Journal articles on the topic 'Moulin à eau'

Well-preserved trilobite specimens are recorded from Eifelian strata between the villages of Nismes (southern Belgium) and Vireux-Molhain (northern France). In the area of study the lower Eifelian Vieux Moulin Member of the Jemelle Formation crops out. The diversified trilobite associations of this unit occur in dark shales and siltstones during a deepening phase and replace the comparatively poorly diversified trilobite fauna of the underlying Eau Noire Formation. This overturn of the local trilobite fauna might, in part, be considered a regional expression of the globally recognised Choteč Event. A marked influx of exotic trilobites in the Vieux Moulin Member is provisionally referred to the local Vieux Moulin Event. Trilobite diversity peaked in the middle Eifelian part (Chavées Member) of the Jemelle Formation before drastically dropping in the upper part of this formation. The manifestations in the Ardennes of the eastern North American Bakoven and Stony Hollow Events can neither be confirmed nor rejected based on the currently available data. New taxa from the early Eifelian part of the Jemelle Formation in the area of study are Asteropyge boeckae sp. nov., Asteropyge eonia sp. nov., Asteropyge filoxenia sp. nov., Cyphaspis insolata sp. nov., Cyphaspis iuxta sp. nov., Diademaproetus pertinax sp. nov., Geesops icovellaunae sp. nov., Gerastos kesselaeri sp. nov., Kettneraspis eftychia sp. nov., Pedinopariops ceuthonymus sp. nov., Pedinopariops richterianus geminus ssp. nov., Scabriscutellum archinalae sp. nov., Septimopeltis akatastasia sp. nov. and Tropidocoryphe insciens sp. nov. Our material includes exceptionally rare, well-preserved specimens from the famous “Mur des douaniers” locality near Vireux-Molhain. Additionally, Astycoryphe rugocauda sp. nov. is described from the lower Eifelian Couvin Formation (southern Belgium) and Gerastos silvicultrix sp. nov. from the uppermost Emsian Heisdorf Formation (German Eifel).

Après des «Réflexions sur l'histoire des techniques» et une note liminaire de Lucien Febvre, qu ‘y trouvons-nous ? Trois articles principaux : deux sur des objets, le moulin à eau (c'est le grand article de Marc Bloch, toujours discuté aujourd'hui) et le gouvernail (par Guilleux de la Roërie), le troisième sur un individu, Taylor (par Georges Friedmann). Ils sont suivis de deux notes de Lucien Febvre, l'une énonçant les premières conclusions d'une enquête sur les forges de village en France, l'autre critiquant le premier volume d'A la lumière du marxisme, recueil d'articles sur les sciences et la technique écrits par des scientifiques communistes. Viennent ensuite cinq autres notes, plus courtes, de Charles Parain (recherches du généticien soviétique Vavilov sur l'origine des plantes cultivées), Jules Sion et Marc Bloch (commentaires sur les propositions du commandant Lefebvre des Noëttes), Louis Lacrocq (sur la croisée d'ogives) et Lucien Febvre (sur l'Institut d'Histoire des Sciences et des Techniques nouvellement créé).

The Eifelian lithostratigraphic succession of southern Belgium is here revised based on new field investigations and reconsideration of biostratigraphic data. The Couvin Formation is divided into four members: the Villers-la-Tour Member recorded the onset of stromatoporoid biostromes, the Petigny Member is a dark fine-grained limestone that recorded the Choteč event, the Cul d’Efer Member is dominated by stromatoporoid-coral biostromes. These first three members were previously united in the Foulerie Member and correspond to the transgressive and highstand system tracts of the Middle Devonian 3rd-order sequence MD1. The argillaceous and bioclastic successive units of the Abîme Member recorded the sequence MD2. Laterally, this sequence is only composed of siliciclastic deposits of the Vieux Moulin, Station and Cimetière members of the Jemelle Formation. The highstand system tract is the newly introduced carbonate Vierves Member. Large bioherms, newly described as the Wancennes Formation, recorded the first two sequences MD1 and MD2. A major sequence boundary caps the Couvin Formation and is overlaid by the transgressive and diachronous Chavées Member of the Jemelle Formation with a depositional gap increasing eastwards. The highstand system tract of sequence MD3 is recorded in the bioherms of the Tienne Sainte-Anne Member (upper part of the Jemelle Formation), also capped by a sequence boundary. These bioherms probably acted as highs around which the sandy deposits of the Lomme Formation accumulated as lowstand system tract of sequence MD4. The Hanonet Formation and its crinoidal Wellin Member form the transgressive system tracts of sequence MD4 that terminates in the bioclastic and biohermal Trois-Fontaines Formation (Givetian). The Kačák event is identified in the transgressive system tract of this sequence. The geographic distribution of facies and of reefs in particular led to the recognition of at least six sedimentation areas corresponding most probably to synsedimentary faulted blocks here defined as the Eau Blanche, Viroin, Lesse, Ourthe, Condroz and Sambre blocks. These sedimentation areas structured the Namur-Dinant Basin and recorded distinct depositional history and were probably active during the Devonian and Carboniferous interval.

During the placement of a mould for a hearing-aid by a hearing-aid dispenser, moulding material entered the middle ear through pre-existent perforations in the tympanic membrane in both ears. Besides hearing loss, there were no other symptoms. Surgical removal of the moulding material by tympanotomy was necessary, and was complicated by encirclement of the ossicles by the material. All the material could be removed and the hearing was saved. Recommendations for an improved procedure of mould-making are made including more detailed information of the otoscopic findings at the prescriptions for hearing-aid moulds.

<p>Lénos Mavrommatis</p><p>La pronoia de Monomaque et le litige à propos de Chantax (1333-1378)</p><p>L'article traite de l'affaire des moulins à eau du village Chantax aux embouchures de Strymon. En effet, un long litige opposa les monastères de Zographou et de Chilandar sur la possession des moulins et de leurs revenus. Nous en distinguons deux phases: </p><p>a. L'acte du Prôtos Chariton (1378) qui contient un aphorismos contre les représentants de Chilandar qui avaient présenté des actes falsifiés.</p><p>b. Le prôtokynègos Jean Vatatzès avait remis, en tant que recenseur, les revenus des moulins à l'éparchos Michel Monomachos, mais au lieu des 50 il lui remis 102 hyperpres. Il y eut, donc, fraude au détriment du fisc.</p><p>Plusieurs facteurs ont influencé l'évolution de cette affaire: le pouvois serbe, durant et après le regne de Stefan Dušan, celui du despote Jean Uglieša et, enfin, celui des frères Alexis et Jean, à Christoupolis.</p>

In the late Avar period (eighth to ninth century ad), vast quantities of utilitarian artefacts were produced in series in the Carpathian Basin, a phenomenon not seen since the end of the Roman period. The distribution of these articles reflects not only the region's settlement pattern, but also how these artefacts were disseminated. The communication network in the Carpathian Basin underwent a significant transformation between the early and late Avar period: its major nodes, equated with population centres but not necessarily with elite centres, contributed to moulding a social and cultural milieu that included specialized craftsmen. An early single hub in southern Transdanubia was replaced by multiple centres by the late Avar period. Around ad 700, a bipolar settlement pattern emerges in the southern part of the Carpathian Basin. It seems that the Great Hungarian Plain began to play an equal, if not dominant, role in the communication network of the Carpathian Basin at this time.

Total ear defects in the form of losing the entire outer ear or only part of the ear will definitely affect for patient's confidence. Defect or loss of the ear can be caused by birth defects, acquired diseases or accidents. So, it takes a prosthese that functions to replace the lossing ear part, namely auricular prosthesis, so that the patient will feel confident again with his appearance. Temporary prosthesis is an alternative method that can be used in the short term before the use of a permanent prosthesis (definitive prosthesis). The purpose of this paper is to find out how to make temporary auricular prosthesis acrylic resin with retention eyeglasses to improve aestetics in patient with ear loss case. The method used is a case study (model) which is conventionally made, with moulding using donor techniques. In making temporary auricular prosthesis consists of several stages starting from the acceptance of the work model, the making of the wax pattern, flasking, boiling out, coloring, packing, curing, deflasking, finishing, polishing and sticking of retention. The results obtained are temporary auricular prosthesis can sticking well with eyeglasses stalks, there is no porous, the color does not match the work order and the polishing results are less smooth but quite shiny. The conclusion is that temporary auricular prosthesis in cases of repair of ear defects can be made using acrylic resin with mechanical retention of eyeglasses.

Four batches of ear-rot damaged maize grain and a batch of reportedly sound maize were assessed by rat and pig growth assay and digestibility determination in pigs. All batches were the yellow hybrid, Dekalb XL81, except one which was a white variety, Dekalb DS456W. The fungus most frequently isolated from damaged kernels was Fusarium monilifome, with the exception of one batch where Diplodia maydis was equally prevalent. Traces of aflatoxin were detected in two samples but ochratoxin A, sterigmatocystin, zearalenone, T-2 toxin, deoxynivalenol, nivalenol, diacetoxyscirpenol and moniliformin were not detected. In the growth assays, no illness was apparent in any of the rats but scouring, vomiting and a persistent and generalized muscle tremor were observed in a number of pigs. Diets based on sound maize resulted in better (P < 0.05) growth performance of both rats and pigs than those based on mouldy maize. The apparent digestibility of the sound maize was better than each batch of mouldy yellow maize, but no better than the batch of mouldy white maize. Differences in nutritive value between the batches of maize were more closely related to the degree of fungal damage and the nature of the endosperm than to either the proximate chemical or amino acid composition of the grain. The muscle tremor observed in some pigs might have been due to undetected mycotoxins.

Background: Due to poor sanitation practices and handling of food, weak regulatory systems, lack of resources and education for food-handlers, food-borne infections happen frequently and pose a serious threat to human health in developing countries like Ethiopia. Materials and Methods: A total of 265 samples of meat and fish with berbere spice added or not were collected from Ethiopia between Jan. 2013 to Dec. 2017. The food samples were analysed using colony count for Aerobic Colony Count (ACC) and S. aureus, spread method for yeasts and moulds enumeration, Nordic Committee on Food Analysis Method No. 44 for coliforms and ES ISO 6579:2002 for Salmonella and Shigella species. The data was analysed using SPSS 20.0. Results: The unsatisfactory levels for aerobic colony count, total and thermotolerant coliforms, E. coli, moulds and yeasts counts for the total samples were 12.1% (N=32), 11.7% (N=31), 1.9% (N=5), 3.4% (N=9), 1.2% (N=3) and 1.9% (N=5), respectively. Among the categories of three ready-to-eat foods examined, beef and mutton meats, fish and poultry, had the highest and lowest microbial contamination. Microbial quality of packaged samples with berbere spice added was reasonable compared with unpackaged samples with no berbere spice added. Conclusion: About 21% of the samples had unsatisfactory microbial quality because of aerobic colony count, coliforms or fungi. However, Salmonella, Shigella spp. and S. aureus were not detected in the samples tested. Processing under hygienic conditions, adding berbere spice to foods and packaging enhances the quality of ready to eat articles.

Summary Objective: To evaluate the diagnostic specificity of a Fcε-receptor allergy screening test using serum from clinically non-atopic dogs. Material and methods: In this prospective study allergen-specific IgE levels were measured using the Fcε-receptor method (Allercept® Heska) in the serum from 15 clinically non-atopic dogs, without any history of pruritic skin diseases or recurrent ear diseases. Five crossbreeds and 10 pure breed dogs were included with approximately equal sex distribution. Their age ranged between 2 and 14 years, with a median age of 4 years. A commercially available allergy screening test was performed evaluating three allergen groups: mites (house dust mites and forage mites), moulds and pollens, as well as flea-saliva. Results: All except one dog showed positive results for at least one of the allergen groups. Fourteen dogs were positive for mites (house dust mites and forage mites), five dogs each were additionally positive for flea-saliva antigen and for pollens, respectively; only one dog was positive for moulds. Overall diagnostic specificity of the allergy screening test was 6.7% for mites, 66.6% for flea-saliva and pollens and 93.3% for moulds. Conclusions: The Fcε-receptor based allergy screening test detects a high incidence of allergen-specific IgE among clinically non-atopic dogs. The low diagnostic specificity in this study confirms results of earlier studies with serological monoclonal and polyclonal allergy testing. Clinical relevance: This Fcε-receptor based allergy screening test should not be used to establish the diagnosis of canine atopic dermatitis. Diagnosis of atopic dermatitis in dogs is based on clinical criteria and exclusion of other causes of pruritus. Positive intradermal or serological allergy testing is only a minor diagnostic criterion. Any kind of allergy testing is performed for identification of the relevant allergens in atopic dogs as a precondition for allergen specific immunotherapy.

