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1
Einhorn, Barbara. "Socialist Emancipation: the Women's Movement in the German Democratic Republic." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 211–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00098.
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Dzyra, Olesya. "THE SPLIT IN THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA IN THE 1930s." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.9.
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The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.
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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.
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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
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Peterson, Paul Silas. "Romano Guardini in the Weimar Republic and in National Socialist Germany: With a brief look into the National Socialist correspondences on Guardini in the early 1940s." Journal for the History of Modern Theology / Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte 26, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth-2019-0003.
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Abstract Romano Guardini was one of the most important intellectuals of German Catholicism in the twentieth century. He influenced nearly an entire generation of German Catholic theologians and was the leading figure of the German Catholic youth movement as it grew exponentially in the 1920s. Yet there are many open questions about his early intellectual development and his academic contribution to religious, cultural, social and political questions in the Weimar Republic and in National Socialist Germany. This article draws upon Guardini’s publications, the secondary literature on Guardini and on some archival material, seeking to outline his early development and his engagement with the ideological context following World War I and in National Socialist Germany. Here Guardini’s criticisms of the modern age are presented. Besides this many other issues are addressed, such as his criticism of the women’s movement, his understanding of the youth movement, reception of Carl Schmitt, views of race, interpretation of the controversial Volk-concept, contribution to a Jewish journal in 1933, and his basic positions on the issues of obedience, order and authority. While Guardini was viewed critically by some National Socialists in the Third Reich, the administrative correspondences on him in the 1940s actually show that there was an internal debate about him among the National Socialist officials. This involved different figures, including a diplomat who came to Guardini’s defense. The internal disagreements were made more complicated because Guardini’s brothers were apparently members of the Fascist Party in Italy at this time.
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Muś, Anna. "Politicization of Ethnicity: The Moravian-Silesian Movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian Movement in Poland—A Comparative Approach." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (November 2019): 1048–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.66.
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AbstractEthnoregionalism in Europe is a phenomenon usually studied in the context of Western Europe. Still, in Central and Eastern Europe, there are some social and political movements that can be categorized as ethnoregionalist. The phenomenon started to play a role even before the Great War and in the interwar period, but was suppressed during the times of socialist regimes. It resurfaced immediately after 1989 during the times of transformation of political systems to fully democratic systems when problems of decentralization, authority, and division of power became openly discussed. In this article, I compare two such movements in the context of their political potential. The Moravian-Silesian movement in the Czech Republic and the Silesian movement in Poland have both similarities and differences, but the article mostly focuses on the evolution of these movements.
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English, Richard. "Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010300.
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In the words of one veteran communist, the Irish republican movement has experienced throughout its existence ‘a constant searching’ on social issues. In 1934 the Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) was fractured when a group of members who believed in socialism seceded to establish the Republican Congress movement. This article will examine a programme for government published early in 1934 by the I.R.A., consider the schism that occurred in March 1934, giving rise to the Republican Congress, and describe the aims, character and early activities of the new movement. It will be argued that there existed among republicans in 1934 two significant interpretations of the relationship between social radicalism and republican philosophy. The first involved a multi-class, Gaelic communalism. Public and private ownership were to be blended in post-revolutionary Ireland and emphasis was placed on class harmony rather than class struggle. Advocates of this approach employed radical rhetoric but tended to avoid any tangible involvement in immediate social struggle. Socio-economic radicalism was effectively obscured by nationalism. The second interpretation was socialist. This held that class conflict and the national struggle were necessarily complementary. Any attempt to restrain the social advance until independence had been achieved was ill-advised, since the republic could only be won through a struggle that was deeply imbued with class struggle.
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MORAT, DANIEL. "NO INNER REMIGRATION: MARTIN HEIDEGGER, ERNST JÜNGER, AND THE EARLY FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (November 2012): 661–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000248.
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Martin Heidegger and Ernst Jünger rightly count among the signal examples of intellectual complicity with National Socialism. But after supporting the National Socialist movement in its early years, they both withdrew from political activism during the 1930s and considered themselves to be in “inner emigration” thereafter. How did they react to the end of National Socialism, to the Allied occupation and finally to the foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949? Did they abandon their stance of seclusion and engage once more with political issues? Or did they persist in their withdrawal from the political sphere? In analyzing the intellectual relationship of Heidegger and Jünger after 1945, the article reevaluates the assumption of a “deradicalization” (Jerry Muller) of German conservatism after the Second World War by showing that Heidegger's and Jünger's postwar positions were no less radical than their earlier thought, although their attitude towards the political sphere changed fundamentally.
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Chen, Tina Mai. "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018223ar.
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Abstract This paper analyses the importance of love relations and sexuality in Soviet film for Chinese socialism in the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at the movement of Soviet women across the Sino-Soviet border — in films and as part of film delegations — I highlight the international circuits of gender that shaped socialist womanhood in China. I examine Chinese discussion of Soviet film stars including Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia, and Marina Kovaleva. I locate the movement away from 'fun-loving post-revolutionary' womanhood associated with Ladynina to socialist womanhood located in struggle and partisanship within the larger context of Maoist theory and Sino-Soviet relations. In my examination of debates over which female film stars were appropriate for China I draw out celebrated and sanctioned couplings of Chinese and Soviet film heroines, such as the links made between Zoya and Zhao Yiman. By looking at how Soviet film stars became part of Chinese political aesthetics, sexuality and love emerge as more important to our understanding of womanhood in Maoist China than has been recognized by most scholars of gender in China. This approach therefore offers a new perspective on Maoist ideologies of gender with its emphasis on non-Chinese bodies as constitutive of gender subjectivities in Maoist China. I argue that while gender in Maoist China was primarily enacted on a national level, internationalism and international circuits of gender were central to its articulation.
