predicates. The newly introduced suppression operation takes care of recipient or benefactive deletion in a ditransitive predicate.

In conclusion, this study proves that the basic assumptions, the principles and the formal architectures of LFG are generally correct in handling the empirical facts of Diraytata. However, we need to add some operations (e.g. Recipient Suppression) to explain syntactic phenomena more adequately.

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Antzakas, Klimis. "Aspects of morphology and syntax of negation in Greek sign language." Thesis, City University London, 2006. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/8550/.

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This thesis investigates aspects of the morphophonology, syntax and scope of negation in the Greek Sign Language with emphasis on the means and mechanisms that this sign language employs in order to express negation. The data analysis presented is based on natural data provided by Deaf informants. The initial pilot study provided elicited data, which was subsequently used to confirm the findings of the study. As with other sign languages, analysis shows that Greek Sign Language expresses negation by the use of both manual and non-manual features of negation. Manual negation includes three features: negative particles such as NO or NOT, negation signs which usually have meanings like nobody, nothin& never, and finally signs with negative incorporation (verbs that incorporate negation). Non-manual features comprise of negation head movements and facial expressions. As in many other signed and spoken languages, the most common way to construct a negative clause is by using a negative particle. The use of manual or non-manual features of negation is optional in Greek Sign Language in the sense that negation can be expressed by the use of negative head movements which can occur without any manual negation signs within a clause or by the use of a manual sign of negation without the use of any non-manual feature of negation. Syntactic analysis shows that the negative particles and negation signs occur in post-predicate position. Pre-predicate position is also available for these signs under specific conditions. For signs with negative incorporation the position within a clause varies. The status of manual signs and non-manual features of negation within a clause is also examined. The NEG-criterion, as defined within the framework of generative grammar, is used for the analysis of negation scope. Within this framework a syntactic analysis of the negative particle and the negation head movement is proposed. The NEG-criterion provides an empirically adequate theory of the scope of negation in clauses with manual negators as well as in negative clauses where no manual negation sign appears. In addition, the study provides insights into the varying use of negation in different settings and language change through grammaticalisation. Finally, data analysis of negation has also revealed some important areas for further research like basic word order, syntax of negative concord and various expressions of negation, the prosodic analysis of non-manual features of negation amongst others.
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Skillen, Y. O. "The boundary between syntax and morphology with especial reference to Japanese." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383073.

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Soderstrom, Melanie. "The acquisition of inflection morphology in early perceptual knowledge of syntax." Available to US Hopkins community, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/dlnow/3068215.

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Steriopolo, Olga. "Form and function of expressive morphology: a case study of Russian." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/424.

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In this thesis, I conduct a detailed case study of expressive suffixes in Russian. I show that although the suffixes under investigation have the same function (“expressive”), they differ significantly in their formal properties. I identify two major semantic types of expressive suffixes: attitude and size suffixes. Attitude suffixes convey an attitude of the speaker toward the referent. Size suffixes both convey an attitude and refer to the size of the referent. I argue that the two different semantic types map onto different syntactic types. Attitude suffixes are syntactic heads, while size suffixes are syntactic modifiers. As heads, attitude suffixes determine the formal properties (syntactic category, grammatical gender and inflectional class) of the derived form. As modifiers, size suffixes do not determine the formal properties of the derived form. Attitude suffixes can attach both to category-free √Roots and to categories (n/a/v), while size suffixes can only attach to a noun category. I investigate the functional and formal properties of Russian expressive suffixes in a systematic way, which has not been done before. In doing so, I analyze how expressive suffixes pattern along several kinds of criteria (gender/class change, category change, subcategorization). An important byproduct of this analysis is that I show how grammatical gender of an expressive form can be predicted from its inflectional class (combined with animacy and natural gender of the base). One implication of this analysis is that I show that the formal properties of expressives are no different from those of non-expressives (descriptives), as both expressives and descriptives can attach as heads or modifiers either to √Roots or categories. Another implication is that the formal criteria which I develop for a small set of expressive suffixes in Russian can be extended to set up a cross-linguistic typology of expressives.
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Yu, So-sum, and 余素心. "Discontinuous verb-object compounds in Cantonese and Mandarin." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B2922486X.

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Abdunnabi, Awad Wanis. "A descriptive grammar of Libyan Arabic : a structural method." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370015.

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Kamil, Mohamed Hassan. "L'afar : description grammaticale d'une langue couchitique (Djibouti, Erythrée et Ethiopie )." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015INAL0008/document.

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Cette description grammaticale de l’afar s’appuie essentiellement sur des données recueillies sur le terrain auprès de très nombreux locuteurs afarophones, vivant à Djibouti, en Erythrée et en Ethiopie. La richesse des données a permis de prendre en compte les variantes dialectales tout au long de la description. Celle-ci s’organise autour de plusieurs parties : système phonologique et phonétique, système nominal, système verbal, et syntaxe de l’énoncé. Cette étude a permis de mieux évaluer l’originalité de certains traits connus mais aussi de mettre en valeur des traits peu connus voire ignorés jusqu’à présent. Citons entre autres : redéfinition du statut de la rétroflexe ; approfondissement des valeurs sémantiques et syntaxiques attachées aux différents procédés de dérivation nominale et verbale ; illustration du rôle primordial de la relative dans une langue où il n’y a pas de catégorie « adjectif » ; étude détaillée de la polarité de genre et de l’accord du verbe en genre non en nombre (accord au singulier avec un nom marqué comme pluriel) ; distinction entre noms adverbiaux et adverbes sur des critères syntaxiques; mise en valeur de la portée syntaxique et sémantique des quatre postpositions; meilleure définition de la catégorie des idéophones sur le plan morphophonologique, syntaxique et sémantique ; mise en lumière des procédés de topicalisation. En apportant un nouvel éclairage sur l’afar, à l’intérieur du couchitique et de la famille afro-asiatique, cette thèse se veut aussi une contribution à la typologie des langues
This grammatical description of Afar is mostly based on fieldwork data collected from a great number of Afar speakers living in Djibouti, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The wealth of data has allowed us to embrace dialectal variations in the description. This description has been built around several components: the phonological and phonetic system, the nominal system, the verbal system, and the syntax.This study leads us to better assess the originality of some features that are already known, and also to bring out other features that were not well known or unknown until now: redefinition of the status of retroflex consonants ; enhanced understanding of semantic and syntactic values of different processes of nominal and verbal derivation ; illustration of the crucial role of the relative clause in a language without adjectives ; detailed study of gender polarity and verb agreement in gender – and not in number – (agreement in the singular with a name marked in the plural) ; differentiation between adverbial names and adverbs on the basis of syntactic criteria ; highlight of the syntactic and semantic significance of four postpositions ; better definition of ideophones from the morphophonological, syntactic and semantic aspects ; highlight of topicalization processes. By shedding new light on Afar within the Cushitic and Afro-Asian family, this thesis aims also to contribute to language typolog*y
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Sun, Xiaowei. "Comparative Analysis of Urban Morphology: Evaluating Space Syntax and Traditional Morphological Methods." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för Industriell utveckling, IT och Samhällsbyggnad, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-15492.