Studies of aerobic stability, digestion and growth performance were conducted with steers to determine the mode of action of a bacterial inoculant in altering the feeding value of ensiled high-moisture ear corn (HMEC); a comparison was made with propionic acid (PA) treated HMEC (10 g kg–1 fresh matter). The inoculant consisted of Lactobacillus plantarumand Enterococcus faecium, and was applied as an aqueous solution to provide 104 colony-forming units (cfu) per gram of HMEC. Inoculation of HMEC was not as effective as PA in improving aerobic stability, as assessed by changes in populations of yeasts and moulds. However, steers fed inoculated HMEC gained 11% more weight (P < 0.05) than animals fed untreated HMEC, and 9% more (P < 0.10) than those fed PA-treated material. There were no effects of treatment on food intake or digestion of organic matter (OM). At 4 h after feeding, rumen pH and molar proportions of isovalerate were greater (P < 0.05) with inoculated than untreated or PA-treated HMEC. Treatment differences in aerobic stability of HMEC did not account for the responses in growth performance. It appears that improvements in growth rate of beef cattle fed inoculated HMEC may be related to pH and/or the production of iso-acids in the rumen. Key words: Beef cattle, high-moisture ear corn, inoculant, propionic acid, growth rate, rumen fermentation

The aim of the study was to explore the effect of vents on the speech discrimination scores and electroacoustic characteristics of body level hearing aids. The Nineteen adults who participated in the study had mild to moderate sloping sensori-neural hearing loss and were in the age range of 18-70 years. Apart from 19 hearing aids users additional 11 hearing aids were also taken for the study of electro-acoustic characteristics only. Major changes in the electroacoustic characteristics of the body worn hearing aids was observed on HFA OSPL90, FOG and EINL which reduced to 7.31%, 9.19% and 7.72% when parallel vent of 2mm were bored in the regular ear moulds respectively. Parallel/ Diagonal vents improved the Speech Discrimination score by 9%. The cumulative impact of venting can be seen on improvement of speech discrimination scores and subjective impression of clear speech.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjo.v18i1.10420 Bangladesh J Otorhinolaryngol 2012; 18(1): 59-62

Among six fungal species viz.Aspergillus spp., Fusarium spp., Penicillum spp., Rhizopus spp., Trichoderma spp. and Alternaria spp. isolated from maize ear rot samples collected from five different districts of Punjab, the incidence of A. flavus was highest (42.15%) followed by Penicillium spp. (20.75%). The maximum frequency of A. flavus (57.10%) was found in Hoshiarpur district, closely followed by Jalandhar. In all, thirty nine isolates of Aspergillus spp. (33 isolates of A. flavus and 6 isolates of A. niger) were characterized morphologically. Twenty isolates of A. flavus producing sclerotia were of L-type strains having sclerotia diameter >400 μm. Isolates of A. flavusproduced yellowish green, dark green and light green colonies and isolates of A. niger produced dark black colonies. Sterigmata in all the isolates of Aspergillus spp. were of uniseriate type. Based on colony diameter and growth rate per day all the 39 isolates of Aspergillus spp. were grouped into fast, medium and slow growing categories. Based on multivariate cluster analysis, the isolates of A. flavus were grouped into three distinct clusters each having 13, 17 and 3 isolates respectively.In the present study, Aspergillus flavus was found predominantly associated species with the maize ear rot. Further, the morphological variation observed within Aspergillus flavus and A. niger indicated the need for proper surveillance and monitoring exclusively for the prevention of moulds in maize produce in Punjab before it reaches the consumer.

The aim of this work was to investigate of biocompatibility of polymeric implants modified with silver nanoparticles (AgNPs). Middle ear prostheses (otoimplants) made of the (poly)acrylonitrile butadiene styrene (ABS) and ABS modified with silver nanoparticles were prepared through extrusion and injection moulding process. The obtained prostheses were characterized by SEM-EDX, micro-CT and mechanical tests, confirming their proper shape, good AgNPs homogenization and mechanical parameters stability. The biocompatibility of the implants was evaluated in vivo on rats, after 4, 12, 24 and 48 weeks of implantation. The tissue-healing process and cytotoxicity of the implants were evaluated on the basis of microscopic observations of the materials morphology after histochemical staining with cytochrome c oxidase (OCC) and acid phosphatase (AP), as well as via micro-tomography (ex vivo). The in vivo studies confirmed biocompatibility of the implants in the surrounding tissue environment. Both the pure ABS and nanosilver-modified ABS implants exhibited a distinct decrease in the area of granulation tissue which was replaced with the regenerating muscle tissue. Moreover, a slightly smaller area of granulation tissue was observed in the surroundings of the silver-doped prosthesis than in the case of pure ABS prosthesis. The kinetics of silver ions releasing from implants was investigated by ICP-MS spectrometry. The measurement confirmed that concentration of the silver ions increased within the implant’s immersion period. Our results showed that middle ear implant with the nanoscale modification is biocompatible and might be used in ossicular reconstruction.

Introduction: Since spices are taken as ready-to-eat products, they are not subjected to heat treatment. The use of spices contaminated with pathogens can lead to morbidity and mortality. Materials and Methods: The study was conducted on 162 samples of 25 spices collected from retail and production sites in different regions of Ethiopia between January 2010 to December 2017 to determine the concentrations of heterotrophic plate count and Staphylococcus aureus by pour plate method; for coliforms using NMKL Method No. 44; for mould and yeast enumeration using spread method and for Salmonella using ES ISO 6579. The data was analysed using SPSS version 20.0. Results: Moulds, yeasts, total coliforms, heterotrophic plate count, total coliforms, thermotolerant coliforms, E. coli and S. aureus above the acceptable limits were observed in 5 (3%), 7 (4.3%), 2 (1.2%), 20 (12.3%), 10 (6.2%), 9 (5.6%) and 19 (11.7%) samples respectively. Salmonella species was not noticed in any of the samples tested. No bacterial and fungal contaminations were observed in 11 of 25 spices. Conclusions: Few spices samples had 1.2 to 12.3% of the microbiological indicators, spoilages or pathogens exceeded the ICMFS guidelines. The use of these contaminated spices may pose risk to human health.

Lakso is one of product’s traditional that made from rice flour served with coconut milk, than mixed of fish meat. Lakso always provided available in stores, events, hotels. Stage of make it from preparation of materials, mixing, molding, make kuah lakso, and ready for eating. Lakso is selling at a price of Rp.3.000 sd. Rp. 5.000 per portion and sell for drying lakso at Rp. 80,000 /kg. Objectives of IbM, to improve quality and production capacity, so be able to improve at partner business management. From survey in 5 month ago, production in lakso has not been met and can not be enough for 75-80% wet’s lakso and 1% for dry’s lakso per month. Issues on partners, there are the production equipment, moulding of lakso and drying (heating from Sun). Other issues concerning the management of lakso provision, or sales. The achievements produced, the cooperation of UKM’s Pak Umar with Polmanbabel, implementation for Polmanbabel’s Tri Dharma that supply machine’s drying for capacity at 4 - 5 kg (rotary rak’s tray system, and aluminum material), research and Community Service by Lecturers and students. The results of activities are understanding, operation and maintenance of production in machine’s provided. the achievement of percentage for drying lakso until 80% and lakso able to survive up to 3 months. Lakso’s dry is able to eat by steaming process.

Numerous plant species, which are main components of various mixtures used in animal nutrition, can be contaminated by mycotoxins created by large number of pathogenic and toxigenic fungi (moulds). From the aspect of animal nutrition, most important are cereals and oil crops (in form of meals) because they constitute the highest share in preparation of animal food, and on the other hand, they are especially sensitive to toxigenic fungi and can contain mycotoxins above maximum allowed quantity. Contamination of plants or certain plant parts, of which the grain is of major importance, occurs in the field or during storage, as consequence of growth of toxigenic fungi. Numerous factors favour and contribute to growth of moulds, such as environment conditions, stress, sensitivity of genotype to fungi and insects, moisture content, etc. Species of the Fusarium, Aspergillus and Penicillium genera, from the mycotoxicological aspect, are the most important pathogens isolated in livestock feed in Serbia. However, the most studied plant pathogenic fungi are Fusarium species, and there are several reasons for this. Firstly, each year, in higher or lower percentage, they cause diseases on maize, wheat, barley and other cereal species, which are major component of animal and human nutriiton. Secondly, they have cause in certain years mass incidence of mycotoxicosis in animals, esepcially in pigs. F. graminearum is the most important pathogenic species for wheat, barley and maize, F. poae for wheat and barley, whereas species from the section Liseola (F. verticillioides, F. subglutinans and F. proliferatum) are more significant for maize and sorghum. In addition to above mentioned, the presence of other Fusarium species was determined, although in small percentage, but very toxigenic and cannot be neglected as potential animal food contaminants. Considering the prevelance of certain toxigenic species in Serbia, three groups of mycotixins produced by Fusarium fungi species can be considered as the most important from the aspect of animal health. Within the group of trichothecenes, deoxynivalenol (DON) is associated with situations when pigs refuse to eat, whereas toxin T-2 can cause reproduction disorders in sows. Other group includes zearalenone (ZON) and its derivatives which cause estrogenism. Third group includes fumonisins which are associated with specific syndroms of toxicity such as equine leukoencephalomalacia (ELEM) and porcine pulmonary oedema (PPE). Growth and presence of Fusarium species in grains and animal food, becuase of the production of mycotoxins, has been current topic in many researches world wide.

An insalubrious diet regime and lack of physical exercise are the root causes for the causation of metabolic diseases. Thus, need for food choices that are nutritious, rich in antioxidants and are ready to eat has grown to a great extent. Accordingly, the present study was planned to develop an antioxidant rich bar with puffed wheat, Chia seed, mango (Leather+peel powder), apple (whole fruit Leather), guava (whole fruit Leather), peanut and honey in different proportions using standard bar moulds. Therefore, three types of bars were prepared, namely mango Chia seed bar, apple Chia seed bar and guava Chia seed bar. Formulated mango Chiaseed bar of 55g showed the highest overall acceptability with 2g mango peel powder and 8g mango leather. Apple Chiaseed bar and guava Chia seed bar were found acceptable on incorporation of 5g leather of apple and guava respectively. The fatty acid profile of the selected bars showed significant increase (p<0.01) in PUFA content. A significant increase (p<0.01) was found in vitamin C and β-carotene content, both of which act as a good natural antioxidants. The bioactive component and antioxidants such as total phenols, flavonoids, tannins showing DPPH, FRAP, ABTS and RPA activity elevated to significant (p<0.01) levels with the highest content in mango chia seed bar. The bar prepared was acceptable and nutrient-dense, therefore can be consumed by the general population to prevent and cure lifestyle diseases by increasing antioxidant content in their diet.

Peanuts, including shelled peanuts, unshelled peanuts and roasted peanuts which are ready to eat foods, recently appeared as possible sources of infection with foodborne bacteria besides the high levels of aflatoxins. Peanuts which are taken from harvest, storage and snack shops were evaluated for the presence of Listeria spp. and Salmonella spp; also total aerobic mesophilic bacteria, coliforms, E.coli. and yeasts and moulds, were enumerated.A total of 92 samples were found to be clean in terms of Salmonella and E-coli O157: H7, but only in 1 of the samples of shelled peanut taken from harvest found Listeria spp. Shelled peanut samples collected from harvest and storage were found to be contaminated in terms of microorganisms, however, microbiological contamination was found to be less in the samples obtained when the shells of the same specimens were removed.In addition, in terms of microorganisms it was observed that the shell free samples taken from storage were dirtier than the samples which was being removed the shell taken from storage. Shell-free (unpackaged) roasted peanuts samples purchased from the snack shops was found clean in terms of the pathogens. When salt and heat treatment applied over 4%, existing microorganisms can be damaged. Besides, the water activity value of the product can reduce the level of that microorganisms growth. Therefore, processed peanuts are safer in the environment in which they are stored, unless the relative humidity increase and is not subject to cross-contamination.

People in Si Samran subdistrict, Porncharoen district, Bueng Kan province have little awareness and perception of risk and severity of cholangiocarcinoma (CCA). They still eat raw fish or other menu cooked with raw fish. Therefore, CCA prevention campaign should be done to enhance awareness and perception of this disease in order to reduce raw fish consuming behaviours. This study aimed to evaluate the effect of health education to populations at risk of CCA in Si Samran subdistrict by comparing health perception and preventive health behaviours before and after receiving health education. This study recruited 76 participants by purposive sampling technique to attend the health education for stop eating raw fish workshop. The workshop was applied based on the theory of Health Belief Model (HBM) and the activities comprised lecture of 1) signs and symptoms of CCA, 2) risk factors of CCA, 3) benefits of CCA prevention and group discussion about CCA preventive behaviours and barriers of behaviour modification. Data were collected with the questionnaire before and 3 months after the workshop. The questionnaire was adopted from Sangprach’s questionnaire which had been already tested for reliability (overall Cronbach’s alpha coefficient = 0.89). Descriptive statistics were used to describe personal demographic data, level of health perception regarding CCA and level of CCA preventive behaviours. Inferential statistics (paired samples t-test) were used to compare the level of health perception regarding CCA and level of CCA preventive behaviours before and after attending the workshop. The results showed that a majority of 76 participants were female (68.4%), age group 40-50 years old (51.3%), married (89.5%), finished primary school (76.3%), employed in agriculture (61.8%), and had income more than 10,000 bath/month (40.8%). Participants had a higher level of 3 parts of health perception regarding CCA after the workshop, including perceived susceptibility, perceived severity and perceived barriers but demonstrated a lower level of many CCA preventive behaviours except the behaviour “You do not eat mouldy food” level that was higher after attending the workshop. The recommendation for CCA preventive behaviour improvement is that health education should be focused on the elimination of obstacles or barriers in the community which obstructed the behaviour modification.

Fusarium verticillioides is the primary fungus that causes Fusarium ear rot (FER) of maize. Infection results in reduced grain yield and quality due to moulding and the contamination of grain with toxic compounds namely fumonisins. Resistance to fungal infection and fumonisin accumulation in maize and maize grain is governed at different levels. In this study, the structural, physico-chemical and genetic basis of resistance to F. verticillioides was investigated in two, replicated field trials at Potchefstroom and Vaalharts in South Africa. Phenotypic data (silk length, husk coverage, pericarp thickness hundred-kernel mass and kernel hardness), physico-chemical data (kernel pH, moisture content, total nitrogen and carbon as well as phenolic acid content) and the expression of pathogenesis-related-5 gene (PR5) and peroxidase gene expression was evaluated in 15 commercial cultivars under artificially inoculated and natural infection conditions. The data were correlated to FER severity, fumonisin accumulation and fungal DNA (referred to as infection indicators). Disease development and fumonisin contamination in Vaalharts was significantly more than in Potchefstroom. There were no significant correlations (r=≥0.60) between phenotypic characteristics and infection indicators. Kernel pH was the most important trait associated with disease development and was negatively correlated (between r=-0.58 and r=-0.75) to all infection indicators. PR5 gene expression had significant positive correlations (r=0.69 and r=0.72) with the fungal and fumonisin levels, respectively. This study presents of the first data demonstrating the use of gene expression in identifying FER/fumonisin-resistant plant material and could aid breeders and growers in selecting resistant material more effectively.

