Academic literature on the topic 'Mouride brotherhood'

This paper applies a ‘lived religion’ perspective to analyze how Islam is defined, practised and experienced by Senegalese migrants in Spain. The study enters into a dialogue with the existing scholarship on religion in the context of Senegalese mobility which, to a great extent, has been centred on the Mouride brotherhood. It adds to the general debate on how to analyze ‘lived religion’ by challenging the conceptualization of religion as organizational belonging. It is argued that in migration studies ‘Mouridcentrism’ has contributed to the partial invisibility of the social relations and networks formed outside this Sufi order. The findings show that interconnections among Senegalese frequently play a more significant role than brotherhood affiliation in shaping relations on a micro-level. Religion emerges as a vehicle which frequently serves to reaffirm these community dynamics influencing socio-cultural, economic and political aspects of migrants’ everyday experience.

Local religions, Islam and Christianity influence and shape West African livelihoods where for many spirituality is an integral part of work, time and making a living. For farmers the spiritual imbues their understanding of the natural world, as well as affecting the control and allocation of resources and their timely use. For the Sufist Mouride brotherhood of Senegal their work ethic nurtures agriculture and supports a diaspora of petty traders and businesses. Meanwhile, the Christian Pentecostal Church encourages myriad small businesses, and its promotion of a work ethic that has occasioned the contention of a Weberian-style transformation. The creation of sustainable networks of socio-economic change through religious adherence is not in doubt, but whether this will promote a general developmental shift is more contentious. Pentecostals emphasize education and literacy, a priority for most governments, but without job opportunities there is widespread discontent among the young, even the educated. Furthermore, the young are disenchanted by patrimonial-clientelist societies, and it is through religion that violent dissent is articulated. Assertions that religion per se is inimical to social and economic change in West Africa are difficult to substantiate. What is a problem for farmers and small businesses is the uncertainty not just of their immediate environments, but of the volatility and dysfunctional nature of the state, and a lack of enabling conditions. Thus, religion and spirituality provide help in difficult times for people, but also opportunities for improvement in their livelihoods and lifestyles.

La thèse analyse la trajectoire de développement du Sénégal, parti d’une situation favorable avec de nombreux atouts pour se développer en 1960, à la quasi-faillite du pays en 1974. Cette analyse est menée sous l’angle des relations économiques et financières entre le Sénégal et la France, de 1960 à 1974. La démarche consiste à partir du concept de développement qui définit la coopération entre les deux pays, pour mesurer, décrire et évaluer son impact sur les politiques successives de développement, la structure de l’économie et le fonctionnement des institutions du Sénégal. Sans prétendre à l’exhaustivité, l’objectif principal consiste à tenter d’expliquer cette trajectoire de développement du pays et d’apprécier la part de responsabilité des acteurs publics et privés des deux pays
This thesis provides an analysis of Senegal’s development trajectory from 1960 to 1974. At independence the country was in a favourable position with many assets to strengthen its development: industries, infrastructures and many famous intellectuals. However, in 1974, Senegal was in decline and facing bankruptcy. This analysis is conducted using a framework of economic and financial relations between Senegal and France from 1960 to 1974. The approach is based on the concept of development, which defines the cooperation between both countries. It aims to measure, describe, and assess its impact on the successive development policies, on Senegalese economic structures and the functioning of institutions. Without pretending to be exhaustive, the main aim is to try to explain this country’s development trajectory and appreciate the responsibility of public and private actors in both countries

Le Bayefallisme est une branche à l'intérieur de la voie soufie de Mouridiyya qui met de l'avant l'importance du travail pour les autres. Les disciples Baye Fall sont majoritairement sénégalais et renégocient leur rapport aux pratiques islamiques telles que la prière rituelle et le jeune. À l’instar de Pézeril (2008), l’enjeu de notre enquête ethnographique est de « comprendre » les Baye Fall. Notre recherche vise à mettre en lumière leurs expériences religieuses à l'aide d'une méthodologie d'observation participante qui tient compte de la présence du chercheur sur le terrain (Turner, 2000) et accorde donc une place importante à la réflexivité (Fabian, 2001). Nous avons remarqué que la majorité de nos informateurs ne déclaraient pas clairement : « Je suis Baye Fall », mais plutôt : « Je veux être Baye Fall ». Cette posture, que nous qualifierons de bayefallisante, nous a tout d’abord semblé problématique pour ensuite devenir notre porte d'entrée. La littérature sur les trajectoires religieuses a déjà démontré qu'elles ne sont pas linéaires, mais remplies d’ambivalences et de contradictions. Pour Schielke (2009) et de Koning (2013), ces contradictions sont induites par les ruptures inhérentes au quotidien en contexte de globalisation. Notre objectif est de démontrer que ces ambiguïtés peuvent également être créées par la qualité intersubjective et réflexive de l'expérience religieuse.Alors que les Baye Fall ont été ethnographiés surtout au Sénégal (Audrain, 2004; Pézeril, 2008; Morris, 2014), notre recherche a l'originalité de rendre compte d’un phénomène de bayefallisation des disciples mourides dans le contexte montréalais.
Bayefallism is a sub-group of the Mouride brotherhood that emphasizes hard work and dedication. Baye Fall disciples are mostly Senegalese and they challenge well-known precepts of Islam such as those prescribing daily prayers and fasting. Like Pézeril (2008), I aim at a better “understanding” of the Baye Fall in this study. My research aims to shed light on their religious experience through a methodology of participant observation where the presence of the ethnographer (Turner, 2000) is taken into account and that gives an important place to reflexivity (Fabian, 2001). Most of my informants did not say “I am Baye Fall”; rather they said, “I would like be Baye Fall.” Initially, I saw this as a problem but it soon became the starting point of my research. The literature on religious trajectories has shown that such trajectories are not linear but charged with ambivalence and contradictions. For authors such as Schielke (2009) and de Koning (2013), these contradictions are engendered by certain ruptures that are part of daily life in a globalized context. In my study, I seek to demonstrate that these ambiguities can also be an integral part of of an intersubjective, reflexive religious experience. While ethnographies of Baye Fall have been mainly carried out in Senegal (Audrain, 2004; Pézeril, 2008; Morris, 2014), the originality of this research lies in the fact that it examines the phenomenon of Bayefallism in the context of Montreal.

What did Montaigne think of the New World? “America” looks at two of his essays, “On Coaches” and “On Cruelty.” Montaigne saw virtue as a sliding scale, seeing natural goodness, including his own, as less evolved, whereas a man overcoming dark urges carried more weight. Montaigne abhorred cruelty, and while he did not see the New World’s inhabitants as innocent, he mourned the lost opportunities for brotherhood in the Old World’s razing of the New for “pearls and pepper” and found in the tribes a useful rhetorical device for contrasting their “savage” behavior, such as cannibalism, with the more calculated cruelties of the Old World.