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This thesis examines the urban morphology of fifty cities using spatial syntax analysis. The analysis compares the urban street networks of European, USA, Islamic and East Asian cities. Street connectivity was the main metric and natural roads were the basis for the analysis. The aim of the study was to analyze determine how sensitive space syntax methods are for uncovering the hierarchical patterns of urban street networks and examining their scale-free and small-world properties. Street data was collected from OpenStreetMap. ArcGIS 10 with the Axwoman extension was used to study the hierarchical levels of street networks. Matlab provided the platform to examine the scale-free property of street data. Pajek software was used to measure the small-world behavior. Based on the hierarchical representation, the fifty sample cities were classified into different groups and their scale-free and small-world properties were studied. From a traditionally morphological perspective, it was found that some cities in Europe have a close-knit cellular and organic urban morphology. Cities in the USA exhibit gridiron patterns on the whole. Some Islamic cities have special urban structure with houses grouped around the cul-de-sac lanes. Several of the East Asian cities studied also have grid forms. According to the space syntax analysis, urban street networks that have a connectivity value greater than the average value were less than 40%. The results showed that for most cities, the street connectivity distribution follows a power-law distribution and exhibits scale-free properties. Urban street networks of all sample cities were found to have a small-world property. Space syntax cannot detect all of the morphological patterns recognized in traditional morphological studies. The method can, however, efficiently quantify the spatial configuration of a large sample. Space syntax’s topological and scaling metrics thus provide a way to compare urban street networks. These metrics can thus help classify cities according to their street patterns but also contribute to an understanding of human behavior within and thus the design of urban spaces. For example, an urban street network with a small-world property could have high efficiency for traffic flows at local and global levels and should be considered in further study.
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Scott, Sheila. "The second language acquisition of Irish relative clauses: The morphology/syntax interface." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/11012.

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The thesis explores whether or not overt bound morphology triggers the acquisition of distinct structural representations or whether these representations are acquired independently of the morphology. Second language learners of Irish were tested to determine their level of sensitivity to distinct complementizer forms in Irish, aL which triggers lenition on the verb in the presence of a gap in the clause and aN which triggers eclipsis on the verb in the presence of a resumptive pronoun in the clause. Adult second language learners of Irish were tested using aural and written acceptability judgements tasks to determine if they had acquired a resumptive strategy according to the form of the complementizer. Results indicated that learners were not sensitive to the distinct complementizer, i.e., to the distinct mutations of the verbs. Gap structures were preferred regardless of the mutation on the verb. An emerging resumptive strategy appears to be present based on the acceptance of resumptive pronouns in the form of prepositional pronouns in the clause. It is argued that access to Universal Grammar has facilitated this development independently of the acquisition of the prescribed morphology. Results also appear to indicate that there is a generation gap between native speakers and their ability to distinguish between the aL and aN complementizers. A lack of sensitivity to the mutations appears to be present in the young bilingual speakers of Irish who grew up with both languages in the home. It is argued that increased exposure to a variety of dialects through the media as well as pressures of language contact, have had an impact.
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Punske, Jeffrey Paul. "Aspects of the internal structure of nominalization: roots, morphology and derivation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/222837.

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This dissertation uses syntactic, semantic and morphological evidence from English nominalization to probe the interaction of event-structure and syntax, develop a typology of structural complexity within nominalization, and test hypotheses about the strict ordering of functional items. I focus on the widely assumed typology of nominalization found in Chomsky (1970). In particular, I show that derived nominals are structurally more complex than nominal gerunds; this has long been assumed to be the opposite. I provide a structural and morphological account of these forms of nominalization. In doing so, I explore a number of disparate topics such as: the importance of syncretism in apparently unrelated morphological elements for theories like Distributed Morphology; the role of prepositions in allowing or preventing binding relations and NPI-licensing, the exact nature of root-object union that allows idiomatic interpretations; the morphological reflexes of Case in the nominal system; the syntactic structure of verb particle constructions; the nature of events in nominalization; and the role syntactic operations play in determining morphological regularity. The dissertation also explores the nature of the English verb particle construction, arguing that it has (at least) three distinct structural configurations. Using these three distinct structures I am able to explain a number of distinct behaviors from predicate-object relationships, particle modification and argument loss in particle construction. I also discuss the relationship between particles (and results) and the different forms of nominalization. In particular, I show that apparent co-occurrence restrictions between nominal types and particles are not due to event-structure or other semantic restrictions. Rather, these differences are tied solely to the particular, idiosyncratic morphological properties of the constructions. The dissertation shows that certain functional projections may only appear once with a given root, but that there is some freedom of ordering of projections relative to the root in some cases. This work provides a window into the interaction between syntax and event structure as well as the nature of ordering within functional projections.
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Wa, Ilunga Mpunga A. "Description de la langue swati: bantou S43 :grammaire et lexique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212521.

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27

Nishida, Chiyo. "Interplay between morphology and syntax: A lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184304.

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The purpose of this study is to propose a lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish within the framework of Categorial Grammar, and to show how morphology and syntax interplay with one another in this language. I postulate that inflectional suffixes and clitics are syntactic expressions in their own right; inflectional suffixes are the instantiation of the grammatical relation, subject, whereas certain clitics, i.e. DAT and ACC clitics, are of the object. In this regard, inflection and cliticization can be conceived as functions from one set of syntactic expressions into another. I assume that inflectional suffixes and clitics are stored in the lexicon assigned to categories which specify their syntactic (and semantic) properties. These elements are combined to form complex expressions by two kinds of operations: (1) Function/argument application, and (2) Functional Composition. Three lexical rules are proposed in order to account for the distribution of the morphological properties at issue: (1) Inflection, (2) Cliticization, and (3) Complex Verb Formation. These rules make an explicit statement of what syntactic processes take place as morphologically complex expressions are formed. One consequence of my analysis is the redefinition of nominals commonly referred to as "subject NP" and "object NP" (doubled by a clitic) as elements which mark a referential contrast. This way, the formal variation as to the presence or absence of these nominals in Spanish sentences has a coherent explanation. Two rules of nominal adjunction are proposed in order to account for "clitic doubling" and "subject doubling". These two rules apply under certain conditions. With a lexical treatment of inflection and cliticization proposed, all the word formation processes in the Spanish language are now relegated to one single component, the lexicon. Morphology in Spanish, thus, has a clearly delineated domain of its own as an integral part of the lexicon. Furthermore, inflection and cliticization are morphological processes which, at the same time, construct syntactically complex expressions. This direct interplay between morphology and syntax is what uniquely characterizes the so-called "pro-drop" languages, of which Spanish is one, and distinguishes them from the "non-pro-drop" languages.
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Mahdi, Q. R. "The spoken Arabic of Basra, Iraq : a descriptive study of phonology, morphology and syntax." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332105.