Stenocarpella maydis is one of the most prevalent ear and stalk rot pathogens of maize globally, causing reductions of grain quality and yield. Various molecular methods, including polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based techniques and nucleotide microarrays, have been developed for the identification of S. maydis infestation in maize grain. In addition to diplodiatoxin, new metabolites, namely dipmatol, diplonine and chaetoglobosins K and L, have been isolated from S. maydis infected cultures. S. maydis infected maize is also associated with intoxication in ruminants. Diplodiosis, a nervous disorder of cattle and sheep, results from ingestion of mouldy ears, kernels and maize stubble infected by S. maydis. Although this disease is most common in southern Africa, it has also been reported in Australia, Argentina and Brazil. Diplodiosis is characterised by reluctance of the animals to move, a wide-based stance, incoordination, paralysis and death. Myelin degeneration (status spongiosis) is the only histopathological change observed in affected animals, especially in cases of perinatal mortality. To date, none of the purified S. maydis metabolites has been administered to ruminants in order to reproduce diplodiosis. However, recent studies have focused on investigating the toxicity of the metabolites on cell cultures. Cytotoxicity studies where cultured cells were exposed to the S. maydis metabolites indicated that diplodiatoxin and dipmatol affected the activity of the mitochondrial succinate dehydrogenase enzyme and the overall viability of the cells. More detailed in vitro toxicity studies are still required to elucidate how the currently available S. maydis metabolites influence parameters such as the mechanism of cell death. Development of analytical test methods to quantify and establish the presence and distribution of these mycotoxins in infected maize commodities also needs investigation. It is also critical that the role of S. maydis stalk rot be evaluated as a potential source and cause of diplodiosis.

We evaluated the biological, mechanical, and surface properties of polymer nanocomposites manufactured via plastics processing, extrusion, and injection moulding. The aim of this study was to identify the interaction of fibroblasts and osteoblasts with materials intended for middle ear implants. We examined if silver nanoparticles (AgNPs) may change the mechanical parameters of the polymer nanocomposites. In our study, the biostable polymer of thermoplastic acrylonitrile-butadiene-styrene (ABS) copolymer was used. Silver nanoparticles were applied as a modifier. We discuss surface parameters of the materials, including wettability and roughness, and evaluated the microstructure. The mechanical parameters, such as the Young’s modulus and tensile strength, were measured. Cytotoxicity tests were conducted on two cell lines: Hs680.Tr human fibroblasts and Saos-2 human osteoblasts. Cell viability, proliferation, and morphology in direct contact with nanocomposites were tested. Based on the results, the incorporated modifier was found to affect neither the number of osteoblasts nor the fibroblast cells. However, the addition of AgNPs had a relatively small effect on the cytotoxicity of the materials. A slight increase in the cytotoxicity of the test materials was observed with respect to the control, with the cytotoxicity of the materials tending to decrease after seven days for osteoblast cells, whereas it remained steady for fibroblasts. Based on optical microscope observation, the shape and morphology of the adhered cells were evaluated. After seven days of culture, fibroblasts and osteoblasts were properly shaped and evenly settled on the surface of both the pure polymer and the silver nanoparticle-modified composite. Water droplet tests demonstrated increased hydrophilicity when adding the AgNPs to ABS matrices, whereas roughness tests did not show changes in the surface topography of the investigated samples. The 0.5% by weight incorporation of AgNPs into ABS matrices did not influence the mechanical properties.

A total of 130 samples of ready-to- eat beef products comprised luncheon, fried sausage, fried burger, grilled kofta and fried liver (26 each) were randomly purchased embedded in their sandwiches ( with exception of luncheon's samples ) from different supermarkets and restaurants having various sanitation levels at Mansoura city, Egypt –were analysed mycologically. Laboratory findings exhibited presence of moulds contaminants in 23 (88.5 %) beef luncheon, 19 (73.1 %) every of fried beef sausage and fried beef burger, 18 (69.2 %) of grilled beef kofta plus 25 (96.2 %) fried beef liver samples. Whereas, the yeasts were detected in 25 (96.2%) luncheon, 21 (80.7%) sausage, 23 (88.5 %) burger, 22 (84.6%) kofta and 16 (61.5%) liver of the same samples. Enumeration plates of dichloran rose bengal chloramphenicol ( DRBC ) agar revealed the fungal populations in examined cooked beef products by maximum & mean ± standard error levels every of moulds and yeasts in 26 tissue samples of each product as 1.3×103 & 1.7 × 102 ± 0.48 × 102 and 6.5×103 & 1.6 ×103 ± 0.34 ×103 cfu / g in beef luncheon, 1.1×103 &1.6×102 ± 0.46×102 and 1.4×104 & 3 ×103 ± 0.67 × 103 cfu / g in fried beef sausage, 5×102 &1.1 × 102 ± 0.22 × 102 and 7.8 × 103 & 2.02 × 103 ± 0.48 × 103 cfu / g in fried beef burger, 1.2 × 103 & 2.4 × 102 ± 0.65 × 102 and 8.2 ×103 & 2.15 × 103 ± 0.51×103 cfu / g in grilled beef kofta plus 9.5 × 102 & 2.3 × 102 ± 0.48 × 102 and 6 × 103 & 8.92 × 102 ± 3.09 ×102 cfu / g in fried liver, respectively. Data revealed the isolation of a sum of 472 mould strains from a whole 130 tissue samples of cooked beef products ( 26 each of kind ) ; 88 (18.64 %) strains of them recovered from luncheon, 85 (18 % ) from fried sausage, 57 (12.08 %) from fried burger, 124 (26.27%) from grilled kofta, and 118 (25%) from fried liver samples. Generic level identification of the total mould strains categorized them as 170 (36.02 %) Aspergillus strains, 103 (21.82 %) Cladosporium, 76 (16.1%) Penicillium, 40 (8.47 %) Alternaria alternata and 22 (4.66 %) Fusarium strains which obtained from all kinds of tested beef products, in addition to 20 (4.24 %) Acremonium strictum strains (18 from fried sausage and 2 from grilled kofta), 16 (3.39 %) Geotrichum candidum (10 from fried sausage, 4 from fried burger and 2 from fried liver), 5 (1.06 %) Mucor (2 from luncheon and 3 from grilled kofta ), 4 ( 0.85 % ) Rhizopus ( 1 from luncheon, 2 from grilled kofta and 1 from fried liver ), 3 ( 0.64 %) Rhizomucor ( from grilled kofta samples), 2 (0.42%) each of Curvularia lunata (from grilled kofta and fried liver ) and Trichothecium roseum ( from fried burger ), 1 ( 0.21 % ) each of Bipolaris ( from fried liver ), Cheatomium ( from fried burger ), Drechslera ( from one grilled kofta ), Endomyces fibuliger ( from fried burger ), Ulocladium botrytis ( from grilled kofta ), besides 4 (0.85%) unidentified mould strains ( 3 from luncheon and 1 from fried liver samples ). Data showed the identified groups of total obtained 170 Aspergillus strains as 73 (42.94 %) of them were belonged to Aspergillus niger which were distributed in all types of tested samples and represented by 5 ( 6.85 % ) strains in luncheon, 3 ( 4.11 % ) in fried sausage, 10 (13.69 % ) in fried burger, 30 (41.09 %) in grilled kofta and 25 (34.25 %) in liver samples; followed by 23 (13.52 %) strains of Aspergillus fumigatus group consisted of 2 ( 8.69 %) strains recovered from luncheon, 10 ( 43.48 % ) from every of fried sausage and grilled kofta, besides 1 ( 4.35 % ) from fried burger ; then 22 (12.94 % ) strains of Aspergillus flavus group, 3 ( 13.64 %) of them isolated from luncheon, 4 (18.18 %) from grilled kofta and 15 ( 68.18 %) strains from fried liver samples ; besides 17 (10 %) isolates of Aspergillus ochraceus group, categorized as 6 ( 35.29 %) strains determined in each of luncheon & grilled kofta, 1 ( 5.88 %) in fried burger and 4 (23.53 %) in liver ; 10 (5.88 %) strains of Aspergillus terreus group were found in grilled kofta, exclusively ; 9 (5.29 %) isolates of Eurotium chevalieri, composed of 1 (11.11%) strains from every of luncheon & fried sausage, 3 ( 33.33 %) from grilled kofta, and 4 (44.44 %) strains from fried liver samples ; 6 ( 3.52 % ) strains of Aspergillus parasiticus, distributed as 1 (16.67 % ) of them recovered from each of fried sausage & fried liver and 2 ( 33.33% ) from every of fried burger & grilled kofta samples ; 5 (2.94%) isolates of Aspergillus candidus, 3 (60 %) of them were found in grilled kofta and 2 (40 %) in fried liver ; 4 ( 2.35 % ) strains of Eurotium amstelodami, consisted of 1 ( 25 % ) strain recovered from every of luncheon & grilled kofta and 2 ( 50 % ) from fried sausage samples ; in addition to a sole strain of Aspergillus ustus ( 0.58 % ) was found in a grilled kofta sample..

Interspecies somatic cell nuclear transfer (iSCNT) could be a useful method for embryo research of wildlife animals or endangered species. Because it is hard to obtain the oocytes or embryos of wildlife animals, its embryo research is not progressing well. Therefore, iSCNT is one of the alternative ways for wildlife animal embryo research and conservation of their genetic source. Until now, iSCNT has been applied to conservation of wildlife animals including guar, mouflon, banteng and African wildcat. The domestic pig oocytes have been used for iSCNT of other species such as tiger, sheep and dog and they successfully developed to the blastocyst stage. According to this concept, we performed wild-captured Korean raccoon (Nyctereutes procyonoides koreensis) iSCNT using porcine oocytes matured in vitro. Raccoon fibroblasts from ear skin samples of male raccoon were used as donor cells in 3 to 5 passages. The donor cells were cultured in DMEM supplemented with 15% FBS. Enucleated porcine oocytes were fused with raccoon fibroblasts by electrofusion. The iSCNT embryos were cultured in PZM-3 at 39°C for 7 days in an atmosphere of 5% CO2 and 5% O2. A total of 158 iSCNT embryos were cultured. More than 77% of the raccoon somatic cells successfully fused with the porcine oocytes; 68.5% of the iSCNT raccoon embryos developed to the 2- to 8-cell stage at Day 2 (1-cell: 9.7%, 2-cell: 14.4%, 4-cell: 34.1%, 6-cell: 12.7%, 8-cell: 7.3%, fragmented: 21.8%). This is similar to porcine SCNT results that 62.5% of the SCNT porcine embryos developed (1-cell: 8.0%, 2-cell: 4.2%, 4-cell: 23.6%, 6-cell: 13.6%, 8-cell: 23.8%, fragmented: 26.8%). But no embryos were further developed to blastocyst stage at Day 7 in iSCNT. In fragmentation evaluation in iSCNT embryos using by Hoechst stain at Day 2, two-cell stage embryos and four-cell stage embryos showed the normal numbers of nucleus. However, 6-cell stage embryos showed 4 to 5 nuclei and 8-cell stage embryos also showed 5 to 6 nuclei. Almost iSCNT embryos showed the developmental block at 4-cell stage embryos. This result was probably caused by an incomplete reprogrammed raccoon cell after iSCNT. Therefore, we treated with trichostatin A (TSA), a histone deacetylase inhibitor that has been used to enhance nuclear reprogramming following SCNT. Ninety-seven iSCNT raccoon-pig embryos were treated with 5 nM TSA during 15 h before being cultured in PZM-3. The TSA-treated iSCNT embryos showed similar developmental status to non-treated embryos (1-cell: 13.5%, 2-cell: 12.5%, 4-cell: 35.0%, 6-cell: 10.1%, 8-cell: 6.3%, fragmented: 22.5%). No embryos were further developed to blastocyst stage at day 7. Our results showed that 4-cell stage embryos of raccoon-porcine iSCNT embryos may be produced by iSCNT methods, but they were unable to support complete reprogramming of raccoon-porcine iSCNT embryos. This work was supported by a grant from the Next-Generation BioGreen 21 Program (No. 007133022011), Rural Development Administration, Republic of Korea.

Abstract Ear moulding in neonates has been shown to successfully correct congenital auricular anomalies. There are several available moulding techniques. However, commercially available moulding devices (e.g., EarWell and Ear Buddy) can be costly, and their alternatives have limited customizability. We present a technique using cost-effective and customizable materials for moulding common anomalies (Stahl’s ear, constricted ear, and prominent ear). DuoDERM Extra-thin, Steri-strips, and 3M Kind Removal Silicone tape are used to splint the ear in a preferred position. The DuoDERM is rolled into a putty, placed in the ear, and secured with tapes. This treatment is initiated in the clinic, with weekly splint changes carried out at home by caregivers, and intermittent follow-up appointments. DuoDERM moulding is a safe, inexpensive, highly customizable, and simple way to correct auricular deformities. Primary physicians/paediatricians should embed moulding into their practice, starting treatment as early as possible in the neonatal period.