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Lane, Fintan. "William Thompson, bankruptcy and the west Cork estate, 1808–34." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003606.
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Historians of socialist thought have rated the Irish political philosopher and radical economist William Thompson (1778–1833) as the most influential theorist to emerge from the Owenite movement in early nineteenth-century Britain. Indeed, Gregory Claeys has judged him to be that movement's ‘most analytical and original thinker ... and a writer whose subsequent influence upon the history of socialist economic thought has been long established’. Furthermore, stressing Thompson's democratic values, Claeys insists that the Irishman ‘may rightfully be considered the founder of a more traditionally republican form of British democratic socialism’. While Robert Owen is remembered for his ambitious co-operative experiments, he was not a theoretical or deeply reflective writer and his intellectual legacy was minimal. The Corkborn Thompson, on the other hand, wrote assiduously on the theory and practice of early socialism, reputedly influenced Karl Marx and became a key figure in the history of feminism; nonetheless, our knowledge of this important Irish intellectual remains deficient.
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Schaub, Christoph. "World Literature and Socialist Internationalism in the Weimar Republic: Five Theses." New German Critique 48, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-8732187.
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Abstract Largely overlooked in the booming scholarship on world literature, literary globalization, and transnational modernism, a world literature of socialist internationalism was imagined, written, theorized, and practiced in the aftermath of World War I, representing the first attempt to actualize the idea of world literature under the auspices of a social and political mass movement. This article develops and illustrates five theses about this internationalist world literature. It thereby sketches aspects of the history of internationalist world literature in Germany between 1918 and 1933 and formulates historical, historiographical, poetological, and literary and cultural theoretical interventions into the field of world literature studies. In particular, the article develops the notions of the transnational literary counterpublic and of realist modernism while tracing ideas about transnational class literatures and nonnormative imaginaries of the proletariat.
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Rigby, Brian. "The reconstruction of culture: Peuple et Culture and the popular education movement." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 300–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818791514.
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One of the most significant popular cultural movements of the Liberation was the organisation Peuple et Culture. Born in the Christian-Socialist ethos of the École des Cadres at Uriage under the Vichy regime, and inspired by the cultural policy of the Front Populaire, it developed as a Resistance organisation, bringing culture to the bands of résistants in the Vercors. At the Liberation and in the early years of the Fourth Republic, it played a key role in defining cultural reconstruction, emphasising the need for infrastructure and trained personnel, and working towards a holistic approach to workers’ education and culture from school years into all stages of adulthood. As such, in spite of political and theoretical inconsistencies and contradictions, it laid the ground for future cultural planning policies under the Fifth Republic.
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KUNKELER, NATHANIËL. "NARRATIVES OF DECLINE IN THE DUTCH NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT, 1931–1945." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (October 4, 2017): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000188.
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AbstractGeneric fascism scholarship, which has turned strongly towards cultural political history in recent years, has focused heavily on themes of rebirth in fascist culture, but rebirth's counterpart of decline remains under-researched. After emphasizing the existence of several distinct and even mutually exclusive ideological strands in the NSB, this article shows how ideological difference was marked by narratives of decline. But they were equally used to generate a coherent political message about the contemporary state of the Netherlands. Central to their functionality as a unifying tool was party newspaper Volk en Vaderland, which served to promote a patriotic, news-focused, and peculiarly Dutch narrative of decline that overarched ideological difference. Yet more than just tying ends together, one narrative in particular served as a crucial ideological constant in the Movement, namely the Leider Anton Mussert's narrative of decline since the early modern Golden Age of the Dutch Republic, which tied traditional liberal patriotic themes into fascist discourse. Where other historians have emphasized Mussert's lack of moral and ideological leadership, the article impresses how narratives of decline functioned as moral support, and rallied NSB loyalists throughout the German occupation of the Netherlands, until Mussert's own death.
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Johnston, Hank, and David A. Snow. "Subcultures and the Emergence of the Estonian Nationalist Opposition 1945–1990." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 473–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389560.
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It is widely recognized that subcultural organization provides fertile soil for the development of social movements. There has not, however, been a systematic analysis of how different subcultures may be configured and what characteristics may encourage or inhibit mobilization. This paper takes an initial step in that direction by suggesting a typology of subcultures based on the degree of congruency of subcultural values and behaviors with the those of the dominant culture. We examine two subcultural types which are particularly relevant to social movement development: accommodative subcultures and oppositional subcultures. By drawing on interviews with activists in the former Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic, we specify the conditions by which accommodative and oppositional subcultures exist and are successfully transformed into social movements. We trace the evolution from an accommodative subculture under Stalinist terror to an oppositional subculture as state repression lessened under Krushchev's liberalizations, to mass mobilization of the Estonian independence movement in the late 1980s.
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Grexa, Ján. "Společensko-politické determinanty českého vysokoškolského športu." Studia sportiva 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2012): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/sts2012-1-13.
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Historically, a University sports movement is the oldest form of the modern sports movement, which was developed on the base of the student professional organization. Th e aim of this paper is to briefl y analyze the the context of socio-political and specifi c conditions in relation with ’student state‘ feature in Czech university sport in terms of Austro-Hungary monarchy, democratic and socialist Czechoslovak Republic. Th ere is a specifi c feature of the Czech university sport which is a symbiosis of sport-science research activities in physical education, acceptance of modern physical education system and nontraditional sports.
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Novák, Arnošt. "Direct Actions in the Czech Environmental Movement." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.137.