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Bischoff, Shannon T. "Functional Forms-Formal Functions: An Account of Coeur d'Alene Clause Structure." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194692.

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Coeur d'Alene, also known as Snchitsu'umshtsn, is a Southern Interior Salishan language no longer learned by children. Descriptive work on the language has been carried out since the early nineteenth-century (Tiet 1904 through 1909 in Boaz and Tiet 1930; Reichard 1927-29, 1938, 1939; Doak 1997); however, a formal account of the basic clause structure of this polysynthetic language has until now not been proposed. This thesis presents such a formal analysis within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001a, 2001b; Lasnik 1999a, 1999b, 2000; among others), employing the tenets of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993; Harley and Noyer 1999; among others). Demonstrating that an analysis of person marking morphemes as bound pronouns (Jelinek 1984) is more "economical" in terms of Chomsky's (1995:367)Elementary Principles of Economy, the thesis goes on to account for the phenomena of lexical affixation (Carlson 1990; Kinkade 1998; Gerdts 2003; among others), in Coeur d'Alene as incorporation. Appealing to Hale and Keyser's (2002) theory of conflation as Head-movement (Harley 2004), an approach to incorporation is proposed which captures Chomsky's (1995) claim that head-movement is phonological while at the same time illustrating that lexical affixes in Coeur d'Alene serve as incorporated arguments. The thesis concludes with an articulation of the left periphery (material above vP here), based on the strict ordering of a series of mood, adverbial, model, and aspectual particles. It is shown that this articulation in Coeur d'Alene patterns with Cinque's (1999) proposed universal hierarchy of functional and adverbial heads. In this way, the basic clause structure of Coeur d'Alene is formally presented
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Mofu, Suriel Semuel. "Biak morphosyntax." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0a3f5fc2-2222-4583-9f91-e142e7ba6a63.

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This thesis is a general description of the morphology and syntax of the Biak language. The Biak language belongs to the West New Guinea subgroup of the Austronesian language family and is spoken by around 50,000 to 70,000 speakers in West Papua in the northern part of the Geelvink Bay. The thesis consists of 7 main chapters that cover demographic and ethnographic information of the language, morphology, grammatical categories, basic constituent order, noun compounding and denominalization, relative clauses, and predicate nominal constructions. The main findings of the thesis are: • The Biak language is predominantly a head-initial language. • The Biak language has morphological variation from monomorphemic to polymorphemic with the polymorphemic being the dominant pattern in the language. • Inflectional patterns on verbal and prepositional predicates, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns are divided into two patterns: the consonantal pattern and the vocal pattern. • Biak has alienable and inalienable nouns. Alienability in Biak is a syntactic distinction, not exactly corresponding to the semantic distinction. • The basic constituent order is SVO or AVP. Variations occur with predicate nominal (OV) and internally headed relative clause which uses SOV pattern. • Three types of relative clauses were identified: (i) Post nominal relative clause; (ii) Headless relative clause; and, (iii) Internally headed relative clause. The Biak language allows stacked and nested relative clauses. Two kinds of predicate nominal constructions were identified: (i) copular clitics (clitic –ri, -s-, and free pronoun clitics) and (ii) copular verbs –iri and iso. The two kinds of predicate nominal constructions can be distinguished syntactically.
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Njantcho, Kouagang Elisabeth. "A grammar of Kwakum." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCF018/document.

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Cette thèse est une description des systèmes phonologique et morphosyntaxique du kwakum, langue bantu A90 parlée dans la région de l’Est du Cameroun. Les données qui sont analysées dans ce travail ont été collectées à Sibita, un village de l’Arrondissement de Doumé. Le kwakum a une série de 28 consonnes parmi lesquelles des occlusives aspirées et labio-vélaires. Il possède un système vocalique de sept voyelles à longueur contrastive. L’analyse tonale est basée sur la distinction H vs. B vs. 0. Le système de classe nominale est quelque peu réduit et les correspondances entre les classes du kwakum et celles du Proto Bantu restent problématiques. Il existe huit classes morphologiques qui indiquent le nombre et cinq classes nominales qui déterminent l’accord. L’on note également un accord par défaut déclenché par les noms singuliers, ce qui suggère que la réduction du système de classe nominale est encore en cours. Le syntagme nominal est le seul domaine où s’observe l’accord en classe nominale. Dans les constructions connectivales, la tête syntaxique n’est pas nécessairement la tête sémantique. Le Kwakum possède des «ambipositions» employées comme préposition si le complément est nominal et comme postposition si le complément est pronominal. L’expression du temps verbal nécessite l’utilisation d’auxiliaires ou d’affixes temporels qui peuvent être combinés à un schème tonal de remplacement apparaissant sur les bases verbales. L’ordre des constituants dans la phrase est SVO. L’on note également des phrases averbales formées de deux noms ou d’un nom/pronom et d’un démonstratif. Les appendices contiennent un lexique kwakum-français et deux textes transcrits, glosés, traduits accompagnés de fichiers audio
This thesis provides an analysis of the phonological and morphosyntactic systems of Kwakum, a Bantu A90 language spoken in the East Region of Cameroon. The data analysed in this work was collected from Kwakum speakers living in Sibita, a village located in the Doume Subdivision. Kwakum has a series of 28 consonants, among which aspirated and labiovelars stops. Its seven-vowel system is marked by contrastive length. The tone analysis is based on the distinction H vs. L vs. 0. The noun class system is somewhat reduced and the correspondences between the Kwakum classes and those of Proto Bantu are still problematic. There are eight morphological classes, marking number, and five noun classes which determine agreement. There is also a default agreement pattern triggered by singular nouns. This suggests an ongoing breakdown of the noun class system. Noun class agreement can only be observed within the noun phrase. In connective constructions, the syntactic head is not necessarily the semantic head. Kwakum has “ambipositions”, used as prepositions with nominal complements and as postposition with pronominal complements. Tense marking involves the use of tense auxiliaries or affixes which may be combined with a replacive tone scheme assigned to the verb stem. Kwakum is a SVO language and also presents instances of non-verbal clauses involving two nouns or a noun/pronoun and a demonstrative. The appendices include a Kwakum-French lexicon and two texts transcribed glossed and time-aligned with audio
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Tat, Deniz. "Word Syntax of Nominal Compounds: Internal and Aphasiological Evidence from Turkish." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311666.