Abstract Background Microbial contamination of edible low moisture food poses a significant public health risk for human. In this study, the microbial quality of sweet dehulled sesame seed croquettes, salted dehulled sesame seed and the raw sesame seed, sold under ambient conditions were examined. The samples were collected in the cities of Burkina Faso. The first type is sweet dehulled sesame seed croquettes (n1 = 25); the second type is salted dehulled sesame seed (n2 = 25) and the third type is raw sesame seed (n3 = 25). Assessment of the microbial quality was based on the total aerobic mesophilic bacteria, the thermotolerant coliforms, the yeasts and moulds, the E. coli, and the Salmonella spp. using ISO methods. Results The results showed the presence of microorganisms varying from <1.0 to 1.72 × 105 CFU g− 1 for thermotolerant coliforms, from <1.0 to 6,12 × 106 CFU g− 1 for the total mesophilic aerobic flora and from <1.0 to 8.10 × 105 CFU g− 1 for yeasts and moulds. The higher contaminations rates were mostly observed in raw sesame seed samples. No E coli or Salmonella pathogens were detected. Based on international standards of dehydrated food, 50.67% of the ready to eat sesame are satisficing while 17.33% are acceptable and 32% are not satisficing. Conclusion Attention should be emphasized on the processing practices, especially in crowded places where RTE sesames seeds are mostly sold. The high numbers of all microbial groups in these sesame seed samples suggested that the production of RTE sesame seed should be improved by better hygiene. This study highlights also that RTE sesame seed might harbor a wide range of microorganisms when processes are weak of hygiene.

Abstract Black aspergilli of the section Nigri are rarely differentiated at the species level when originating from human specimens. We wondered whether some cryptic species could be more frequently observed in some clinical entities. We analyzed the 198 black isolates consecutively collected from the external ear canal (EEC; n = 66), respiratory specimens (n = 99), and environment (n = 33). DNA was extracted and species identification was performed upon the partial calmodulin gene. We identified by decreasing frequency: Aspergillus welwitschiae (35.3%), Aspergillus tubingensis (34.3%), Aspergillus niger (17.2%), Aspergillus luchuensis (4%), Aspergillus aff. welwitschiae (3%), Aspergillus neoniger (2%), Aspergillus piperis (1.5%), Aspergillus japonicus (1.0%), Aspergillus vadensis (0.5%), and two Aspergillus tubingensis clade (1%). The distribution of the three main cryptic species was different between EEC and respiratory samples (P &lt; 0.001) but not different between respiratory and environment samples (P = 0.264). Aspergillus welwitschiae was more often associated with EEC (54.5%), whereas A. tubingensis and A. niger were predominant in respiratory samples (39.4 and 26.3%, respectively). Among the 99 respiratory isolates, only 10 were deemed responsible for probable invasive aspergillosis, of which six were mixed with other pathogenic moulds. This study shows the interest to pursue the identification of clinical isolates in the Aspergillus section Nigri to unravel some specific associations with clinical entities. The association of A. welwitschiae with otomycosis suggests a better fitness to infect/colonize the ear canal. Also, members of the Aspergillus section Nigri alone are rarely responsible for invasive aspergillosis. Lay summary We analyzed 198 black aspergilli isolates collected from different samples type to determine their species identification. We observe a different distribution of species between ear canal and respiratory samples (P &lt; 0.001), suggesting a better fitness of A. welwitschiae to infect the ear canal.

Background and Objective: Garri is a powdery carbohydrate-based food material of cassava root tubers (Manihot esculenta Crantz) consumed predominantly in West African countries. It can be processed with palm oil rich in carotenoid (Light-yellow) or without palm oil (Creamy-white). In Nigeria, garri is widely acceptable and consumed by both the poor, the middle men or average Nigerian, and also the rich because it serves as a major source of carbohydrate. The study aimed at detecting fungal strains that produce mycotoxins in garri sourced from Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. Materials and Methods: A total number of fifty freshly prepared and market displayed-garri samples were collected and processed using standard mycological techniques and Polymerase Chain Reaction from the 23 villages that constitute the LGA. Results: Results showed that the moulds isolated in yellow garri samples in this study were; Aspergillus spp 9(37.50%),Cladosporium spp 5(20.83%), Fusarium spp 4(16.67%), Penicillus spp 3(12.50%), Rhizopus spp 2(8.30%) and Mucor spp 1(4.17%), while those isolated in the white garri samples were; Aspergillus spp 6(25%), Penicillium spp 8(33.3%), Cladosporium spp 4(16.7%), Rhizopus spp 2(8.3%), Mucor spp 1(4.1%), Alternaria spp 2(8.3%) and Fusarium spp 1(4.1%) with predominance of Penicillium and Asperigellus species. Twenty samples subjected to molecular analysis to determine the Internal Transcribed Spacer region (ITS) and characterization of the fungal strains were all positive (100%). Conclusion: Fungal contamination on garri mostly results from unhealthy post-processing activity basically from poor packaging and storage. Mycotoxins from fungal strains have serious health implications on humans therefore it is paramount that proper packaging and storage of this product is publicized to reduce its mycological contamination.