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Direct actions constitute an important repertoire of action for environmental movements in Western countries. This article differentiates two ideal types of this repertoire of action: the anarchist concept, which understands direct action in terms of values and as a preferred way of doing things; and the liberal concept, which uses direct action in an instrumental way. Based on my empirical research in post-socialist Czech Republic, the article focuses on debates over environmentalism and, to be more precise, on uses of direct actions by environmental organizations. It explains why the liberal concept was very limited and why direct action as a preferred way of doing things has not become a part of the repertoire of collective action. The article argues that the movement was politically moderate due to a combination of reasons: the very specific historical experience of the Czech environmental movement, which inclines it to use dialogue rather than confrontations with power; the fear of political hostility and marginalization by the state; and the internal dynamics of the environmental milieu.
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Eaton, David. "Diagnosing the Crisis in the Republic of Congo." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0003.
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AbstractIn 1991 in the Republic of Congo, a sovereign national conference in Brazzaville inaugurated a peaceful transition from socialist one‐party government to multi‐party democracy. The pluralization of public voices in the newly liberalized country – in religious movements, political parties and independent presses – expressed new conditions of understanding about the nation and its affairs. At the same time, local networks and categories of perception inflected geopolitical pressures from foreign powers into quasi‐ethnic divisions in competition for power through government representation. Subsequent conflict over contested elections sparked devastating civil war in 1997 and resulted in the return to power of the former socialist leadership.Given the uncertainties – indeed, the crises of institutions and of knowledge – during these times, how did Congolese diagnose the troubles through which the country passed? This article examines how national and socialist ideals and practices were evoked and reinterpreted to this end in public discourse through idioms of family, affliction, spiritual power and the living body. These modes of speech and action give evidence of longer‐term continuities in the region's political imaginations, as these incorporated changes brought by ongoing involvement in larger modern worlds.
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Ault, Brian. "Joining the Nazi Party before 1930." Social Science History 26, no. 2 (2002): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012360.
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The development of theNazi Party from 1925 to 1933 serves as fertile ground for studying what social movement researchers have identified as generic issues of micromobilization, the array of processes employed by movements in attracting, enlisting, and activatingmembers. Formally known as the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), the Nazi Party was, of course, a political party in contention with other parties of theWeimar Republic until wresting state power in 1933. The lion’s share of empirical research on the NSDAP has been by way of electoral studies done by political sociologists, political scientists, and historians. However, if one draws back the historical frame and looks at the period from 1920 through 1933, the Nazi Party in its incipient stages (Orlow 1969: 40–45) behaved quite overtly like some of the disruptive, militant socialmovements illuminated in contemporary social movement literature, culminating in the failed November Putsch of 1923 and Hitler’s subsequent imprisonment.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Diplomacy of Deception and Tactics of Terror: Hybrid Politics in the Strategy and Practice of the Secret War of Soviet Russia against the Hetmanate (April – December 1918)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-1.
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The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to anti-government insurgent units; guidance of the rebel movement; organisation of large-scale strikes and sabotage via secret agents as well as setting up arms caches and underground networks of revolutionary committees, etc. The article exposes secret aspects of subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of Bolshevik diplomacy in Ukraine, particularly of the Soviet consulate in Odesa, and its assistance to the anti-hetman movement with the acquiescence of German diplomats accredited to the Ukrainian State. Special attention is attached to the Soviet-Bolshevik policy of establishing secret military units of the underground socialist terrorist army in Ukraine and such steps of the Russian Soviet government as supporting and sponsoring mass rebel and terrorist movements and the direct organisation of acts of individual terror against Ukrainian public figures, including several attempts to assassinate Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. The author notes that Ukrainian security services were aware of the structure, network, subversive activities, and organisation of attempted assassinations of the Ukrainian hetman. The article describes the preparation of the Soviet armed invasion of Ukraine and records the beginning of the military aggression in the autumn of 1918. Keywords: Bolshevik terror, RSFSR, Skoropadskyi, Ukrainian State, hybrid war.
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Guenther, Katja. "A Movement Without Memory: Feminism and Collective Memory in Post-Socialist Germany." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.2.p8334vt163677676.
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The creation and maintenance of strategically useful collective memories can be important achievements for social movements, yet not all movements will attempt or succeed in these endeavors. This article examines how the shared history of the German Democratic Republic's (GDR) gender egalitarianism project was forgotten in the unified Germany. Feminist activists faced many conditions that appeared conducive to propagating a collective memory of the GDR's policies of gender egalitarianism. Ultimately, however, several factors militated against it: a politically and culturally hostile climate, perceived threats to the movement, the specific relationships between memories, and the timing of openings for memory work. For these reasons, a positive public collective memory of gender relations in the GDR did not develop in post-unification Germany.
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Upadhyay, Archana. "Russian Revolution in perspective. Reflections on its impact on the Indian freedom struggle." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-47-55.
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The October Revolution of 1917 profoundly influenced the course of the Indian freedom movement in multiple ways. It gave impetus to Indian political aspirations, widened the base of the freedom struggle by making industrial workers and peasants active participants, and endowed the movement with a progressive outlook. The revolution’s principles resonated deeply among the people and leaders of the Indian freedom movement. In fact, many of the values enshrined in our Constitution, adopted post-independence, were inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution. The most important event in Russia, influencing the course of the freedom movement in India, was the October Revolution in 1917. The revolution, its ideology, V. I. Lenin and his deep involvement with the issues confronting the people of the East, the transformation of Russia post 1917, and the overall attitude of the Soviet government and the Comintern towards India’s freedom struggle deeply influenced both the people and the leaders of the Indian freedom movement. Though the multiclass national movement did not get converted completely to the cause of socialism, the fact remains that the legacies of the October Revolution influenced the course of the freedom struggle in multiple ways. Some of its legacies got imprinted in the Constitution that India adopted post-independence. The socialist component of the Constitution of India did not happen by accident. It was the outcome of the massive ideological churning that took place within and outside the Indian National Congress and that which by no small measure was triggered by the emancipatory ideals of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Constitution of the Republic of India, adopted on 26 January 1950, was based on a set of principles and ideas that would achieve socialist reconstruction of society through democratic means. The right balance of the proper socio-economic rights with guaranteed democratic and civil liberties, based on the majority principle along with the right of minority opinions to exist and flourish in a secular state became the cornerstones of the Constitution that independent India adopted. Many of these values were clearly inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution.