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This dissertation is an analysis of two types of nominal compounds in Turkish, primary compounds and synthetic compounds within the framework of Distributed Morphology. A nominal primary compound is formed by two nouns, and its meaning is largely determined by world knowledge. A synthetic compound, on the other hand, is formed by a noun and a derverbal noun, such that the former is a true argument of the latter. The meaning of such compounds is always compositional. In many languages, the structural difference between these two types of compounds is not immediately observable. However, in Turkish, a primary compound would be obligatorily marked with the compound marker, -(s)I(n) while a synthetic compound would never be marked as such. In this dissertation, I claim that primary compounds in Turkish are underlyingly possessive phrases, a claim that has been previously made by several others. My analysis differs from those previous analyses in that it maintains that -(s)I(n) figures in a morphological component that follows syntax but precedes PF. Such a post-syntactic analysis has a number of advantages as it can account for a wide range of descriptive observations about the behavior of -(s)I(n). I claim that -(s)I(n) and an agreement marker never form a sequence at any stage in the grammar. I test this claim in an experiment conducted with Turkish-speaking individuals with aphasia, and show that only a vanishingly rare number of -(s)I(n)-agreement sequences are attested in aphasic speech. My analysis of synthetic compounds in Turkish is based on three types of nominalizers and the types of categories they can select. I show that only event-denoting nominals can form true synthetic compounds. I also show that nominals that are derived directly from roots can never form true synthetic compounds, which casts doubts on roots as projecting categories. I also consider a third group of seemingly synthetic compounds, which have an overt complex verbal stem, and yet, fail to derive true synthetic compounds. Following Marantz (2013), I claim that such pseudo-synthetic compounds, in fact, have semantically null verbalizing morphemes, and therefore, the root and the nominalizing head are semantically adjacent at LF.
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Acedo, Matellán Víctor. "Argument Structure and the Syntax-Morphology Interface. A Case Study in Latin and other Languages." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/21788.

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In this dissertation I put forth a syntactic theory of argument structure and the syntaxmorphology interface and I apply it mainly to Early and Classical Latin, although comparison with other languages and discussion of the facts in these languages is conceded a considerable weight. Drawing on Mateu 2002f., Borer 2005b and Marantz 1995f., I argue for a view of argument structure where a basic distinction is drawn between the elements carrying encyclopaedic content, the roots, and the syntactic configuration built around functional heads. Argument structure properties exclusively depend on the latter. Furthermore, the syntactic configuration provides the structural semantics of the linguistic expression. I endorse a theory of the syntaxmorphology interface like the one proposed in the Distributed Morphology framework: morphology is, by default, syntax, although some specific PF operations can disrupt the basic syntax-morphology isomorphism —an isomorphism which, I argue, is inherent to the syntax-semantics interface. Crucially, cross-linguistic variation shall be defended to depend exclusively on that lack of isomorphism between syntax and morphology. In particular, it is triggered ultimately by languagespecific morphophonological properties of functional heads. The empirical focus is set on the domain of events expressing a transition. I consider Talmy’s (2000) theory of the cross-linguistic expression of events of change, where a basic divide is drawn between the languages in which the transition can be encoded by a non-verbal element —satellite-framed languages— and the languages in which the transition must be encoded by the verb —verb-framed languages. I couch Talmy’s theory of transition events within a syntactic theory of argument structure, and I explore a wide range of constructions in Latin —either presenting new data or giving a new perspective on data from the Latin linguistics tradition— to show that Latin pertains to the class of satellite-framed languages. Following an idea in Mateu 2002:160 and Mateu & Rigau 2002, I propose that the s-/v-framed distinction is explainable in purely morphophonological terms. In particular, I make use of the theory of PF operations developed by Embick & Noyer (1999, 2001) within the Distributed Morphology framework, together with Hale & Keyser’s (2002:60f.) and Harley’s (2004) theory of conflation, to account for the distinction. Thus, in v-framed languages the eventive v head lowers, at PF, to the head encoding transition —Path— and fuses with it, yielding a unique locus for phonological realisation. On the other hand, in s-framed languages this Fusion operation does not take place, so v and Path are free to be phonologically realised independently from each other. Finally, I propose a refinement of Talmy’s typology within the class of s-framed languages. First, there are strong s-framed languages, like the Germanic languages, where v and Path are not required to form one word, and, thus, allow constructions like complex adjectival resultative constructions. Second, there are weak s-framed languages, like Latin, where v and Path must form one word (if both are realised independently from each other) and disallow, hence, constructions like adjectival resultative constructions. This distinction is accounted for in terms of a v-to-Path (PF) Lowering operation for weak s-framed languages, which creates a complex head. A three-way, gradual typology emerges encompassing strong s-framed languages (no v-to-Path Lowering and no Path-v Fusion), weak s-framed languages (v-to-Path Lowering, no Path-v Fusion) and v-framed languages (v-to-Path Lowering and Path-v Fusion).
En aquesta tesi defenso una teoria de l’estructura argumental basada en la distinció entre les arrels, elements de contingut enciclopèdic, i les configuracions sintàctiques construïdes sobre les base dels morfemes funcionals, a les quals van lligades les propietats de l’estructura argumental i la semàntica estructural. Alhora advoco per una teoria de la interfície sintaxi-morfologia per defecte isomòrfica; la possible manca d’isomorfisme, de la qual depèn la variació interlingüística, es deu a l’existència de certes operacions morfofonològiques provocades per propietats dels morfemes funcionals. Aplico aquesta teoria a dades fonamentalment del llatí arcaic i clàssic, concentrantment en la divisió tipològica proposada per Talmy entre llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit i llengües d’emmarcament verbal: en les primeres l’element que expressa un canvi d’estat o lloc és típicament no verbal mentre que en les segones és sempre un verb. Demostro, a través de l’anàlisi de diferents construccions, que el llatí pertany al primer grup, però també que tant aquesta llengua com l’eslau es distintingeixen de les altres llengües d’aquest tipus pel fet que no admeten construccions resultatives complexes basades en SAs. Relaciono aquest fet amb un altre: que aquestes llengües tampoc no admeten resultatives basades en SPs si el verb no està prefixat. Concloc que en aquestes llengües, que anomeno llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit febles, hi ha un requeriment morfològic pel qual l’element que expressa el resultat de l’esdeveniment i el verb, per bé que són dos morfs diferents, han de formar un sol mot fonològic; aquesta característica impedeix la generació de resultatives basades en SAs o SPs. El requeriment esmentat no es dóna en les llengües germàniques o en finoúgric, llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit fortes. Explico aquesta escissió proposant que en les llengües de tipus feble hi ha una operació morfofonològica, el Descens (Lowering: Embick & Noyer 2001), que forma un node complex a partir del node v i del node Path, codificador de canvi. En les llengües d’emmarcament en el verb hi opera Descens però també Fusió (Fusion: Embick & Noyer 2001), formant un sol node a partir del node complex Path+v, que és representat, doncs, per un sol morf.
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34

Acedo-Matellán, Víctor. "Argument Structure and the Syntax-Morphology Interface. A Case Study in Latin and other Languages." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/21788.