Introduction In October of 2004, La Presse asked its Quebecois reading audience a very simple question: “What is your favourite cookbook and why?” As Marie Marquis reports in her essay “The Cookbooks Quebecers Prefer: More Than Just Recipes,” “two weeks later, 363 e-mail responses had been received” (214). From the answers, it was clear that despite the increase in television cooking shows, Internet cooking sites, and YouTube how-to videos, cookbooks were not only still being used, but that people had strong allegiances to their favourite ones. Marquis’s essay provides concrete evidence that cookbooks are not meaningless objects. Rather, her use of relevant quotations from the survey proves that they are associated with strong memories and have been used to create bonds between individuals and across generations. Moreover, these quotations reveal that individuals use cookbooks to construct personal narratives that they share with others. In her philosophical analysis of foodmaking as a thoughtful practice, Lisa Heldke helps move the discussion of cooking and, consequently of cookbooks, forward by explaining that the age-old dichotomy between theory and practice merges in food preparation (206). Foodmaking, she explains through her example of kneading bread, requires both a theoretical understanding of what makes bread rise and a practical knowledge of the skill required to achieve the desired results. Much as Susan Leonardi argues that recipes need “a recommendation, a context, a point, a reason-to-be” (340), Heldke advocates in “Recipes for Theory Making” that recipes offer us ideas that we need to either accept or refuse. These ideas include, but are not limited to, what makes a good meal, what it means to eat healthy, what it means to be Italian or vegan. Cookbooks can take many forms. As the cover art from academic documents on the nature, role, and value of cooking and cookbooks clearly demonstrates, a “cookbook” may be an ornate box filled with recipe cards (Floyd and Forster) or may be a bunch of random pieces of paper organised by dividers and held together by a piece of elastic (Tye). The Internet has created many new options for recipe collecting and sharing. Websites such as Allrecipes.com and Cooks.com are open access forums where people can easily upload, download, and bookmark favourite foods. Yet, Laura Shapiro argues in Something from the Oven that the mere presence of a cookbook in one’s home does not mean it is actually used. While “popular cookbooks tell us a great deal about the culinary climate of a given period [...] what they can’t convey is a sense of the day-to-day cookery as it [is] genuinely experienced in the kitchens of real life” (xxi). The same conclusion can be applied to recipe websites. Personalised and family cookbooks are much different and much more telling documents than either unpersonalised printed books or Internet options. Family cookbooks can also take any shape or form but I define them as compilations that have been created by a single person or a small group of individuals as she/he/they evolve over time. They can be handwritten or typed and inserted into either an existing cookbook, scrapbooked, or bound in some other way. The Internet may also help here as bookmaking sites such as Blurb.com allow people to make, and even sell, their own printed books. These can be personalised with pictures and scrapbook-like embellishments. The recipes in these personal collections are influenced by contact with other people as well as printed and online publications. Also impacting these works are individual realities such as gender, race, class, and work. Unfortunately, these documents have not been the focus of much academic attention as food scholars generally analyse the texts within them rather than their practical and actual use. In order to properly understand the value and role of personal and family cookbooks in our daily lives, we must move away from generalisations to specific case studies. Only by looking at people in relationship with them, who are actually using and compiling their own recipe collections or opting instead to turn to either printed books or their computers, can we see the importance and value of family cookbooks. In order to address this methodological problem, this essay analyses a number of cookbook-related experiences that I have witnessed and/or been a part of in my own home. By moving away from the theoretical and focusing on the practical, I aim to advance Heldke’s argument that recipe reading, like foodmaking, is a thoughtful practice with important lessons. Learning to Cook and Learning to Live: What Cookbooks Teach Us Once upon a time, a mother and her two, beautiful daughters decided to make chocolate chip cookies. They took out all the bowls and utensils and ingredients they needed. The mother then plopped the two girls down among all of the paraphernalia on the counter. First, they beat the butter using their super cool Kitchen Aid mixer. Then they beat in the sugar. Carefully, they cracked and beat in the eggs. Then they dumped in the flour. They dumped in the baking powder. They dumped in the vanilla. And they dumped in the chocolate chips. Together, they rolled the cookies, placed them on a baking sheet, pat them down with a fork, and placed them in a hot oven. The house smelled amazing! The mother and her daughters were looking forward to eating the cookies when, all of a sudden, a great big dog showed up at the door. The mother ran outside to shoo the dog home yelling, “Go home, now! Go away!” By the time she got back, the cookies had started to burn and the house stank! The mother and her two daughters took all the cookie-making stuff back out. They threw out the ruined cookies. And they restarted. They beat the butter using their super cool Kitchen Aid mixer. Then they beat in the sugar. Carefully, they cracked and beat in the eggs. Then they dumped in the flour. They dumped in the baking powder. They dumped in the vanilla. And they dumped in the chocolate chips. Together, they rolled the cookies, placed them on a baking sheet, pat them down with a fork, and placed them in a hot oven. This story that my oldest daughter and I invented together goes on to have the cookies ruined by a chatty neighbour before finally finding fruition in a batch of successfully baked cookies. This is a story that we tell together as we get her ready for bed. One person is always the narrator who lists the steps while the other makes the sound effects of the beating mixer and the dumping ingredients. Together, we act out the story by rolling the cookies, patting them, and waving our hands in front of our faces when the burnt cookies have stunk up the house. While she takes great pleasure in its narrative, I take greater pleasure in the fact that, at three years of age, she has a rudimentary understanding of how a basic recipe works. In fact, only a few months ago I observed this mixture of knowledge and skill merge when I had to leave her on the counter while I cleaned up a mess on the floor. By the time I got back to her, she had finished mixing the dry ingredients in with the wet ones. I watched her from across the kitchen as she turned off the Kitchen Aid mixer, slowly spooned the flour mixture into the bowl, and turned the machine back on. She watched the batter mix until the flour had been absorbed and then repeated the process. While I am very thankful that she did not try to add the vanilla or the chocolate chips, this experience essentially proves that one can learn through simple observation and repetition. It is true that she did not have a cookbook in front of her, that she did not know the precise measurements of the ingredients being put into the bowl, and that at her age she would not have been able to make this recipe without my help. However, this examples proves Heldke’s argument that foodmaking is a thoughtful process as it is as much about instinct as it is about following a recipe. Once she is able to read, my daughter will be able to use the instincts that she has developed in her illiterate years to help her better understand written recipes. What is also important to note about this scenario is that I did have a recipe and that I was essentially the one in charge. My culinary instincts are good. I have been baking and cooking since I was a child and it is very much a part of my life. We rarely buy cookies or cakes from the store because we make them from scratch. Yet, I am a working mother who does not spend her days in the kitchen. Thus, my instincts need prompting and guidance from written instructions. Significantly, the handwritten recipe I was using that day comes from the personal cookbook that has been evolving since I left home. In their recent works Eat My Words and Baking as Biography, Janet Theophano and Diane Tye analyse homemade, hand-crafted, and personal cookbooks to show that these texts are the means through which we can understand individuals at a given time and in a given place. Theophano, for example, analyses old cookbooks to understand the impact of social networking in identity making. By looking at the types of recipes and number of people who have written themselves into these women’s books, she shows that cookbook creation has always been a social activity that reveals personal and social identity. In a slightly different way, Tye uses her own mother’s recipes to better understand a person she can no longer talk to. Through recipes, she is able to recreate her deceased mother’s life and thus connect with her on a personal and emotional level. Although academics have traditionally ignored cookbooks as being mundane and unprofessional, the work of these recent critics illustrates the extent to which cookbooks provide an important way of understanding society and people’s places within it. While this essay cannot begin to analyse the large content of my cookbook, this one scenario echoes these recent scholarly claims that personal cookbooks are a significant addition to the academic world and must be read thoughtfully, as Heldke argues, for both the recipes’s theory and for the practical applications and stories embedded within them. In this particular example, Karena and I were making a chocolate a chip cake—a recipe that has been passed down from my Oma. It is a complicated recipe because it requires a weight scale rather than measuring cups and because instructions such as “add enough milk to make a soft dough” are far from precise. The recipe is not just a meaningless entry I found in a random book or on a random website but rather a multilayered narrative and an expression of my personal heritage. As Theophano and Tye have argued, recipes are a way to connect with family, friends, and specific groups of people either still living or long gone. Recipes are a way to create and relive memories. While I am lucky that my Oma is still very much alive, I imagine that I will someday use this recipe as a way to reconnect with her. When I serve this cake to my family members, we will surely be reminded of her. We will wonder where this recipe came from, how it is different from other chocolate chip cake recipes, and where she learned to make it. In fact, the recipe already varies considerably between homes. My Oma makes hers in a round pan, my mother in a loaf pan, and I in cupcake moulds. Each person has a different reason for her choice of presentation that is intrinsic to her reality and communicates a specific part of her identity. Thus by sharing this recipe with my daughter, I am not only ensuring that my memories are being passed on but I am also programming into her characteristics and values such as critical thinking, the worthiness of homemade food, and the importance of family time. Karena does not yet have her own cookbook but her preferences mean that some of the recipes in my collection are made more often than others. My cookbook continues to change and grow as I am currently prioritising foods I know my kids will eat. I am also shopping and surfing for children’s recipe books and websites in order to find kid-friendly meals we can make together. In her analysis of children and adolescent cookbooks published between the 1910s and 1950s, Sherrie Inness demonstrates that cookbooks have not only taught children how to cook, but also how to act. Through the titles and instructions (generally aimed at girls), the recipe choices (fluffy deserts for girls and meat dishes for boys), and the illustrations (of girls cooking and boys eating), these cookbooks have been a medium through which society has taught its youth about their future, gendered roles. Much research by critics such as Laura Shapiro, Sonia Cancian, and Inness, to name but a few, has documented this gendered division of labour in the home. However, the literature does not always reflect reality. As this next example demonstrates, men do cook and they also influence family cookbook creation. A while back, my husband spent quite a bit of time browsing through the World Wide Web to find a good recipe for a venison marinade. As an avid “barbecuer,” he has tried and tested a number of marinades and rubs over the years. Thus he knew what he was looking for in a good recipe. He found one, made it, and it was a hit! Just recently, he tried to find that recipe again. Rather than this being a simple process, after all he knew exactly which recipe he was looking for, it took quite a bit of searching before he found it. This time, he was sure to write it down to avoid having to repeat the frustrating experience. Ironically, when I went to put the written recipe into my personal cookbook, I found that he had, in fact, already copied it out. These two handwritten copies of the same recipe are but one place where my husband “speaks out” from, and claims a place within, what I had always considered “my” cookbook. His taste preferences and preferred cooking style is very different from my own—I would never have considered a venison marinade worth finding never mind copying out. By reading his and my recipes together, one can see an alternative to assumed gender roles in our kitchen. This cookbook proves a practice opposite from the conclusion that women cook to serve men which Inness and others have theorised from the cookbooks they have analysed and forces food and gender critics to reconsider stereotypical dichotomies. Another important example is a recipe that has not actually been written down and inserted into my cookbook but it is one my husband and I both take turns making. Years ago, we had found an excellent bacon-cheese dip online that we never managed to find again. Since then, we have been forced to adlib the recipe and it has, in my opinion, never been as good. Both these Internet-recipe examples illustrate the negative drawbacks to using the Internet to find, and store, recipes. Unfortunately, the Internet is not a book. It changes. Links are sometimes broken. Searches do not always yield the same results. Even with recipe-storing sites such as Allrecipes.com and Cooks.com, one must take the time to impute the information and there is no guarantee that the technology will work. While authors such as Anderson and Wagner bemoan that traditional cookbooks only give one version of most recipes, there are so many recipes online that it is sometimes overwhelming and difficult to make a choice. An amateur cook may find comfort in the illustrations and specific instruction, yet one still needs to either have an instinct for what makes a good recipe or needs to be willing to spend time trying them out. Of course the same can be said of regular cookbooks. Having printed texts in one’s home requires the patience to go through them and still requires a sense of suitability and manageability. In both cases, neither an abundance nor a lack of choice can guarantee results. It is true that both the Internet and printed cookbooks such as The Better Homes and Gardens provide numerous, step-by-step instructions and illustrations to help people learn to make food from scratch. Other encyclopedic volumes such as The Five Roses: A Guide to Good Cooking, like YouTube, videos break recipes down into simple steps and include visual tools to help a nervous cook. Yet there is a big difference between the theory and the practice. What in theory may appear simple still necessitates practice. A botched recipe can be the result of using different brands of ingredients, tools, or environmental conditions. Only practice can teach people how to make a recipe successfully. Furthermore, it is difficult to