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Borshchik, N. D. "«ЧЕРКАСОВСКОЕ» ДВИЖЕНИЕ В ЯЛТЕ 1944 г." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 2, no. 4 (2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2020-2-4-44-51.
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The article deals with the problems of post-war reconstruction of Yalta – one of the most popular resorts of the Soviet Union. During the great Patriotic war, this all-Union health resort was subjected to barbaric destruction and looting. The fascist occupation regime (1941-1944) caused enormous damage to the health resort Fund of Yalta, the city economy and the entire infrastructure of the southern coast of Crimea. The rapid return to the pre-war structure and the commissioning of social facilities has become a priority for the regional authorities and the population. In addition to traditional methods, the Patriotic «Сherkassov» movement, which began in the liberated Stalingrad in 1943 and spread throughout the country, was widely used. A solid Foundation was laid for the interaction of the city administration of Yalta and the local population with the commanders and soldiers of the red Army. Based on the analysis of archival documents of the State archive of the Republic of Crimea, it was possible to trace the course of restoration work in the fi rst months after the liberation of the Crimean Peninsula from fascism. It is established that for the rapid restoration and functioning of the Yalta resorts, public activists launched a socialist competition on «Сherkassov» methods
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Coderre, Laurence. "A Necessary Evil: Conceptualizing the Socialist Commodity under Mao." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000488.
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AbstractThis article traces the conceptual lineage of a statement, made by Mao Zedong and published in 1975, describing the contemporary economic system in the People's Republic of China as a commodity economy. Any surprise we might feel in the face of this verdict says more about our own narrow understanding of the (capitalist) commodity than it does about the political economy of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). As I detail in this study, the continued existence and necessity of commodities under socialism had long been an important topic of conversation in Communist circles, with important ramifications for economic planning and political movements. This article focuses on the impact of Stalin's theory of the socialist commodity, as articulated in 1952, on Chinese political economy in the 1950s; Mao's particular engagement with Stalin's work in the context of the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960); and the emergence of a new, less benign view of the socialist commodity in the 1970s. I argue that political economic theory and its study were in fact critical to the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution as mass mobilization campaigns, calling into question much of what we think we know about modern Chinese history and Chinese socialism. The essay is intended to unsettle enduring and uncritical associations between the commodity-form and capitalism. How might we, following on the heels of the theorists I discuss, imagine the commodity otherwise?
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Retallack, James. "“What Is to Be Done?” The Red Specter, Franchise Questions, and the Crisis of Conservative Hegemony in Saxony, 1896–1909." Central European History 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 271–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021658.
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Wecould be more liberal if we had no social democrats.” This was one axiom of German electoral politics with which the overwhelming mass of non-socialist (bürgerlich) German voters agreed unrservedly, wrote Lothar Schücking, a liberal critic of Prussian officialdom, in 1908. Nevertheless, continued Schücking, the aims and ideals of the social democratic movement were completely unfamiliar to most educated Germans. “One knows a few slogans,” wrote Schucking: “‘free love,’ ‘religion a private matter,’ ‘impoverishment of the masses,’… ‘republic.’” Everything else was subsumed under the specter of the “red international.” Disapprovingly, Schucking concluded that “the burgerlich parties have gradually come to recognize only ‘national questions.’”
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KELLY, ELAINE. "Music for International Solidarity: Performances of Race and Otherness in the German Democratic Republic." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (February 2019): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000124.
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AbstractCentral to the official identity of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the state's positioning of itself as the antifascist and anti-colonial other to West Germany. This claim was supported by the GDR's extensive programme of international solidarity, which was targeted at causes such as the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. A paradox existed, however, between the vision of a universal proletariat that underpinned the discourse of solidarity and the decidedly more exclusive construct of socialist identity that was fostered in the GDR itself. In this article, I explore some of the processes of othering that were embedded in solidarity narratives by focusing on two quite contrasting musical outputs that were produced in the name of solidarity: the LP Kämpfendes Vietnam, which was released on the Amiga record label in 1967, and the Deutsche Staatsoper's 1973 production of Ernst Hermann Meyer's anti-apartheid opera, Reiter der Nacht.
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Yeh, Wen-hsin. "Middle County Radicalism: The May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou." China Quarterly 140 (December 1994): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000052838.
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The May Fourth Movement of 1919 occupies a special position in scholars’ consideration of modern China as a result of the convergence of two sets of historical constructions. In China, according to official textbooks explaining the rise of the People's Republic that were first promulgated by the new socialist state in the 1950s, 1919 was identified as the very moment of origin when cultural iconoclasm was joined to a political activism of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle: the watershed affecting the flow of all subsequent revolutionary history. In the West, as presented in Chow Tse-tsung's highly influential 1964 volume, May Fourth was singled out as the time of patriotic awakening reached as a result of intellectual exposure to such Western liberal values as science, democracy, liberty and individualism. The May Fourth Movement has since been characterized variously as a response to Western liberal influence; as a product of education abroad in Japan, Europe or America; as an awakening to the call of international Bolshevism; and as an evaluative rejection of traditional Confucianism as the primary source of authority. Whether liberal or revolutionary, these intellectual developments were then seen as the inspiration for a unified national political movement that spread outward from Beijing and Shanghai into the provinces.
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Zajas, Pawel. "South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (October 9, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.8324.
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The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.