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In this dissertation I put forth a syntactic theory of argument structure and the syntaxmorphology interface and I apply it mainly to Early and Classical Latin, although comparison with other languages and discussion of the facts in these languages is conceded a considerable weight. Drawing on Mateu 2002f., Borer 2005b and Marantz 1995f., I argue for a view of argument structure where a basic distinction is drawn between the elements carrying encyclopaedic content, the roots, and the syntactic configuration built around functional heads. Argument structure properties exclusively depend on the latter. Furthermore, the syntactic configuration provides the structural semantics of the linguistic expression. I endorse a theory of the syntaxmorphology interface like the one proposed in the Distributed Morphology framework: morphology is, by default, syntax, although some specific PF operations can disrupt the basic syntax-morphology isomorphism —an isomorphism which, I argue, is inherent to the syntax-semantics interface. Crucially, cross-linguistic variation shall be defended to depend exclusively on that lack of isomorphism between syntax and morphology. In particular, it is triggered ultimately by languagespecific morphophonological properties of functional heads. The empirical focus is set on the domain of events expressing a transition. I consider Talmy’s (2000) theory of the cross-linguistic expression of events of change, where a basic divide is drawn between the languages in which the transition can be encoded by a non-verbal element —satellite-framed languages— and the languages in which the transition must be encoded by the verb —verb-framed languages. I couch Talmy’s theory of transition events within a syntactic theory of argument structure, and I explore a wide range of constructions in Latin —either presenting new data or giving a new perspective on data from the Latin linguistics tradition— to show that Latin pertains to the class of satellite-framed languages. Following an idea in Mateu 2002:160 and Mateu & Rigau 2002, I propose that the s-/v-framed distinction is explainable in purely morphophonological terms. In particular, I make use of the theory of PF operations developed by Embick & Noyer (1999, 2001) within the Distributed Morphology framework, together with Hale & Keyser’s (2002:60f.) and Harley’s (2004) theory of conflation, to account for the distinction. Thus, in v-framed languages the eventive v head lowers, at PF, to the head encoding transition —Path— and fuses with it, yielding a unique locus for phonological realisation. On the other hand, in s-framed languages this Fusion operation does not take place, so v and Path are free to be phonologically realised independently from each other. Finally, I propose a refinement of Talmy’s typology within the class of s-framed languages. First, there are strong s-framed languages, like the Germanic languages, where v and Path are not required to form one word, and, thus, allow constructions like complex adjectival resultative constructions. Second, there are weak s-framed languages, like Latin, where v and Path must form one word (if both are realised independently from each other) and disallow, hence, constructions like adjectival resultative constructions. This distinction is accounted for in terms of a v-to-Path (PF) Lowering operation for weak s-framed languages, which creates a complex head. A three-way, gradual typology emerges encompassing strong s-framed languages (no v-to-Path Lowering and no Path-v Fusion), weak s-framed languages (v-to-Path Lowering, no Path-v Fusion) and v-framed languages (v-to-Path Lowering and Path-v Fusion).
En aquesta tesi defenso una teoria de l’estructura argumental basada en la distinció entre les arrels, elements de contingut enciclopèdic, i les configuracions sintàctiques construïdes sobre les base dels morfemes funcionals, a les quals van lligades les propietats de l’estructura argumental i la semàntica estructural. Alhora advoco per una teoria de la interfície sintaxi-morfologia per defecte isomòrfica; la possible manca d’isomorfisme, de la qual depèn la variació interlingüística, es deu a l’existència de certes operacions morfofonològiques provocades per propietats dels morfemes funcionals. Aplico aquesta teoria a dades fonamentalment del llatí arcaic i clàssic, concentrantment en la divisió tipològica proposada per Talmy entre llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit i llengües d’emmarcament verbal: en les primeres l’element que expressa un canvi d’estat o lloc és típicament no verbal mentre que en les segones és sempre un verb. Demostro, a través de l’anàlisi de diferents construccions, que el llatí pertany al primer grup, però també que tant aquesta llengua com l’eslau es distintingeixen de les altres llengües d’aquest tipus pel fet que no admeten construccions resultatives complexes basades en SAs. Relaciono aquest fet amb un altre: que aquestes llengües tampoc no admeten resultatives basades en SPs si el verb no està prefixat. Concloc que en aquestes llengües, que anomeno llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit febles, hi ha un requeriment morfològic pel qual l’element que expressa el resultat de l’esdeveniment i el verb, per bé que són dos morfs diferents, han de formar un sol mot fonològic; aquesta característica impedeix la generació de resultatives basades en SAs o SPs. El requeriment esmentat no es dóna en les llengües germàniques o en finoúgric, llengües d’emmarcament en el satèl•lit fortes. Explico aquesta escissió proposant que en les llengües de tipus feble hi ha una operació morfofonològica, el Descens (Lowering: Embick & Noyer 2001), que forma un node complex a partir del node v i del node Path, codificador de canvi. En les llengües d’emmarcament en el verb hi opera Descens però també Fusió (Fusion: Embick & Noyer 2001), formant un sol node a partir del node complex Path+v, que és representat, doncs, per un sol morf.
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35

Racy, Sumayya Katharine. "Towards a Unified Treatment of Modality." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194394.

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Towards a Unified Treatment of Modality (abstract) Sumayya Racy, Ph.D. The primary claim of this thesis is that despite the numerous forms modality may take, both within and across languages, there are relatively few features, structures and operations which give rise to these numerous forms. For example, in English the modal notion of obligation may be expressed by a verb (He must go), but an adverb (He obligatorily goes), by an adjective (He is obliged), by a noun (He has an obligation), and even by a preposition (It's on him to go) or by no clear modal marker (He is to go). In other languages, we find still more ways in which modality may be expressed, such as through affixes (Garo), through evidentials (Tuyuca), through modal particles (Norwegian), and through mood (Latin). It is shown in this thesis that by adopting Cinque's (1999) hierarchy of functional projections, Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the semantics of Kratzer (1991) and Hacquard (2006) and a limited feature set, we may account for many of these expressions of modality within a single unified framework. In particular, it is argued that modal roots are acategorial (accounting for the many parts of speech we find in modal expressions) and it is proposed that head movement and fusion may take place among modal functional heads (accounting for the fact that modality may be expressed through other categories like evidentiality). Along the way, several interesting facets of modality are pointed out, including the fact that modal nouns may only be used with unusual abilities, and the fact that in English intonation and ASL repeated movement we may find phonological correlates of epistimicity.
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36

Jackson, Leolyn M. "The function of marked word order in Biblical Hebrew prose: An evaluation of existing theories in the light of 2 Kings." University of the Western Cape, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8205.