create an online cookbook that rivals the malleability of the personal cookbooks. It is true that recipe websites such as Cooks.com and Allrecipes.com do allow a person to store favourite recipes found on their websites. However, unless the submitter takes the time to personalise the content, recipes can lose their ties to their origins. Bookmaking sites such as Blurb.com are attractive options that do allow for personalisation. In her essay “Aunty Sylvie’s Sponge Foodmaking, Cookbooks and Nostalgia,” Sian Supski uses her aunt’s Blurb family cookbook to argue that the marvel of the Internet has ensured that important family food memories will be preserved; yet once printed, even these treasures risk becoming static documents. As Supski goes on to admit, she is a nervous cook and one can conclude that even this though this recipe collection is very special, it will never become personal because she will not add to it or modify the content. As the examples in Theophano's and Tye’s works demonstrate, the personal touches, the added comments, and the handwritten alterations on the actual recipes give people authority, autonomy, and independence. Hardcopies of recipes indicate through their tattered, dog-eared, and stained pages which recipes have been tried and have been considered to be worth keeping. While Internet sites frequently allow people to comment on recipes and so allow cooks to filter their options, commenting is not a requirement and the suggestions left by others do not necessarily reflect personal preferences. Although they do continue a social, recipe-networking trend that Theophano argues has always existed in relation to cookbook creation and personal foodways, once online, their anonymity and lack of personal connection strips them of their true potential. This is also true of printed cookbooks. Even those compiled by celebrity chefs such as Rachel Ray and Jamie Oliver cannot guarantee success as individuals still need to try them. These examples of recipe reading and recipe collecting advance Heldke’s argument that theory and practice blend in this activity. Recipes are not static. They change depending on who makes them, where they come from, and on the conditions under which they are executed. As critics, we need to recognise this blending of theory and practice and read recipe collections with this reality in mind. Conclusion Despite the growing number of blogs and recipe websites now available to the average cook, personal cookbooks are still a more useful and telling way to communicate information about ourselves and our foodways. As this reflection on actual experiences clearly demonstrates, personal cookbooks teach us about more than just food. They allow us to connect to the past in order to better understand who we are today in ways that the Internet and modern technology cannot. Just as cooking combines theory and practice, reading personal and family cookbooks allows critics to see how theories about foodmaking and gender play out in actual kitchens by actual people. The nuanced merging of voices within them illustrates that individuals alter over time as they come into contact with others. While printed cookbooks and online recipe sites do provide their own narrative possibilities, the stories that can be read in personal and family cookbooks prove that reading them is a thoughtful practice worthy of academic attention. References All Recipes.com Canada. 2013. 24 Apr. 2013. ‹http://allrecipes.com›. Anderson, L. V. “Cookbooks Are Headed for Extinction—and That’s OK.” Slate.com 18 Jun. 2012. 24 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.slate.com/articles/technology/future_tense/2012/06/the_future_of_cookbooks_they_ll_go_extinct_and_that_s_ok_.html›. Blurb.ca. 2013. 27 May 2013. ‹http://blurb.ca›. Cancian, Sonia. "'Tutti a Tavola!' Feeding the Family in Two Generations of Italian Immigrant Households in Montreal." Edible Histories, Cultural Politics: Towards a Canadian Food History. Ed. Franca Iacovetta, Valerie J. Korinek, Marlene Epp. Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2012. 209–21. Cooks.com Recipe Search. 2013. 24 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.cooks.com›. Darling, Jennifer Dorland. Ed. The Better Homes and Gardens New Cookbook. Des Moines: Meredith, 1996. Five Roses: A Guide to Good Cooking. North Vancouver: Whitecap, 2003. Floyd, Janet, and Laurel Forster. The Recipe Reader. Ed. Janet Floyd and Laurel Forster. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 2010. Heldke, Lisa."Foodmaking as a Thoughtful Practice." Cooking, Eating, Thinking: Transformative Philosophies of Food. Ed Deane W. Curtin and Lisa M. Heldke. Indiana UP, 1992. 203–29. ---. “Recipe for Theory Making.” Hypatia 3.2 (1988): 15–29. Inness, Sherrie. Dinner Roles: American Women and Culinary Culture. U of Iowa P, 2001. Leonardi, Susan. “Recipes for Reading: Pasta Salad, Lobster à la Riseholme, Key Lime Pie,” PMLA 104.3 (1989): 340–47. Marquis, Marie. "The Cookbooks Quebecers Prefer: More Than Just Recipes." What's to Eat? Entrées in Canadian Food History. Ed. Nathalie Cooke. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s UP, 2009. 213–27. Shapiro, Laura. Something from the Oven: Reinventing Dinner in 1950s America. New York: Viking, 2004. Theophano, Janet. Eat My Words: Reading Women's Lives through the Cookbooks They Wrote. Palgrave MacMillan: New York, 2002. Tye, Diane. Baking As Biography. Canada: McGill-Queen UP, 2010. Wagner, Vivian. “Cookbooks of the Future: Bye, Bye, Index Cards.” E-Commerce Times. Ecommercetimes.com. 20 Nov. 2011. 16 April 2013. ‹http://www.ecommercetimes.com/story/73842.html›.

Edith and John Power were a wealthy expatriate Australian couple who lived in England and Europe from the early years of the 20th century until their deaths. In 1915 John Power married Edith Lee in London before serving as a surgeon on the Western Front in the Royal Army Medical Corps. After the war Edith and John left Britain to live in Paris and Brussels in the centre of a large international group of avant-garde artists. Edith, who was twelve years older than her husband, and had been married twice before (once widowed and once divorced), was to all accounts the driving force behind John's success as an artist -- he exhibited alongside Picasso, Braque and Kandinsky -- and the great love of his life. The following comes from a book-length fictionalised biography of their lives, narrated by Edith in the early 1960s when she was ninety-two years old. This extract comes from the part of the manuscript dealing with the Nazi Occupation of the Channel Island of Jersey in the second world war; the 'safe haven' to which the Powers had fled in 1938 when war threatened. The first winter under the Germans was very hard and there were reports of old people dying of starvation and exposure. Jack had terrible chilblains and we were both very thin. Cooking fat was only available for doctors to give to invalids, and one poor chap was so desperate that he used sump oil from his car to fry up some gull eggs, and poisoned himself. Sitting down to a plate of boiled potatoes I couldn't sometimes help but reminisce about the wonderful meals we had eaten in Paris and Brussels. How decadent they seemed -- oysters, poached salmon, grilled tournedos with asparagus or a roasted duck, then a glass of champagne, a slice or two of Ange à Cheval and some wild strawberries to finish off with. I also realised how petty all our worries had been up 'til then. We would be upset if the hotel we fancied was booked out for the summer, the bath water cold or a soufflé heavy. When the stock market dropped a point or two we were devastated, and Jack used to sulk for days when he had trouble with a painting or if his frames were not exactly as ordered, the moulding wrong, the gilding scratched or too bright. Such concerns seemed absurd when we faced death every day and misery and fear were all around us. Then the prisoners-of-war arrived from Russia, dressed in rags and even thinner than us. They suffered terribly, working impossibly hard every day on the railway and underground hospital, with nowhere proper to sleep and very little to eat. We felt so sorry for them, and admired those Islanders who, although it was a serious crime, sheltered them if they managed to escape. We had another dreadful reminder of just how awful the Germans could be when they started shooting anyone caught with a crystal radio set. By the summer of 1942 Jack was very ill, although he continued to deny anything was wrong. He finally confided in me just how dire things were one afternoon when we were sitting on the terrace. We were drinking the last of our English tea and discussing how wild the garden had become. One minute Jack was saying how much he enjoyed watching everything return to its natural state, the next he was telling me that he thought he had a cancerous tumour in his kidneys and should see a doctor. I listened in a daze as he detailed the possible treatments and his prognosis, which he anticipated to be poor. Then he stood, drank the dregs in his cup, kissed me and said he had to return to the studio. He had salvaged a piece of wood from somewhere to paint on and didn't want to lose the last light. I was stunned, not wanting to believe what he had told me. I never found out whether Jack suspected the cancer before the Occupation, but if he did, I can't understand why he didn't tell me. We could have gone back to England or over to Switzerland and seen the best doctors. This still puzzles me for Jack was never reticent to seek medical treatment. Tony even laughingly called Jack a hypochondriac, he was so careful with his health, but then again, I know Jack's father had hidden the same condition from his family some forty years before. For many years after the war Ceylon tea only ever tasted of trouble and dismay to me. Nowadays everyone wants to give me tea all the time, especially the nurses. I tell them I'd really like a stiff gin and tonic, but alcohol is another of life's pleasures denied to the elderly. If I could only get out of this bed, I'd get one for myself -- a big one. I have forgotten the name of that doctor we consulted a few days later, but I remember exactly what he said. He confirmed what Jack thought, that the tumours were in his kidneys, but added that they had possibly settled in his lungs as well. In a last (but futile) effort, my poor darling was operated on by this old fashioned surgeon who had to work in the most primitive conditions; without the drugs, anaesthetics or antiseptics he needed. By that time it was difficult to find soap whatever price you were willing to pay, and I gave him some fancy little rose scented tablets to wash up with before he cut Jack open. Jack had never been a fast healer and all the odds were against him; the strain of the advancing cancer, the inadequacy of our diet and the lack of proper medicines. The only foods we could obtain were quite coarse, there was no lean meat to make beef tea or eggs for milk puddings. Jack once said to me something to the effect that the ghastly jokes of fate are not always in the best of taste but they could be extremely witty. I never, however, found anything except the most savage cruelty in his situation, that such a highly trained surgeon had to endure such a crude assault on his body, and that a wealthy philanthropist could suffer so for the want of the most basic requirements of food, firewood and pain killers. My darling, who had been so dreadful when struck down with the slightest illness, was a model patient. It took a long time, but eventually he was able to leave his bed, and the first thing he did was to boil up his own analgesics, potent narcotics which he followed with a stiff whisky. When his condition deteriorated and I had to tend to all his most intimate needs, he was always good tempered and never made me feel I was humiliating or demeaning him. We grew closer than ever, but I knew our time was running out. In another cruel twist of fate Jack was only exempted from deportation to a German internment camp by the sick certificate. An order of 1942 decreed that all the British men not born on the Channel Islands, from the young boys of sixteen to poor old men of seventy, would be transferred to Germany. Thinking about it now, it seems bizarre that such a reasonable bureaucratic rule could regulate the Germans' inhumanity. My darling's last days are as clear in my memory as if they were yesterday. He lay in our yellow bedroom, looking out over the garden to the sea. I only left his side for the briefest periods, and slept in a chair by his bed. Early one morning I woke from an uneasy doze. I looked over to Jack. His face was grey and much too old for his sixty-two years, he was no longer the boy he had always been in my heart. Lying stiffly in the middle of the bed, arms by his side, eyes and lips closed, his breathing was so shallow that his chest hardly rose or fell. I wondered if he felt the weight of the blankets or heard the wind outside. Did he even know how I sat with him? I looked out over the garden. The vegetable patches dug in the chamomile lawn were flourishing, but the grass was long, the roses run to briars, the pond filled with sludge and rotting weeds. I wanted to lie beside my darling and hold him, just as I had each night for so many years, so after I had removed my shoes and placed them together under the bed, I pulled back the sheets and lay on my side facing Jack. He didn't move. I traced my finger across his cheekbones and down his nose to the mouth I had kissed so often. His skin was cool and very dry. I moved over and pressed my body close to his and as he made no sign that this was uncomfortable, I began to relax. The house was quiet and, for the first time in weeks, I sank into a peaceful sleep. When I woke, the soft light of late afternoon was filtering through the curtains. The breeze had dropped outside and I heard a lone bird calling for its mate. Most of the birds had been killed and I thought I would put out some potato bread for him. What depths we were reduced to in those days, eating the gentle creatures around us. It was rumoured that some desperate soul had roasted and eaten a hedgehog, but I still can't believe that was true. There were so many dreadful stories in those days, you never knew what to believe. My hand found Jack's. It was icy. I willed myself not to think of it, but I knew he was gone. I touched his cheek, my fingers slightly warming the cold flesh, then I put my arms right around him and pressed my face into his neck. We lay like that for a long time. Eventually I got up, tucked the blankets around him and closed the window. Downstairs I washed in cold water and dressed in black stockings, black slip and my best black dress. My black shoes were still under Jack's bed, so I laced on my tan brogues. I found my veiled black hat and put it on the sideboard. Even though I knew it was ridiculous, I felt uncomfortable wearing brown shoes with black and returned them to the cupboard. I looked around for my pearls, and realised I had left them upstairs too. I stood outside the bedroom door for some time before I could enter. Then I went in, raised the window and sat on the chair. I don't know what I thought about, but after some time the chirping of the little bird brought me back to the present. I bent and retrieved my shoes from under the bed and placed them beside the door. I could see my pearls lying in a shining mound on top of the blankets just below his hip. As I was picking them up I finally looked at Jack properly. His eyes were closed and his face was relaxed as if in a deep dreamless sleep. He looked years younger. He wore his favourite blue striped pyjamas from Jeremyn Street, but he was a stranger to me. I kissed him for the last time, then lifted the linen sheet to cover the face I had loved so much. I turned away, picked up my shoes and left the room, closing the door behind me. Although I hadn't noticed, that dreadful Sunday, the 1st of August 1943, had been a beautifully hot summer's day, just the sort of day Jack had always loved. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Donna Lee Brien. "Just the Sort of Day Jack Had Always Loved." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php>. Chicago style: Donna Lee Brien, "Just the Sort of Day Jack Had Always Loved," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Donna Lee Brien. (1999) Just the sort of day Jack had always loved. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php> ([your date of access]).