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Grzybowski, Romuald. "Odradzanie się harcerstwa polskiego po 1956 r. i próby włączenia go w struktury systemu wychowawczego szkoły." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 23 (March 11, 2019): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2007.23.3.
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The Polish scouting movement, which wrote such a beautiful page of history during the Second World War, after 1945 found itself in an extremely difficult situation. The aims and the forms of educational influence of ZHP (poi. abbr. Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego - Polish Scouting Association) proved unacceptable by the government of a totalitarian state, which the Polish People’s Republic (Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa - PRL) was. As a result, ZHP was originally marginalized, and then, for several years, had been completely dissolved. The reconstruction of the scouting movement started at the end of 1956, on the wave of a political thaw. Such actions led, in the years 1956-1958, to a formal recreation of ZHP, however, since then, this organization was entirely subject to PZPR (Polish communist party). Consequently, following 1958, ZHP was incorporated into the structure of a communist youth movement in Poland. Moreover, in accordance with the rules of the socialist political system and the principles of a planned economy, the scouting movement was „delegated” to work in school. Since then, in compliance with the guidelines of the Central Committee of PZPR, the activity of the Polish Scouting Association (ZHP) was to become an integral element of the school's educational programme. It meant that the scouting movement was supposed to actively participate in shaping of socialist attitudes in children and youth, according to the main task of the Polish school which was reformed in 1961. Unexpectedly, the party authorities and educational authorities were confronted with the opposition of ZHP leadership that they controlled. ZHP, for a long time, resolutely rejected the suggestion about a necessity to strengthen the ties of this organization and school. In reality, in early 1960s, the scouting movement defended the remnants of its autonomy, struggling against becoming one of the tools for shaping a young generation of Poles through ideologized Polish school. The practice showed that the arguments of scouts did not have any significance for communist authorities as they consequently kept on achieving their own goals.
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Williams, Dana M., and Matthew T. Lee. "Aiming to Overthrow the State (Without Using the State): Political Opportunities for Anarchist Movements." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 4 (2012): 558–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341236.
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Abstract The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, we note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik success in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors.
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Lityński, Adam. "Armenii droga do leninowsko-kemalowskiego rozbioru (1917–1921)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.2.
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After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the former nations of the Russian Empire searched for the possibility of forming their own independent countries. The situation was the same with three nations of Transcaucasia, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. After the separatist Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (signed on the 3rd of March 1918), Bolshevik Russia in practice gave away the Transcaucasia region to Germany and Turkey. Especially Turkey assumed an aggressive and annexationist stance at the time. And it was the Armenians who mainly put up the resistance. Armenia, together with Azerbaijan and Georgia, first created the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. However, the state was short-lived and it soon collapsed due to different approaches to preserving independence by the three countries. Azerbaijan tried to unite with Turkey, Georgia with Germany,while Armenia counted on the White movement Russians (led by General Denikin). Each of the three countries formed separate independent republics and one of them was the First Republic of Armenia. Germany and Turkey lost the First World War soon after but Caucasia was first attacked from the north by the White General Anton Denikin, who was supported by England and France. And later (in 1920) the country was invaded by the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks, thanks to the military might of the Red Army, overthrew the independent governments of those republics one by one. Subsequently, they introduced their own governments and annexed the countries into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The RSFSR signed the Treaty of Brotherhood with Turkey on the 16th of March 1921, which was mainly directed against Great Britain and France. In order to realize this alliance, Russia and Turkey divided between themselves the Armenianlands.
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Harris-Brandts, Suzanne. "The role of architecture in the Republic of Georgia's European aspirations." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 6 (November 2018): 1118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1488827.
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Alignment with Europe has been a popular foreign policy objective among post-socialist nations. In the Republic of Georgia, discourse surrounding the country's Euro-Atlantic orientation surged in the decade after the 2003 Rose Revolution. While such discourse has been examined in the context of political reforms and national security goals, this article foregrounds how it was incorporated into alterations of the built environment. Focusing on the urban transformations of the city of Batumi after the rise to power of the United National Movement government, it demonstrates how architecture served as a tool for selectively rewriting Georgia's contemporary European identity. This article concentrates on two parallel initiatives to transform Batumi into a contemporary European city: the reconstruction of portions of the Old City and the new development along the seaside boulevard. Using evidence collected through qualitative methods, it further highlights the contradictions that emerged during this process of redevelopment and rebranding, as the state balanced initiatives for new development with other post-revolutionary state-building objectives, such as political reform and tourism-market production. Accordingly, it unpacks the various national and international politico-economic forces at play in the process of developing Batumi into the image of a contemporary European city.
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Lavrinivich, Dmitry S. "Project of Resolving the Belarusian Issue During World War I (1914–1918): Regional Aspects." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (August 1, 2020): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-2-248-256.
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At the beginning of the World War I, the center of Belarusian national movement was located in Vilna, where the editors of «Nasha Niva» journal and the « Belarusian society» formed two main views on the national development of the Belarusian people in the 20th century. The first project assumed national autonomy within the Federal Russian Republic. The representatives of the latter advocated the cultural and economic development of the Belarusian people while maintaining close ties with Russia. After the occupation of Vilna by the German troops and the fall of the tsarist government in 1917 independent Belarusian organizations emerged in all provincial cities and towns. Belarusian organizations, with centers in Minsk, advocated the national-territorial autonomy of Belarus as part of democratic Russia, and then the idea of creating an independent state, the Belarusian People’s Republic, prevailed. Belarusian organizations of Mogilev province were influenced by the ideology of Westrusism, but gradually evolved to the left and became closer to the Belarusian Socialist Community (BSG). The most conservative organization, the Belarusian People’s Union, operated in Vitebsk province.
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Urbańczyk, Joanna. "“What if it is actually true?”." Nova Religio 20, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.20.3.74.