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Magister Artium - MA
This thesis .investigates the function of a topicalized constituent .in the narrative non-direct speech texts .in 2 Kings. Many traditional BH grammarians described the :function of a topicalized constituent as "emphasis". Recent BH grammarians pointed out that extralinguistic factors like the total communicative context should also be considered in the description of a function for a topicalized constituent. The shift from the structural to a more pragmatic approach is illustrated in this study. The pragmatic approach proved to be not only possible, but also advantageous to the study of function in BH. The aim of this study was to test the viability and results of the various theories and categories of the BH linguists. This study also researched whether their linguistic approaches are indeed an improvement on the descriptions as defined by the traditional grammarians. In other words, to see whether and in which way more recent studies of BH could aid the understanding of the function of a topicalized constituent in BH word order. The methodology utilized in this study is briefly outlined as follows: 1. This study examined the description of word order in terms of the traditional and more recent approaches. The categories used to describe the function of a topicalized constituent were our main focus. At the end we compiled a theoretical frame of reference that we regard as representative of modem attempts to acquire a more refined comprehension of BH word order. A theoretical linguistic framework was formulated which could be used in our description of a sentence in BH in 2 · Kings. This attempt could be described as eclectic because it used the diverse perceptions from the various linguistic approaches. Richter's theoretical linguistic framework (with its limitations) together with contributions of Van der Merwe, Buth and Gross were used as a basis for the description of the sentences. 3. Sentences were analysed systematically and holistically at the different levels of description, namely morphology, morphosyntax, sentence syntax, semantics and pragmatics. Because of the difficulty in defining semantics and with pragmatics still in disarray, this study defined some semantic-pragmatic concepts it worked with. 4. In the description of sentences we incorporated and tested the viability of the different categories of various grammarians. By carefully considering the context of each sentence, this study posed the question: which, if any; of the categories could adequately describe the semantic-pragmatic function of a topicalized constituent in 2 Kings.
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37

Zimmerman, Lauren Michelle. "A Case Study of Inflectional Morphology, Written Language, and Syntax in a Patient with Conduction Aphasia." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/322101.

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38

Ring, Melanie. "Morphology and syntax in children with neurodevelopmental disorders : a study of Down's syndrome and William's syndrome." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413249.

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39

Wang, Zhu. "A Comparison Study on Urban Morphology of Beijing and Shanghai." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för Industriell utveckling, IT och Samhällsbyggnad, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-14999.

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With time going by, urban morphological structures of Beijing and Shanghai have dramatic changes during last decades. These changes often ignored by citizen, but have big influence for human daily life. And the changes of urban morphologies should be easily recognized by citizen. There are many previous comparative studies between these two Chinese cities, and these studies focus on types of areas, such as environment, traffic, city planning and cultures etc.. There are also many comparative studies about using space syntax theory and geometrical statistics to study urban morphologies. However, there are not direct comparison urban morphological study between Beijing and Shanghai, which from multiple perspectives. In order to gain a better understanding of urban morphologies, this thesis take street networks of two Chinese cites as a research object, based on space syntax theory, as well the combination of traditional geometrical statistics, comparative analysis methods to systematic quantitative analyze and comparative study the different street networks of urban space in Beijing and Shanghai. This project work analyzes hierarchy of axial lines, which automatically generated from street networks, to do a morphological comparison from topological perspective. And it analyzes frequency distribution of axial lines’ included angles and length of axial lines to study urban morphologies from geometrical perspective. Results in the project seem to empirical study that, the well-connected streets are minority part, which all most distributed in the sample cities’ ring structures and center areas. Street networks constitute an obvious regular grid pattern of Beijing and a curves pattern of Shanghai. Based on the hierarchical levels of street networks, research samples have same hierarchical levels but without the same number of street lines. The included angles of axial lines have an exceptionally sharply peaked bimodal distribution for both cities and number of most connected street’s length do not increase so much from ring1 to ring6 for Beijing, but they have much change for Shanghai.
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40

Guerois, Rozenn. "A grammar of Cuwabo (Bantu P34, Mozambique)." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20032.

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Le cuwabo est une langue bantoue parlée par plus de 800.000 locuteurs au Nord-Est du Mozambique. Elle est répertoriée sous le code P34 selon la classification de Guthrie et appartient donc au groupe makhuwa (P30). Le cuwabo se divise en cinq variétés: le cuwabo central, le karungu, le mayindo, le nyaringa, et le manyawa. Ce travail se base sur le cuwabo central parlé dans le district de Quelimane. Des données de première main ont pu être collectées auprès d’une dizaine de locuteurs, lors de trois terrains réalisés entre 2011 et 2013, totalisant 10 mois. Cette thèse fournit une description grammaticale de la langue couvrant en détail les domaines de la phonologie et de la morphosyntaxe. La phonologie comprend deux chapitres : le premier est dédié à la phonologie segmentale tandis que le deuxième analyse le fonctionnement du système tonal de la langue. Notons que le cuwabo est l’unique langue P30 ayant retenu un ton lexical contrastif sur les thèmes lexicaux et verbaux. Morphologiquement, le syntagme nominal est dominé par un riche système d’accords des classes nominales, typique dans les langues bantoues. Le verbe cuwabo a une morphologie de type agglutinant, qui renferme un riche système de Temps-Aspect-Mode combinant préfixes et suffixes finaux. Il convient de noter l’existence de plusieurs enclitiques selon les constructions (enclitiques locatifs, enclitiques pronoms personnels dans les relatives, enclitiques comitatif ou instrumental). Enfin, la syntaxe s’étend sur trois chapitres : le premier s’intéresse aux constructions prédicatives verbales et non-verbales ; le deuxième s’intéresse aux constructions relatives et à la formation des questions ; le dernier aborde la question de l’ordre des constituants en lien avec la structure informationnelle. Les domaines préverbaux et postverbaux sont examinés, ainsi que leur interaction avec le marquage morphologique sur le verbe qui distingue les formes conjointes et les formes disjointes. L’annexe de cette thèse compile sept textes, glosés et traduits, qui permettent d’illustrer en contexte un grand nombre d’items grammaticaux présentés dans les chapitres descriptifs
Cuwabo is a Bantu language, spoken by more than 800,000 people (INE 2007) in the north-eastern part of Mozambique. It is numbered P34 in Guthrie’s classification, and thus belongs to the P30 Makhuwa group. Cuwabo can be subdivided into five main varieties: central Cuwabo, Karungu, Mayindo, Nyaringa, and Manyawa. This work is based on central Cuwabo spoken in the district of Quelimane. First-hand data were recorded from 10 speakers in the course of three fieldtrips realised between 2011 and 2013, achieving a total duration of 10 months. This thesis provides a grammatical description of the language, covering in detail its phonology and its morphosyntax. Phonology is divided into two chapters: the first is devoted to segmental phonology whereas the second describes the tonal system of the language. Note that Cuwabo is the only P30 language whose nominal and verbal stems have retained a lexical tone contrast. Morphologically, the noun phrase is marked by a rich agreement system ruled by the noun classes, as typical in Bantu. Cuwabo has a highly agglutinative verbal morphology, which conveys a rich Tense-Aspect-Mood system combining both prefixes and final suffixes. Note the existence of several enclitics depending on the constructions (locative enclitics, personal pronoun enclitics in relative clauses, comitative or instrumental enclitics). The last three chapters address syntactic issues: the first presents a description of the basic clause structure, involving verbal and non-verbal predication; the second looks into the relative constructions in close interaction with question formation; the last one investigates word order and information structure in Cuwabo. Preverbal and postverbal constituents are examined, as well as their interaction with the morphological marking on the verb, distinguishing conjoint and disjoint tenses. The appendix contains seven Cuwabo texts glossed and translated into English, which allow to illustrate in context many of the grammatical items presented in the descriptive chapters
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41