Saturday, 24 July 1971, Tower Mill Hotel The man jiggles the brick, gauges its weight. His stout hand, a flash of his watch dial, the sleeve rolled back, muscles on the upper arm bundled tight. His face half-erased by the dark. There’s something going on beneath the surface that Murray can’t grasp. He thinks of the three witches in Polanski’s Macbeth, huddled together on the beach, digging a circle in the sand with bare hands, unwrapping their filthy bundle. A ritual. The brick’s in the air and it’s funny but Murray expected it to spin but it doesn’t, it holds its position, arcs forward, as though someone’s taken the sky and pulled it sideways to give the impression of movement, like those chase scenes in the Punch and Judy shows you don’t see anymore. The brick hits the cement and fractures. Red dust on cops’ shined shoes. Murray feels the same sense of shock he’d felt, sitting in the sagging canvas seat at one of his film nights, recognising the witches’ bundle, a severed human arm, hacked off just before the elbow; both times looking so intently, he had no distance or defence when the realisation came. ‘What is it?’ says Lan. Murray points to the man who threw the brick but she is looking the other way, at a cop in a white riot helmet, head like a globe, swollen up as though bitten. Lan stands on Murray’s feet to see. The pig yells through a megaphone: ‘You’re occupying too much of the road. It’s illegal. Step back. Step back.’ Lan’s back is pressed against Murray’s stomach; her bum fits snugly to his groin. He resists the urge to plant his cold hands on her warm stomach, to watch her squirm. She turns her head so her mouth is next to his ear, says, ‘Don’t move.’ She sounds winded, her voice without force. He’s pinned to the ground by her feet. Again, ‘Step back. Step back.’ Next to him, Roger begins a chant. ‘Springboks,’ he yells, the rest of the crowd picking up the chant, ‘out now!’ ‘Springboks!’ ‘Out now!’ Murray looks up, sees a hand pressed against the glass in one of the hotel’s windows, quickly withdrawn. The hand belongs to a white man, for sure. It must be one of the footballers, although the gesture is out of keeping with his image of them. Too timid. He feels tired all of a sudden. But Jacobus Johannes Fouché’s voice is in his head, these men—the Springboks—represent the South African way of life, and the thought of the bastard Bjelke inviting them here. He, Roger and Lan were there the day before when the footballers pulled up outside the Tower Mill Hotel in a black and white bus. ‘Can you believe the cheek of those bastards?’ said Roger when they saw them bounding off the bus, legs the span of Murray’s two hands. A group of five Nazis had been lined up in front of the glass doors reflecting the city, all in uniform: five sets of white shirts and thin black ties, five sets of khaki pants and storm-trooper boots, each with a red sash printed with a black and white swastika tied around their left arms, just above the elbow. The Springboks strode inside, ignoring the Nazi’s salute. The protestors were shouting. An apple splattered wetly on the sidewalk. Friday, 7 April 1972, St Lucia Lan left in broad daylight. Murray didn’t know why this upset him, except that he had a vague sense that she should’ve gone in the night time, under the cover of dark. The guilty should sneak away, with bowed heads and faces averted, not boldly, as though going for an afternoon walk. Lan had pulled down half his jumpers getting the suitcase from the top of the cupboard. She left his clothes scattered across the bedroom, victims of an explosion, an excess of emotion. In the two days after Lan left, Murray scours the house looking for some clue to where she was, maybe a note to him, blown off the table in the wind, or put down and forgotten in the rush. Perhaps there was a letter from her parents, bankrupt, demanding she return to Vietnam. Or a relative had died. A cousin in the Viet Cong napalmed. He finds a packet of her tampons in the bathroom cupboard, tries to flush them down the toilet, but they keep floating back up. They bloat; the knotted strings make them look like some strange water-dwelling creature, paddling in the bowl. He pees in the shower for a while, but in the end he scoops the tampons back out again with the holder for the toilet brush. The house doesn’t yield anything, so he takes to the garden, circles the place, investigates its underbelly. The previous tenant had laid squares of green carpet underneath, off-cuts that met in jagged lines, patches of dirt visible. Murray had set up two sofas, mouldy with age, on the carpeted part, would invite his friends to sit with him there, booze, discuss the state of the world and the problem with America. Roger rings in the afternoon, says, ‘What gives? We were supposed to have lunch.’ Murray says, ‘Lan’s left me.’ He knows he will cry soon. ‘Oh Christ. I’m so sorry,’ says Roger. Murray inhales, snuffs up snot. Roger coughs into the receiver. ‘It was just out of the blue,’ says Murray. ‘Where’s she gone?’ ‘I don’t know.’ ‘She didn’t say anything?’ ‘No,’ says Murray. ‘She could be anywhere. Maybe you should call the police, put in a missing report,’ says Roger. ‘I’m not too friendly with the cops,’ says Murray, and coughs. ‘You sound a bit crook. I’ll come over,’ says Roger. ‘That’d be good,’ says Murray. Roger turns up at the house an hour later, wearing wide pants and a tight collared shirt with thick white and red stripes. He’s growing a moustache, only cuts his hair when he visits his parents. Murray says, ‘I’ll make us a cuppa.’ Roger nods, sits down at the vinyl table with his hands resting on his knees. He says, ‘Are you coming to 291 on Sunday?’ 291 St Paul’s Terrace is the Brisbane Communist Party’s headquarters. Murray says, ‘What’s on?’ ‘Billy needs someone to look after the bookshop.’ Murray gives Roger a mug of tea, sits down with his own mug between his elbows, and cradles his head in his hands so his hair falls over his wrists. After a minute, Roger says, ‘Does her family know?’ Murray makes a strange noise through his hands. ‘I don’t even know how to contact them,’ he says. ‘She wrote them letters—couldn’t afford to phone—but she’s taken everything with her. The address book. Everything.’ Murray knows nothing of the specifics of Lan’s life before she met him. She was the first Asian he’d ever spoken to. She wore wrap-around skirts that changed colour in the sun; grew her hair below the waist; sat in the front row in class and never spoke. He liked the shape of her calf as it emerged from her skirt. He saw her on the great lawn filming her reflection in a window with a Sony Portapak and knew that he wanted her more than anything. Murray seduced her by saying almost nothing and touching her as often as he could. He was worried about offending her. What reading he had done made him aware of his own ignorance, and his friend in Psych told him that when you touch a girl enough — especially around the aureole — a hormone is released that bonds them to you, makes them sad when you leave them or they leave you. In conversation, Murray would put his hand on Lan’s elbow, once on the top of her head. Lan was ready to be seduced. Murray invited her to a winter party in his backyard. They kissed next to the fire and he didn’t notice until the next morning that the rubber on the bottom of his shoe melted in the flames. She moved into his house quickly, her clothes bundled in three plastic bags. He wanted her to stay in bed with him all day, imagined he was John Lennon and she Yoko Ono. Their mattress became a soup of discarded clothes, bread crumbs, wine stains, come stains, ash and flakes of pot. He resented her when she told him that she was bored, and left him, sheets pulled aside to reveal his erection, to go to class. Lan tutored high-schoolers for a while, but they complained to their mothers that they couldn’t understand her accent. She told him her parents wanted her to come home. The next night he tidied the house, and cooked her dinner. Over the green peas and potato—Lan grated ginger over hers, mixed it with chili and soy sauce, which she travelled all the way to Chinatown on a bus to buy—Murray proposed. They were married in the botanic gardens, surrounded by Murray’s friends. The night before his father called him up and said, ‘It’s not too late to get out of it. You won’t be betraying the cause.’ Murray said, ‘You have no idea what this means to me,’ and hung up on him. Sunday, 9 April 1972, 291 St Paul’s Terrace Murray perches on the backless stool behind the counter in The People’s Bookshop. He has the sense he is on the brink of something. His body is ready for movement. When a man walks into the shop, Murray panics because Billy hadn’t shown him how to use the cash register. He says, ‘Can I help?’ anyway. ‘No,’ says the man. The man walks the length of the shelves too fast to read the titles. He stops at a display of Australiana on a tiered shelf, slides his hand down the covers on display. He pauses at Crocodile Hunt. The cover shows a drawing of a bulky crocodile, scaled body bent in an S, its jaws under the man’s thumb. He picks it up, examines it. Murray thinks it odd that he doesn’t flip it over to read the blurb. He walks around the whole room once, scanning the shelves, reaches Murray at the counter and puts the book down between them. Murray picks it up, turns it over, looking for a price. It’s stuck on the back in faded ink. He opens his mouth to tell the man how much, and finds him staring intently at the ceiling. Murray looks up too. A hairline crack runs along the surface and there are bulges in the plaster where the wooden framework’s swollen. It’s lower than Murray remembers. He thinks that if he stood on his toes he could reach it with the tips of his fingers. Murray looks down again to find the man staring at him. Caught out, Murray mutters the price, says, ‘You don’t have it in exact change, do you?’ The man nods, fumbles around in his pocket for a bit and brings out a note, which he lays at an angle along the bench top. He counts the coins in the palm of his hand. He makes a fist around the coins, brings his hand over the note and lets go. The coins fall, clinking, over the bench. One spins wildly, rolls past Murray’s arm and across the bench. Murray lets it fall. He recognises the man now; it is the act of release that triggers the memory, the fingers spread wide, the wrist bent, the black watch band. This is the man who threw the brick in the Springbok protest. Dead set. He looks up again, expecting to see the same sense of recognition in the man, but he is walking out of the shop. Murray follows him outside, leaving the door open and the money still on the counter. The man is walking right along St Paul’s Terrace. He tucks the book under his arm to cross Barry Parade, as though he might need both hands free to wave off the oncoming traffic. Murray stands on the other side of the road, unsure of what to do. When Murray came outside, he’d planned to hail the man, tell him he recognised him from the strike and was a fellow comrade. They give discounts to Communist Party members. Outside the shop, it strikes him that perhaps the man is not one of them at all. Just because he was at the march doesn’t make him a communist. Despite the unpopularity of the cause —‘It’s just fucking football,’ one of Murray’s friends had said. ‘What’s it got to do with anything?’— there had been many types there, a mixture of labour party members; unionists; people in the Radical Club and the Eureka Youth League; those not particularly attached to anyone. He remembers again the brick shattered on the ground. It hadn’t hit anyone, but was an incitement to violence. This man is dangerous. Murray is filled again with nervous energy, which leaves him both dull-witted and super-charged, as though he is a wind-up toy twisted tight and then released, unable to do anything but move in the direction he’s facing. He crosses the road about five metres behind the man, sticks to the outer edge of the pavement, head down. If he moves his eyes upwards, while still keeping his neck lowered, he can see the shoes of the man, his white socks flashing with each step. The man turns the corner into Brunswick Street. He stops at a car parked in front of the old Masonic Temple. Murray walks past fast, unsure of what to do next. The Temple’s entry is set back in the building, four steps leading up to a red door. Murray ducks inside the alcove, looks up to see the man sitting in the driver’s seat pulling out the pages of Crocodile Hunt and feeding them through the half wound-down window where they land, fanned out, on the road. When he’s finished dismembering the book, the man spreads the page-less cover across the back of the car. The crocodile, snout on the side, one eye turned outwards, stares out into the street. The man flicks the ignition and drives, the pages flying out and onto the road in his wake. Murray sits down on the steps of the guild and smokes. He isn’t exactly sure what just happened. The man must have bought the book just because he liked the picture on the front of the cover. But it’s odd though that he had bothered to spend so much just for one picture. Murray remembers how he had paced the shop and studiously examined the ceiling. He’d given the impression of someone picking out furniture for the room, working out the dimensions so some chair or table would fit. A cough. Murray looks up. The man’s standing above him, his forearm resting on the wall, elbow bent. His other arm hangs at his side, hand bunched up around a bundle of keys. ‘I wouldn’t of bothered following me, if I was you,’ the man says. ‘The police are on my side. Special branch are on my side.’ He pushes himself off the wall, stands up straight, and says, ‘Heil Hitler.’ Tuesday April 19, 1972, 291 St Paul’s Terrace Murray brings his curled fist down on the door. It opens with the force of his knock and he feels like an idiot for even bothering. The hallway’s dark. Murray runs into a filing cabinet, swears, and stands in the centre of the corridor, with his hand still on the cabinet, calling, ‘Roger! Roger!’ Murray told Roger he’d come here when he called him. Murray was walking back from uni, and on the other side of the road to his house, ready to cross, he saw there was someone standing underneath the house, looking out into the street. Murray didn’t stop. He didn’t need to. He knew it was the man from the bookshop, the Nazi. Murray kept walking until he reached the end of the street, turned the corner and then ran. Back on campus, he shut himself in a phone box and dialed Roger’s number. ‘I can’t get to my house,’ Murray said when Roger picked up. ‘Lock yourself out, did you?’ said Roger. ‘You know that Nazi? He’s back again.’ ‘I don’t get it,’ said Roger. ‘It doesn’t matter. I need to stay with you,’ said Murray. ‘You can’t. I’m going to a party meeting.’ ‘I’ll meet you there.’ ‘Ok. If you want.’ Roger hung up. Now, Roger stands framed in the doorway of the meeting room. ‘Hey Murray, shut up. I can hear you. Get in here.’ Roger switches on the hallway light and Murray walks into the meeting room. There are about seven people, sitting on hard metal chairs around a long table. Murray sits next to Roger, nods to Patsy, who has nice breasts but is married. Vince says, ‘Hi, Murray, we’re talking about the moratorium on Friday.’ ‘You should bring your pretty little Vietnamese girl,’ says Billy. ‘She’s not around anymore,’ says Roger. ‘That’s a shame,’ says Patsy. ‘Yeah,’ says Murray. ‘Helen Dashwood told me her school has banned them from wearing moratorium badges,’ says Billy. ‘Far out,’ says Patsy. ‘We should get her to speak at the rally,’ says Stella, taking notes, and then, looking up, says, ‘Can anyone smell burning?’ Murray sniffs, says ‘I’ll go look.’ They all follow him down the hall. Patsy says, behind him, ‘Is it coming from the kitchen?’ Roger says, ‘No,’ and then the windows around them shatter. Next to Murray, a filing cabinet buckles and twists like wet cardboard in the rain. A door is blown off its hinges. Murray feels a moment of great confusion, a sense that things are sliding away from him spectacularly. He’s felt this once before. He wanted Lan to sit down with him, but she said she didn’t want to be touched. He’d pulled her to him, playfully, a joke, but he was too hard and she went limp in his hands. Like she’d been expecting it. Her head hit the table in front of him with a sharp, quick crack. He didn’t understand what happened; he had never experienced violence this close. He imagined her brain as a line drawing with the different sections coloured in, like his Psych friend had once showed him, except squashed in at the bottom. She had recovered, of course, opened her eyes a second later to him gasping. He remembered saying, ‘I just want to hold you. Why do you always do this to me?’ and even to him it hadn’t made sense because he was the one doing it to her. Afterwards, Murray had felt hungry, but couldn’t think of anything that he’d wanted to eat. He sliced an apple in half, traced the star of seeds with his finger, then decided he didn’t want it. He left it, already turning brown, on the kitchen bench. Author’s Note No one was killed in the April 19 explosion, nor did the roof fall in. The bookstore, kitchen and press on the first floor of 291 took the force of the blast (Evans and Ferrier). The same night, a man called The Courier Mail (1) saying he was a member of a right wing group and had just bombed the Brisbane Communist Party Headquarters. He threatened to bomb more on Friday if members attended the anti-Vietnam war moratorium that day. He ended his conversation with ‘Heil Hitler.’ Gary Mangan, a known Nazi party member, later confessed to the bombing. He was taken to court, but the Judge ruled that the body of evidence was inadmissible, citing a legal technicality. Mangan was not charged.Ian Curr, in his article, Radical Books in Brisbane, publishes an image of the Communist party quarters in Brisbane. The image, entitled ‘After the Bomb, April 19 1972,’ shows detectives interviewing those who were in the building at the time. One man, with his back to the camera, is unidentified. I imagined this unknown man, in thongs with the long hair, to be Murray. It is in these gaps in historical knowledge that the writer of fiction is free to imagine. References “Bomb in the Valley, Then City Shots.” The Courier Mail 20 Apr. 1972: 1. Curr, Ian. Radical Books in Brisbane. 2008. 24 Jun. 2011 < http://workersbushtelegraph.com.au/2008/07/18/radical-books-in-brisbane/ >. Evans, Raymond, and Carole Ferrier. Radical Brisbane: An Unruly History. Brisbane: Vulgar Press, 2004.