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The Siberian community of Vissarion (Last Testament Church) is a new religious movement established at the beginning of 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Among its members (estimated at several thousand), who come mainly from Russia and former Soviet republics, there is also a large group of Vissarion’s followers from Eastern Europe. In this article, I present a general characteristic of the movement and four stories from adherents. I indicate common elements in their narratives of coming to and living in the community, such as belief in continuing spiritual development, the importance of living close to nature, the focus on feelings, and concern for future generations. I also point out a “generational shift” among members of the importance of the breakup of the Soviet Union and suggest the need for scholarly consideration of its decreasing significance for adherents of new religious movements in the post-socialist region.
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Schmid, Andre. "Historicizing North Korea: State Socialism, Population Mobility, and Cold War Historiography." American Historical Review 123, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy001.
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Abstract The Cold War is far from over on the Korean Peninsula. Korean history—especially for the northern half—remains deeply shaped by the legacies of transnational anti-communism even as historians who study socialism in other settings have shed many of the Cold War–era assumptions about the extensive power of the state. By putting North Korea in a comparative perspective with other socialist countries such as the USSR, the People’s Republic of China, and the German Democratic Republic, this article suggests ways of integrating the constitutive power of social forces beyond the state into our histories of North Korea, as seen through an examination of population movement. Beginning with the dissolution of the Japanese Empire, the mobility of people has always been a politicized issue between the two Koreas. Historians have taken up this issue, yet dependence on sources produced by the North Korean state has led many narratives—however harshly critical of the regime—to reproduce within their own analytical frameworks key assumptions originally produced in Pyongyang in support of the personality cult. The result has been a cartoonish depiction of the North Korean state. By using a diverse set of public media as sources, this article shows that due to conflicting interests of migrants, factory managers, and central economic planners, many North Koreans moved into the cities despite administrative injunctions and the admonishments of Kim Ilsung. Asking questions about the limits of the state, rather than assuming its totalitarian capacity, becomes one way of escaping the historiographical legacies of the Cold War even as the politics of division continue to rage on the peninsula.
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Stross, Randall. "The Return of Advertising in China: A Survey of the Ideological Reversal." China Quarterly 123 (September 1990): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018889.
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During the 1980s, bracketed by the Third Plenum in 1978 and the suppression of the democracy movement in 1989, China edged, step by step, away from the orthodoxies of the Cultural Revolution, and each reversal excited a certain amount of commentary both within and without China. As time passed, and the list of reintroduced institutions and practices grew ever longer, habituation reduced the surprise of succeeding announcements. But the reintroduction of advertising, a cental totem of advanced capitalist culture, occupied a particularly significant place on the list because its reappearance in China forced the Chinese to reconsider distinctions that had formerly been drawn between capitalist and socialist societies. For most of its history, the People's Republic had castigated advertising as the apotheosis of the capitalist religion of consumption. This was especially so in the late 1960s during the height of the Cultural Revolution. Afterwards few commercial billboards or newspaper advertisements interrupted the skein of relentlessly political messages that crossed public space. When advertising was officially reintroduced in 1979, and its sanctioned scope expanded beyond industrial goods, the state faced a daunting ideological task: rebuilding a case for advertising in a socialist system that had long defined itself as one that did not need commercial exhortation. In essence, it had to sell the legitimacy of selling.
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Schulz, Cynthia. "Between surrealism and politics: An exploration of subversive body arts in 1980s East German underground cinema." Punk & Post-Punk 00, no. 00 (July 9, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00104_1.
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This article discusses the underground cinema of the German Democratic Republic during the 1980s in regard to its contributions to the arts and the avant-garde. While scholars including Claus Löser and Katrin Frietzsche have contributed greatly to the remembrance of the East German underground cinema, its influences have been disregarded by film studies, not least within the anglophone field. As a result, little to no research has been conducted regarding its contributions to the avant-garde or through the scope of other art movements as the political aspect continues to be emphasized. This article draws upon multiple art developments such as dada, surrealism, performance and body art as well as Eastern European-specific movements. Therefore, it evaluates how the East German underground interprets those influences and further contributes to them. Significant works by Cornelia Schleime, Gabriele Stötzer, Thomas Frydetzki and Tohm di Roes are subject to analyses to reveal anarchist feminist tendencies and surrealism with anarchist aspects. It concludes that the East German underground must be seen as a contribution to the less-researched necrorealism as an art movement paralleling the constitutional socialist realism. As such, political implications cannot be subtracted altogether but shall rather be viewed alongside the emergence of anarchist surrealism during the Cold War.
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Raikivskyi, I. Y. "UKRAINIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GALICIA OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1930-s." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 4(56) (December 27, 2019): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2019-4(56)-122-136.
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The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
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Vu, Tuong. "‘It's time for the Indochinese Revolution to show its true colours’: The radical turn of Vietnamese politics in 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990051.
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Cold War historians have neglected the significance of the year 1948 for Indochina. Based on new sources, this paper shows critical shifts in politics within the Vietnamese nationalist movement in 1948. These were the result of converging developments during late 1947 and early 1948, including changes in international politics, in French–Vietnamese relations, and in the relationship between non-communist and communist leaders within the Việt Minh state. By late 1948, Party ideologues were already looking beyond national independence towards building a new socialist regime. The nationalist coalition that had led the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was seriously damaged in 1948, even though civil war would only break out several years later. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, 1948 thus marked a new period: the beginning of the end of the ‘united front’ period and cooperation with bourgeois nationalists.
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Miodunka, Władysław T. "Rozpowszechnianie, zachowywanie i nauczanie języka polskiego w świecie w latach 1918–2018, część II: Polszczyzna i Polonia w świecie w latach 1944–2018." Poradnik Językowy 2020, no. 2/2020(771) (February 25, 2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2020.2.1.