Seeker, Wolfgang [Verfasser], and Jonas [Akademischer Betreuer] Kuhn. "Modeling the interface between morphology and syntax in data-driven dependency parsing / Wolfgang Seeker ; Betreuer: Jonas Kuhn." Stuttgart : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Stuttgart, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1123082693/34.

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42

Goria, Cecilia. "Syntax and morphology of subject clitics in Piedmontese : analysis based on the minimalist program and optimality theory." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488022.

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43

Mortimer, Jennifer Karen. "Effects of speech perception, vocabulary, and articulation skills on morphology and syntax in children with speech sound disorders." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18719.

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Although it has been shown that some children with Speech Sound Disorders (SSD) have difficulties in the area of productive morphosyntax, there has been little investigation into the possible source of these problems. Such research may nevertheless shed some light on theoretical questions of morphosyntactic abilities in children with atypical speech and/or language development, as well as suggest avenues for remediation of language weaknesses. The current study examined possible effects of speech perception, vocabulary, and articulation skills on concurrent syntax and longitudinal morphology in a group of seventy-nine children with SSD. Structural Equation Modelling techniques were used to model the relationships among the variables. The rationales for the models were drawn from the literature on children with SSD and also from studies of children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI). The latter were paid particular attention, as some children with SSD may also have SLI, and as morphosyntactic skills in individuals with SLI have been rigorously investigated. It was found that, of the three models examined, an articulation model, in which links were posited from articulation to syntax and from articulation to morphology, demonstrated good fit. Although some of the limitations in morphology and syntax seen in these children could be accounted for in terms of frank articulation errors, other explanations for the association between articulation and morphosyntax were also considered. One possibility was that speech motor skills and morphosyntax were dependent on similar neural substrates that may have been impaired in some of the participants investigated. A second possibility was that, given a finite set of resources devoted to language production, laboured articulation in the children with SSD bled resources from other areas of speech/language processing, and from expressive morphosyntax in particular. Further research, especially studies examining pos
Bien qu'il ait été montré que certains enfants présentant des troubles phonologiques ont aussi des difficultés dans le domaine de la morphosyntaxe productive, peu d'enquêtes ont été faites pour trouver les sources possibles de ces problèmes. Cependant, de telles recherches pourraient éclairer les questions théoriques des habiletés morphosyntaxiques chez les enfants ayant un développement atypique de la parole et/ou du langage, et pourraient aussi suggérer des approches pour remédier aux faiblesses de la langue. La présente étude a examiné les effets possibles des habilités de perception de la parole, du vocabulaire, et de l'articulation sur la syntaxe concurrente et la morphologie longitudinale dans un groupe de soixante-dix-neuf enfants présentant des troubles phonologiques. Les techniques de modèles d'équations structurelles ont été utilisées pour modeler les liens entre les variables. Les exposés raisonnés ont été tirés de la littérature sur les enfants présentant des troubles phonologiques aussi bien que de recherches sur les enfants présentant un trouble primaire (dysphasie) du langage. Une attention toute particulière a été prêtée à ce dernier groupe puisque certains enfants présentant des troubles phonologiques peuvent aussi avoir un trouble primaire du langage et que les habiletés morphosyntaxiques chez les individus présentant un trouble primaire du langage ont été rigoureusement étudiées. On a constaté que, des trois modèles examinés, un modèle d'articulation dans lequel des liens ont été postulés de l'articulation à la syntaxe et de l'articulation à la morphologie se révélait particulièrement approprié. Quoique certaines des limitations en morphologie et syntaxe constatées chez ces enfants puissent provenir de simples erreurs d'articulation, d'autres explications pour le lien entre l'articulation et la morphosyntaxe ont été aussi considérées. Une possibilité serait que les habilet
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44

Nzang, Bie Yolande. "Le connectif dans les langues bantu: analyses synchroniques et perspectives diachroniques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212512.

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45

Butler, Lindsay Kay. "The Morphosyntax and Processing of Number Marking in Yucatec Maya." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/217050.

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This dissertation is a theoretical and experimental investigation of number marking in Yucatec Maya, a language in which number marking has different properties than better known Indo-European languages with inflectional plural marking and obligatory number agreement. The primary goal of this thesis is to propose a formal syntactic analysis of plural marking in Yucatec Maya in the nominal and verbal domains. I do this by examining the distribution and interpretation of the plural morpheme and by proposing an analysis within a Minimalist framework. The secondary goal is to investigate how the formal representation of plural marking interacts with real-time sentence processing mechanisms. I do this through timed translation experiments (and a picture description experiment) with bilingual speakers of Yucatec Maya and Spanish, two languages in which the formal representation of number marking and agreement differs. These experiments are tests of the formal syntactic analyses proposed in this thesis, and they examine the effect of language-particular syntax on sentence processing mechanisms. In the nominal domain, I argue that the plural marker is adjoined to the Determiner Phrase, rather than heading a Number Phrase, following the syntax of plural marking proposed by Wiltschko (2008). It merges as an adjunct to the DP, lacking the ability to change the label of the element with which it merges. This analysis explains the distributional and interpretational properties of plural marking as well as the otherwise peculiar lack of morphosyntactic persistence in certain conditions in an experimental translation task. I also propose an analysis of plural marking in the verbal domain and its relationship to word order. In verb-initial clauses, the aspect-mood particle is the main predicate in T⁰ which is φ-deficient. There is no Agree for number between the plural-marked full DP and verb due to the absence of C⁰ (Chomsky 2008). For DP-initial clauses, a DP bearing plural morphology moves to the CP domain, triggered by a topic or focus feature. The uninterpretable number feature on C⁰ probes via T⁰ for an interpretable valued feature in its domain (Chomsky 2001). This analysis predicts asymmetric number agreement in Yucatec Maya, which is tested experimentally.
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46

Dali, Myriam. "Gender and Number in Tunisian Arabic: A Case of Contextual Allosemy." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40679.