The release of the film Fight Club (Dir. David Fincher, 1999) was met with an outpouring of contradictory reviews. From David Ansen’s [Newsweek] claim that “Fight Club is the most incendiary movie to come out of Hollywood in a long time” (Fight Club DVD insert) to LA Times’s Kenneth Turan who proclaimed Fight Club to be “…a witless mishmash of whiny, infantile philosophising and bone-crushing violence that actually thinks it’s saying something of significance” (Fight Club DVD insert), everyone, it seemed, needed to weigh in with their views. Whether you think the film is a piece of witless and excessive trash, or believe, as Fight Club novelist Chuck Palahniuk hopes “it would offer more people the idea that they could create their own lives outside the existing blueprint for happiness offered by society,” this is a film that people react strongly to (Fight Club DVD insert). Whether or not the film is successful in the new ‘blueprint’ area is debatable and one focus of this essay. It isn’t difficult to spot the focus of the film Fight Club. The title and the graphic, edgy trailers for the film leave no doubt in the viewer’s mind that this film is about fighting. But fighting what and why are the questions that unveil the deeper edge to the film, an edge that skirts the abyss of deep psychological schism: man’s alienation from man, society and self, and the position of the late twentieth century male whose gendered potentialities have become muted thanks to corporate cookie-cutter culture and the loss of a ‘hunter-gatherer’ role for men. In a nutshell, the film explores the psychic rift of the main character, unnamed for the film, but conventionally referred to as “Jack” (played by Ed Norton). Jack leads a life many late twentieth century males can identify with, a life without real grounding, focus or passion. It is the kind of life that has become a by-product of the “me” generation and corporate/consumer culture. Aside from Jack’s inability to find real satisfaction in his love life, friendships, job, or sense of self, he also suffers from an identity disorder. While there are few people who are unaware of the mind-numbing (and in some cases, audience-alienating) “twist” offered near the end of the film, it bears repeating that the compelling character of Tyler Durden (played by Brad Pitt) who shapes and influences the changes in Jack’s life is actually revealed near the end of the film as a manifestation of Jack’s alter ego. Jack and Tyler are the same person. The two conspire to start ‘Fight Club’, where men hit other men. Hard. The Club becomes an underground sensation, expanding to other communities and cities and eventually spawns the offshoot Project Mayhem whose goal it is to ultimately erase individual debt so everyone (all consumers) can start at zero. In order to manage this affair, several large buildings are slated for destruction by the Mayhem team. Of course no people will be in the buildings at the time, but all the records will be destroyed. This is the core of the film, but there are several other interesting sidelights that will become important to this discussion, including the lone female character Marla who becomes the love interest of Jack/Tyler, and the friend Bob, whom Jack meets during his insomniac foray into the seedy underworld of the self help meeting. The film itself seems to cry out for a psychoanalytic reading. Its thinly veiled references to Freudian concepts and subliminal tricks aside, it also makes the inner world of the protagonist its landscape and backdrop. In a film dominated by a psychological and psychical problem, psychoanalysis seems an excellent tool for delving more deeply into the symbols and attitudes of the piece. I have chosen both Kleinian object relations and Julia Kristeva’s understanding of abjection to help illuminate some issues in the film. Object relations helps to make clear both the divergence of personality and the emergence of a ‘repaired’ protagonist at the end of the film as Jack first creates and then destroys his alter ego. Kristeva initially explored abjection theory via literature in Powers of Horror (1982), but Barbara Creed’s Monstrous Feminine: Film, Feminism and Psychoanalysis (1993) opened wide the door for applications of the theory to film studies. Creed uses abjection to explore issues of gender in the horror film, focusing on the role and depiction of women as abject. Here, I have adapted some of her ideas and intend to explore the role of abjection in the male identification process. In this film fighting operates as both reality and metaphor, on both the physical and psychical levels, encompassing the internal and external fight within the mind and body of the protagonist. Jack’s main problem is a lack of concrete identity and self-realization. Numbed by his willing and eager participation in consumer culture and his tacit compliance with the gritty underworld of his job as an automotive ‘recall coordinator’, his life’s work is estimating the cost effectiveness of saving lives by calculating the cost of death. In Jack’s world, meaning is derived solely through the external—external products he consumes and collects. Jack’s consumer-based emasculation is expressed when he states, “Like so many others I had become a slave to the Ikea nesting instinct.” In this sentence he clarifies his disempowerment and feminisation in one swoop. Having few, if any, relationships with human beings, meaningful or otherwise, Jack never reaches a level of social maturity. His only solace comes from visiting anonymous help groups for the terminally ill. Although Jack is physically fine (aside from his insomnia) a part of him is clearly dying, as his sense of who he is in a postmodern culture is hopelessly mediated by advertisements that tell him what to be. In the absence of a father, Jack appears to have had no real role models. Made ‘soft’ by his mother, Jack exhibits a not so subtle misogyny that is illustrated through his relationship with fellow ‘tourist’ in the self-help circles, Marla Singer. Jack’s identity issues unfold via various conflicts, each of which is enmeshed in the club he starts that revolves around the physical pain of hand-to-hand, man-on-man combat. Jack’s conflicts with himself, others and society at large are all compressed within the theme and practice of fighting and the fight clubs he institutes. Fighting for Jack (and the others who join) seems the answer to life’s immediate problems. This essay looks deeply into Jack’s identity conflict, viewing it as a moment of psychic crisis in which Jack creates an alternate personality deeply steeped in and connected to the ‘abject’ in almost every way. Thus, Jack forces himself to confront the abject in himself and the world around him, dealing with abjection on several levels all with a view to expelling it to restore the ‘clean and proper’ boundaries necessary in the ‘whole’ self. Viewed though the lens of psychoanalysis, particularly Klein’s work on object relations and Kristeva’s work with abjection, allows a reading in which the film expresses the need for and accomplishment of a self-activated encounter with the abject in order to redraw ‘clean and proper’ boundaries of self. This film’s tag lines, ‘Mischief, Mayhem and Soap’—illustrate both the presence (Mischief, Mayhem) and function (Soap) of the abject—the interaction with the abject will lead to a ‘clean’ subject—a proper subject, a restored subject. Before continuing, a brief discussion of abjection and object relations and the ways in which they are utilized in this essay is essential here. One of Klein’s major propositions is that “the neonate brings into the world two main conflicting impulses: love and hate” (Mitchell 19). Each of these conflicting impulses must be dealt with, usually by either “bringing them together in order to modify the death drive along with the life drive or expelling the death drive into the outside world” (19). Along with this conflict arises the conflict of a primary relationship with the mother, which is seen as both satisfying and frustrating, and then later complicated with the addition of the father. The main conflicting love/hate binary is reflective of a number of ‘sets’ of dualities that surface when looking into the mother/child relationship. Besides love and hate, there is the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ mother, the mother as symbolic of both life and death, the symbolic (paternal) and semiotic (maternal), total oneness and total autonomy. The curious ‘split’ nature of the infant’s perception of the maternal figure recalls a kind of doppelganger, a doubling of the maternal (in positive and negative incarnations), that can be seen as abject. In the film, this informs the relationship between both Jack and Marla and Jack and Tyler, as I argue Tyler and Marla serve as parental substitutes at one part in the film. This is clarified in Jack’s statements about his relationship with the two of them: “My parents pulled this exact same act for years” and “I am six years old again, passing messages between parents.” This imaginary relationship allows Jack to re-experience some of his early identification processes, while effectively trading out the gender responsibilities to the point where Tyler symbolically takes the place of the ‘mother’ and Marla the place of the ‘father’. The result of this action is an excess of male gendered experiences in which Jack in crisis (emasculated) is surrounded by phalluses. Kristeva’s work with abjection is also important here. I am especially interested in her understanding of the mother/child relationship as connected with abjection, particularly the threat the mother represents to the child as wanting to return to a state of oneness. The abject functions in Fight Club as a means for the protagonist to re-configure his own autonomy. For Kristeva, the abject is that which is cast out in order that “I” may exist. It exists at the borders of the self and continually draws the subject into it. As the subject revolts and pulls away, its resistance cues the process of defining itself as separate, proper and autonomous. When the narrative of Jack’s life refuses to make sense to him, and his experiences seem like “a copy of a copy of a copy,” Jack turns inward for help. Kristeva says that the abject is “experienced at the peak of its strength when that subject, weary of fruitless attempts to identify with something on the outside, finds the impossible within” (5). Thus Jack ‘finds’ Tyler. The abject, [represented by Bob, Tyler and Marla in the film] is that which disturbs “identity, system, order. What does not respect borders, positions, rules” (Kristeva 4). As the abject is that which blurs boundaries borders and classification, the film itself is steeped in abject images and ideas. The discrete categories of inside/outside, asleep/awake, male/female, and self/other are continually troubled throughout the narrative. The two most confused binaries are male/female and self/other. As the film is about Jack’s own experience of emasculation it is not until the male/female gender issues are resolved that his self/other issues can be resolved. Through the re-ordering of gender he is able to take his place in society alongside Marla, finally viewed as not his mother or friend but lover. Jack Versus Himself: A Cult Of One Jack is able to re-vamp his personality through exposure to the abject and the replaying of certain key object relations moments in his childhood. He engages with this ‘inner child’ to reconnect with psychically difficult moments in which his ‘self’ emerged. Jack, however, twists the typical plot of maternal and paternal bonding in ways that speak to the underlying misogyny of the film and of late twentieth century society as well. While the story begins with both male and female characters in unnatural roles with unnatural and abject body parts, by the end of the film, these ‘abnormalities’ or abject objects are erased, ejected from the text so Jack is restored to the ‘safety’ of a compulsory heterosexuality. Bob, Tyler and Marla’s characters are three examples of gender twisting expressed in the film. In psychoanalytic literature, the child bonds first to the mother (via feeding from the breast and in-utero existence) and experiences a feeling of total oneness impossible to duplicate. Eventually the child seeks autonomy and breaks from the mother and her clinging ways with the help of the father and the phallus. So in basic terms, the female is abject, representing infantile regression and oneness, and the male represents taking the proper place in the symbolic order. When the female (mother) is denied, the male accepts his natural place in culture and society. However, in this film, Tyler (the male) is the abject presence in the text, that which threatens to consume and subsume the narrator’s personality. It is Marla, the phallic woman, who interposes herself in this dyad and becomes the correct choice for Jack, allowing him to proceed into ‘normal relations.’ Early in the film, Jack is unable to envision a female partner with whom he can open up and share, instead substituting Bob—and his doubly signified ‘bitch-tits’—as a locus of comfort. In Bob’s ample bosom, Jack finds the release he is looking for, though it is unnatural in more ways than one. The feminised Bob [testicular cancer patient] comforts and coddles Jack so much that he feels the same idyllic bliss experienced by the infant at the mother’s breast; Jack feels “lost in oblivion, dark and silent and complete.” That night he is able for the first time in months to sleep: “Babies don’t sleep this well.” This illustrates Jack’s longing for the safety and security of the mother, complicated by his inability to bond with a female, replaced with his deep need for identification with a male. Continuing the twist, it is Marla who foils Jack’s moment of infantile bliss: “She ruined everything” with her presence, Jack sneers. Jack’s regression to this infantile bliss with either man or woman would be perceived as abject, (disrupting system and order) but this particular regression is at least doubly abject because of Bob’s unnatural breasts and lack of testicles. Both Bob, and to some degree Tyler, offer abjection to Jack as a way of dealing with this complexities of autonomous living. While my argument is that Tyler takes the traditional ‘female’ role in the drama, as a figure (like Bob) who lures Jack into an unnatural oneness that must ultimately be rejected, it is true that even in his position as abject ‘female’ (mother), Tyler is overwhelmingly phallic. His ‘jobs’ consist of splicing shots of penises into films, urinating and masturbating into restaurant food and engaging in acrobatic sex with Marla. Since Marla, who occupies the position of father bringing Jack into society away from the influence of Tyler, is also coded phallic, Jack’s world is overwhelmingly symbolically male. This appears to be a response to the overwhelming physical presence of Jack’s mother of which Tyler comments, “We’re a generation of men raised by women. I am wondering if another woman is really the answer we need?” During this same scene, Jack clarifies his regressive dilemma: “I can’t get married, I am a thirty year old boy.” Thus while Tyler campaigns for a world without women, Jack must decide if this is the correct way to go. Immersion in the world of uber-maleness only seems to make his life worse. It is only after he ‘kills’ Tyler and accepts Marla as a partner that he can feel successful. In another help meeting, one of the guided meditations emphasizes his regression by asking him to go to his “cave” and locate his “power animal.” This early in the film, Jack can only envision his power animal as a rather silly penguin, which, although phallic to some extent, is undercut by the fact that it speaks with a child’s voice. In the next visualization of the ‘power animal’, the animal becomes Marla—clarifying her influence over Jack’s subconscious. The threat of Marla’s sexuality is on one level explored with Jack’s counterpart Tyler, the one who dares to go where Jack will not, but their encounters are not shown in a ‘natural’ or fully mature light. They are instead equated with childhood experimentation and regressive fantasies as Marla responds that she “hasn’t been fucked like that since grade school” and Tyler proclaims the relationship is mere “sportfucking.” It is Tyler who discovers Marla’s oversized dildo proudly displayed on a dresser, of which she states “Don’t worry its not a threat to you.” This phallicized Marla refers to herself as “infectious human waste,” clearly abject. Marla’s power must be muted before Jack can truly relate to her. This is illustrated in two separate ‘visions’ of sexual intercourse—one between Marla and Tyler early in the film in which Marla assumes the dominant position, and then later near the end of the film when the same encounter is replayed with Jack taking Tyler’s place, Marla now in the standard missionary position on her back: Proper. Jack’s struggle with self is played out via his relationship with Tyler (and Marla to some degree). Once Jack has been exposed to the various levels of abject behaviour offered by Tyler and Project Mayhem, he chooses to go it alone, no longer needing the double he himself created. After experiencing and rejecting the abject, Jack redraws his boundaries and cleanses his soul. Jack Versus Society—The Personal Is Political Jack’s personal struggle becomes political—and communal. Another attempt at forming identity, Fight Club is bound to fail because it offers not autonomy but a group identity substituted for an individual one. While Jack loathes his ‘single serving life’ before Fight Club, he must come to realize that a group identity brings more problems than solutions in an identity crisis. While the comfort of ‘oneness’ is alluring, it is also abject. As Jack is able to finally refuse the safely and oneness offered by Tyler’s existence, he must also deny the safety in numbers offered by Fight Club itself. The cult he creates swallows members whole, excreting them as the “all singing all dancing crap of the world.” They eat, drink and sleep Fight Club and eventually its ‘evolutionary’ offshoot, Project Mayhem. During his involvement with Fight Club and Project Mayhem, Jack is exposed to three levels of abjection including food loathing, bodily wastes, and the corpse, each of which threaten to draw him to the “place where meaning collapses” (Kristeva 2). Jack’s first experience involves Tyler’s (a)vocation as a waiter who urinates and probably masturbates into patrons’ food. This mingling of bodily wastes and nourishment represents the most elementary form of abjection: food loathing. While Jack appears amused at Tyler’s antics in the beginning, by the end of the film, he illustrates his movement closer to self-identification, by calling for “clean food, please” signalling his alliance with the clean and proper. Bodily wastes, the internal made visible, represent the most extended contact Jack has with the abject. These experiences, when what is properly outside ends up inside and vice versa, begin with bloody hand-to-hand combat, including Tyler’s vomiting of blood into the mouth of an unwilling Fight Club participant “Lou”, causing another witness to vomit as well. The physical aversion to abject images (blood, pus, excrement) is part of the redrawing of self—the abject is ejected –via nausea/vomiting. Kristeva explains: “I give birth to myself amid the violence of sobs, of vomit” (3). The images continue to pile up as Jack describes life in the Paper Street house: “What a shit hole.” The house slowly decomposes around them, leaking and mouldy, releasing its own special smell: the rot of a “warm stale refrigerator” mixed with the “fart smell of steam” from a nearby industrial plant. While at Paper Street, Tyler decides to make soap. Soap in itself is an agent of cleanliness, but in this context it is abject and defiled by being composed of human waste. In a deeply abject moment, Jack is accidentally covered in refuse that spills from a ripped bag full of human fat pilfered from a liposuction clinic. Even at this profoundly disturbing moment, Jack is unwilling to give up his associations with Tyler and Project Mayhem. It is only after his encounter with a corpse that he changes his tune. While Fight Club attempted to blur physical boundaries via hand-to-hand combat and exchange of blood and blows, Project Mayhem threatens the psychic boundaries of self, a deeper danger. While a loud speaker drones “we are all part of the same compost heap” and a fellow occupant reminds Jack “In project mayhem we have no names,” Jack realizes he is truly losing himself, not gaining strength. Mayhem’s goal of ‘oneness’, like the maternal and infant experience, is exposed via slogans like “you are not a beautiful and unique snowflake. You are the same decaying organic matter as everything else.” Tyler finally puts his cards on the table and asks Jack to “stop trying to control everything and just let go.” For Kristeva, “If dung signifies the other side of the border, the place where I am not and which permits me to be, the corpse, the most sickening of wastes, is a border that has encroached upon everything”(3). The corpse of Bob causes Jack to confront the boundaries of life and death, both spiritual and physical, as he opens his eyes to the damaging effects of the cult-like environment into which he has fallen. Jack’s momentary indecision morphs into action after Bob’s death becomes just one more mantra for the zombie-like Project Mayhemers to chant: “His name was Robert Paulson.” Jack’s internal and external struggles are compressed into one moment when he commits homo(sui)cide. Placing a gun in his mouth, he attempts to rid himself of Tyler forever, his final words to Tyler: “My eyes are open now”. At this point, Jack is psychically ready to take charge of his life and confidently eject the abject from the narrative of his life. He wants no more to do with Project Mayhem gang and is reunited with Marla with whom he finally appears ready to have a fully realized relationship. His masculinity and identity restoration are made blindingly apparent by the final splice in the film—the image of Marla and Jack hand in hand overlooking the new view out of the tower, spliced with the shot of a semi-erect penis—back to shot of Marla and Jack. The message is clear: Jack is a man, he has a woman, and he knows who he is because of it. While Fight Club novelist Palahniuk hopes the film offers options for life “outside the existing blueprint offered by society” (Fight Club DVD insert). On the other hand, it’s unclear how well the film pulls this off. On one hand, its lambasting of the numbing effects of blind and excessive consumerism seems well explored, it’s unclear what options really surface by the end of the film. Although many targeted buildings have been destroyed, through which the viewer can assume some or even most records of individual debt were erased, the building in which Marla and Jack stand (initially slated for destruction) remains. Perhaps this is meant to signify the impossibility of true financial equality in American society. But it seems to me that the more pressing issues are not the ones openly addressed in the film (that of money and consumerism) but rather the more internalised issues of self-actualisation, gender identity and contentment. In a postmodern space ripe for the redrawing and redefinition of gender stereotypes, this film carefully reinscribes not only compulsory heterosexuality but also the rigid boundaries of acceptable male and female behaviour. For this film, the safest route to repairing male identity and self-hood threatened by the emasculating practices of a consumer culture is a route back. Back to infantile and childhood fantasy. While it dances provocatively around the edges of accepting a man with ‘bitch tits’ and a woman with a dick, ultimately Bob is killed and Marla reclaimed by Jack in an ‘I’m ok you’re ok’ final scene: “Look at me Marla, I am really OK”. Jack’s immersion in an all male cult(ure) is eschewed for the comfort of real breasts. Works Cited Creed, Barbara. The Monstrous Feminine: Film, Feminism and Psychoanalysis. New York: Routledge, 1993. Fight Club. Dir. David Fincher. 1999. Fight Club DVD edition. Dir. David Fincher. 2000. Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror: An Essay On Abjection. New York: Columbia Press: 1982. Mitchell, Juliet. The Selected Melanie Klein. New York: The Free Press, 1986. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Caldwell, Tracy M.. "Identity Making from Soap to Nuts" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 6.1 (2003). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/10-identitymaking.php>. APA Style Caldwell, T. M., (2003, Feb 26). Identity Making from Soap to Nuts. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,(1). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/10-identitymaking.html