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The entire period 1944-2018 was divided chronologically into two parts: the period 1944-1989, which was the period of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), when Poland was part of the Socialist Bloc, led by the USSR, and the period 1989-2018, when the Polish authorities and society built a free and independent Republic of Poland in unison. In the former period, special attention is given to the period 1978-1990, when Cardinal Karol Wojtyła’s election as Pope John Paul II fi rst and the establishment and activity of the Solidarity movement next made Poland a country well-known and admired all over the world, which largely infl uenced the transformation of the awareness of the Polish community in many countries. All this constitutes a background for the presentation of the history of education of the Polish community abroad, foundation of schools of the Polish language and culture at numerous Polish institutions of higher education, with the University of Warsaw in the lead and fi nally, the process of developing Polish Studies abroad as well as the process of integrating Polish and foreign specialists in Polish studies in the period 1997-2018.
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LENTZ, CHRISTIAN C. "Cultivating Subjects: Opium and rule in post-colonial Vietnam." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (June 22, 2017): 879–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000402.
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AbstractSwidden cultivators in the Southeast Asian highlands may work far from lowland centres, but certain crops attract powerful interests. During the First Indochina War (1946–54), French and Vietnamese political actors climbed the hills in pursuit of the Black River region's opium production and trade. Even after combat formally ended, opium contests continued into an independent Vietnam, intersecting with larger struggles over ethnic difference, state resource claims, and market organization. Using upland cultivators to examine post-colonial statemaking, this article tells a new story about opium's tangled relationship with socialist rule in Vietnam. Drawing on French and Vietnamese archival records, it traces the operation of successive opium regimes through war and into restive peace. Based on evidence of opium tax and purchase operations conducted by the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1951 to 1960, it argues that regulating the commodity sensitized cultivators to their long, fraught relations with state power. Far from passive, cultivating subjects animated revolutionary ideals, engaged smuggling networks, negotiated resource rights, and mounted an oppositional social movement. Peaking in 1957, the movement and subsequent crackdown illustrate tensions embedded in post-colonial relations of exchange and rule.
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Orlovsky, Daniel. "The Provisional Government: A Centennial View." Russian History 45, no. 2-3 (August 31, 2018): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04502003.
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D. Orlovsky aims to establish the unique qualities of 1917 and the importance of the Provisional Government project. He reviews briefly the treatment of the power question and the PG in the fiftieth and eightieth anniversaries in the West. He proposes a three pronged approach for study of the PG- 1.) as an administrative/bureaucratic operational governing entity; 2.) as a political clearing house for the principal actors and leaders of the major political parties and the programs of those parties and finally, 3.) as a social entity, home of the social movement of lower middle strata occupational, proto-professional and professional groups. Finally, he argues that we take seriously both the “failed” institutions, the Democratic Conference and the Council of the Republic and the alternative of an all socialist government proposed by Martov and other Mensheviks in the endgame of the Revolution during September and October of 1917.
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Junger, M. "THE ROLE OF THE HUNGARIAN SAMIZDAT IN INTENSIFYING OF OPPOSITION-MINDED PUBLIC (1976 – 1988)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.15.
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The paper reviews the origins and development of samizdat in the Hungarian People's Republic. The samizdat for a long time remained the only way of doing opposition activities. It contributed to the spread of uncensored information and dissident's consolidation. The main opposition groups were urban and populist. The principle of the "popular front", which had deep historical roots in Hungary, meant joint efforts of various actors. It played an important role for their consolidation during the work on the collection of papers "In Memory of Bibo". The authors questioned the legitimacy of socialist states in Central and Eastern Europe. They had also written a program for achievement political pluralism, multi-party democracy. There was a positive impact of the political legacy of the philosopher to the ideological development of the urban group. The reaction of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party to the "In Memory of Bibo" testified a deep understanding of the causes of origin and prospects of the opposition's growth. Thematic areas of the leading samizdat journals "Beszélő", "Hirmondó", "Demokrata", their contribution to the consolidation of opposition-minded part of the Hungarian society were estimated. In this paper for the first time in the Ukrainian historiography we gave an account on the image of the Ukrainian dissident movement in the Hungarian samizdat.
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Koshina, Olga V., and Larisa G. Skvorcova. "Industry of Mordovia during the Great Patriotic War 1941–1945: conditions of formation and ways of development." Economic History 16, no. 1 (April 3, 2020): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.048.016.202001.064-076.
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Introduction. The problem of the development of industry in Mordovia during the war remains relevant in modern conditions. In the year of the celebration of the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, researchers again turn their attention to various aspects of the industrial development of the republic during the war years. Materials and Methods. The theoretical and methodological paradigm of the study was the theory of modernization. The socio-economic processes in the MASSR are analyzed, which testify to the formation of the foundations of an industrial society in the agrarian republic. The narrative method is actively combined with the sociological and historical-comparative. The multifactorial approach allowed the authors to identify the conditions for the formation of the industrial base of the republic in wartime. Results. The main problems in the development of the industrial base of Mordovia during the war were: shortage and low qualification of personnel, imbalance between the engineering and working staff of enterprises, interruptions in the supply of raw materials and electricity, the absence of heavy industry in pre-war Mordovia, lack of production space for evacuated enterprises, and difficult social living conditions for evacuated specialists. Discussion and Conclusions. The ways to increase industrial production during the war were: socialist competition, various methods of advanced training, overtime in wartime, an innovative movement, the mobilization of different sectors of the population at industrial facilities. Evacuated enterprises formed the basis of the industrial base of post-war Mordovia.
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Kostiuk, Ruslan. "Social-reformist Experiments in Latin America during the Cold War." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-83-105.