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In this thesis, I investigate the distribution and function(s) of gender in Tunisian Arabic. Based on the observation that gender can ll multiple functions and hence receive different interpretations in TA, I consider gender in this language to be subject to contextual allosemy. Allosemy is the equivalent of conditioned allomorphy at the level of LF (Wood, 2012; Marantz, 2013; Wood and Marantz, 2017) and is de ned as a phenomenon in which a single morpheme can have multiple semantic realizations. My proposal is based on the observation that the interpretation of gender is conditioned by its syntactic environment, more speci fically, by the class of the base noun and the function and interpretation of any node or abstract morpheme (e.g., number) that is parasitic of the n head hosting the class feature. The current predominant view of gender in syntactic theory is that it has a nominalizing function (Lecarme, 2002; Kihm, 2005; Lowenstamm, 2008; Acquaviva, 2009; Kramer, 2009, 2014, 2015; Hammerly, 2018). According to this view, gender is hosted on the n head, which selects the root, and assigns it a nominal category (assuming DM). However, Arabic has other uses for the feminine gender, most of them associated with number. This, I argue, originates from the diachronic trajectory of the feminine a x -a in Proto-Semitic, where it started out as a nominalizer, then a singulative a x, then a group marker, before finally marking feminine gender (Hasselbach, 2014a,b; Dali and Mathieu, 2019a). These subsequent layers of meanings associated with what is now known as gender are all present in the synchronic picture of Arabic. Through an exhaustive inventory of data and diagnostics, I show that the role of gender is pervasive within the Tunisian Arabic DP, and is not limited to nominalization. To account for these facts, I propose that gender is distributed among the different functional heads of the DP: Num, Q, D (see also Farkas 1990; Ritter 1993; Giurgea 2008; Croitor and Giurgea 2009; Steriopolo and Wiltschko 2010; Fassi Fehri 2012, 2018b,a; Dali and Mathieu 2019a). The present thesis also focuses on plurals. I show that plural markers can also be distributed along the nominal spine (Acquaviva, 2008; Harbour, 2008; Wiltschko, 2008, 2012; Butler, 2012; Mathieu, 2012, 2013, 2014; Kramer, 2016), accounting for their di erent functions (e.g., classifying, grouping, counting). These different functions associated with Arabic plurals are, I argue, due to the existence of a singulative operator that is not limited to the collective system, but is pervasive in Tunisian Arabic, as I show. Finally, these observations all suggest that one and the same abstract morpheme (e.g., the feminine and the plural) can receive different interpretations depending on the base they attach to and on their syntactic level, which motivates the allosemic analysis put forward in this thesis.
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47

Smith, Benjamin C. "Compounding and Incorporation in the Ket Language: Implications for a More Unified Theory of Compounding." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/1.

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Compounding in the world’s languages is a complex word-­‐formation process that is not easily accounted for. Moreover, incorporation is equally complex and problematic. This examination of compounding and incorporation in the Ket language seeks to identify the underlying logic of these processes and to work towards a typology that captures generalizations among the numerous ways in which languages expand their lexicons through these processes. Canonical Typology provides a framework that does just this. A preliminary canonical typology of compounds is proposed here, one that subsumes a range of compounds as well as incorporation. For this reason, the Ket language, which relies heavily on compounding and incorporation, will be used as a test case. The aim is to define the canonical com
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48

Luther, Gustav. "Capturing human activity based on the city structure : A Space syntax case study in urban pedestrian movement." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Samhällsbyggnad, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-34224.

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In this paper, the Swedish cities Gävle and Göteborg are compared regarding how well activity-based hotspots can capture pedestrian movement. The aim with this paper is to produce a further understanding about how the built environment affects human activities, as well as applying new methods for analyzing big geospatial data. The project is carried out with user generated travel data that comes from the company Trivector and their app TravelVu. Space syntax theory and methods are applied to the street networks to investigate if there are any correlations between the connectivity and the number of travels per street, which in turn is based on natural streets. The results indicate that there is a correlation between connectivity and number of travels per street. But with the use of naturally generated hotspots that are based on human activity, the correlation increases greatly, which imply that in areas with high human activity the connectivity of streets better captures the human movement than in areas with low activity.
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49

Percy, C. E. "The language of Captain James Cook : some aspects of the syntax and morphology of the 'Endeavour' journal, 1758-1771." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315977.

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50

Del, Treppo Julia. "Syntaxe de la tmèse : étude de l’autonomie des prépositions-préverbes dans la phrase homérique." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL148.

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Abstract:
La présente thèse entend rechercher les contraintes qui pèsent sur l’emploi de la tmèse homérique et les tendances qui le caractérisent sur le plan de la syntaxe. Ce travail décrit et précise pour commencer les degrés de dépendance que les prépositions-préverbes en tmèse entretiennent avec le verbe de la proposition, tant sur le plan actanciel que sémantique. Il étudie également les relations entre la tmèse et l’ordre des mots en termes de séparabilité entre la préposition-préverbe (P) et le verbe, en analysant à la fois le critère de la position initiale de la préposition-préverbe en tmèse, et le nombre et la fonction des constituants présents entre P et le verbe. Enfin, il examine les contraintes morphologiques susceptibles de s’exercer sur la tmèse, comme le nombre de syllabes ou le statut phonologique des prépositions-préverbes, en relation avec le facteur métrique. L’étude morphologique porte également sur les rapports entre tmèse et double préverbation et entre tmèse et augment, et interroge enfin la possibilité que la morphologie d’ἀντί et d’ὑπέρ explique leur résistance à l’emploi en tmèse. Cette étude de la syntaxe de la tmèse permettra une meilleure connaissance non seulement de l’emploi des prépositions-préverbes dans la langue homérique, mais également de la construction verbale et de la phrase homérique elle-même
This dissertation seeks to identify the constraints that define the use of the Homeric tmesis and the general characteristics of its syntactic aspects. First, this study describes and clarifies the degrees of dependency between the prepositions-preverbs used in a tmesis and the verb of the clause in which it is used, both on the actantial and semantic levels. It also examines the relation between the tmesis and the word order from the perspective of the separability between the prepositions-preverb (P) and the verb, by analyzing both the criterion of the initial position of the preposition-preverb in a tmesis, and the number and the function of the constituents present between P and the verb. Eventually, this study looks at the possible morphological constraints of a tmesis, like the number of syllables or the phonological status of the prepositions-preverbs, in relation with the metrical factor. The morphological study also involves the relations between the tmesis and the double preverbs, as well as between tmesis and augment, and considers eventually the possibility that the morphology of ἀντί and ὑπέρ explains why they cannot be used in a tmesis. This study of the syntax of the tmesis will allow for a better understanding not only of the use of prepositions-preverbs in the Homeric language, but also of the verbal construction in Homeric language and of the Homeric sentence itself
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