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The article is devoted to the consideration and analysis of the practical policy of Latin American national reformism and social reformism during the Cold War. The author shows that the political and ideological gamut of the non-communist left movement in Latin America in the bipolar period was very wide. Specifically in this scientific article, the author refers to examples of the exercise of power by different directions of the socialist movement in the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Panama, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Peru, Chile. The author shows the existing connections between Latin American national reformism and the Socialist International and at that time comes to the conclusion that the ideology and practice of Latin American social democracy during the Cold War had a special, specific character. The common features characteristics of both the ideological project and the practical policy of the social reformist forces in the period under review were a commitment to political transformations, the expansion of social and political rights of citizens, the strengthening of the state and public sector in the economy, the priority of social policy, an anti-oligarchic strategy, a focus on a fair agrarian reform, anti-imperialism and the desire to defend national independence in foreign policy. In some cases (Nicaragua, Panama, Chile), the nature of social-economic transformations went beyond the framework of classical social reformism and had a revolutionary democratic content. The results of the center-left experiments in Latin American countries during the Cold War have varied, but by the 1990s most of them had failed. This is largely due to the fact that in the specific historical conditions of Latin American countries, national reformism in power led to the development of authoritarian and personalist tendencies, an increase in corruption and bureaucracy, attempts to merge the party and state apparatus.
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YIN, QINGFEI. "From a Line on Paper to a Line in Physical Reality: Joint state-building at the Chinese-Vietnamese border, 1954–1957." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (February 14, 2020): 1905–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1800029x.
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AbstractThis article studies the collaboration between the Chinese and Vietnamese communists in the socialist transformation of their shared borderlands after the First Indochina War. It both complicates and clarifies the volatile bilateral relationship between the two emerging communist states as they solidified their power in the 1950s. Departing from traditional narratives of Sino-Vietnamese relations which focus on wars and conflicts, this article examines how the timely convergence of Cold War and state expansion transformed the Sino-Vietnamese borderlands from 1954 to 1957. Using both Chinese and Vietnamese archival sources, it contends that the Chinese and Vietnamese communists pursued two interrelated goals in carrying out the political projects at the territorial limits of their countries. First, they wanted to build an inward-looking economy and society at the respective borders by consolidating the national administration of territory. Second, they wanted to impose a contrived Cold War comradeship between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in place of the organic interdependence of people within the borderlands that had existed in the area for centuries. The Sino-Vietnamese border, therefore, was the focus of joint state-building by the two communist governments, which made the cross-border movement of people and goods more visible, manipulable, and, more importantly, taxable.
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Wood, Sarah L. "How Empires Make Peripheries: ‘Overseas France’ in Contemporary History." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (June 11, 2019): 434–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000917.
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The inhabitants of the overseas departments and collectivities of France have, of late, been reconsidering their relationships both to each other and to the former imperial metropole. In 2011 Mayotte, previously classified as an overseas collectivity, acceded to full French and European status as an overseas department of France following a referendum. This decision to, in the words of the social scientist François Taglioni, further ‘anchor’ the island in the republic has commonly been understood as a pragmatic decision as much as an ideological one. It was a way of distancing Mayotte from the political turmoil in neighbouring independent Comoros, as well as an indicator of the improbability of a small island nation achieving full sovereignty in a multipolar, resource hungry world. The narrative that self-determination must necessarily be obtained through national independence is still prevalent in the language of certain independence movements, including that of the Kanak people of New Caledonia. But it has been repeatedly tested at the ballot box, not least in November 2018 when New Caledonians voted in a referendum on their constitutional future. This referendum – and the further two due to follow it before 2022 – will be observed with interest by other self declared nations in waiting. Some anticipate, not a reclaiming of local sovereignty in the event of independence, but rather a transferral of economic hegemony from France to China, a prospect hinted at by Emmanuel Macron during a visit to Nouméa in 2018. However, the demographic minority status of the Kanak people whom the independentist Kanak and Socialist Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste;FLNKS) claims to represent, coupled with divisions within the movement, means it is very hard to predict the contours of a future independent New Caledonian state.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Obelevsky, A., and A. Obelevsky. "Sport and physical culture as implementation tools in the social and cultural sphere." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 5(125) (September 27, 2020): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2020.5(125).23.
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This article aims to show the diversity of physical and sports life of Belarusians at various stages. The evolutional process of physical culture and sports in the Republic of Belarus has been highlighted. The experience of organizing the management of sports movement has been widely disclosed. The process of improving the scientific and methodological base has been described. The purposeful work of state bodies with youth and various categories of the adult population in the development of the sociocultural sphere using physical culture has been demonstrated. The article is devoted to the consideration of physical culture and sports in the context of solving the tasks of the Republic of Belarus in the social and cultural sphere. The study of historical processes in the field of physical culture and sports in the Republic of Belarus is fragmented. The main problems in the sports industry have been analyzed, and the role of physical culture in their solution has been determined. The importance of such sporting events as the Olympic Games has been reflected in the formation of a positive image of the country in the international arena. The history of physical culture and sports guided by the doctrine of society, considers the emergence and development of physical culture and sports in the framework of two economic formations: capitalist and socialist. Each of them has its own characteristics and patterns. The study of history allows us to consider the entire course of the development of physical education and sports in mutual connection with other aspects of society.
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Gelber, Scott. "“City Blood Is No Better than Country Blood”: The Populist Movement and Admissions Policies at Public Universities." History of Education Quarterly 51, no. 3 (August 2011): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2011.00337.x.
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The gubernatorial election of 1892 unnerved faculty members at Kansas State Agricultural College (KSAC). Voted into office by a “fusion” of Populists and Democrats, Governor Lorenzo Lewelling filled four vacant seats on the college's seven-member governing board, overturning a Republican Party majority for the first time in the college's history. These new regents included radicals such as Edward Secrest, a farmer who pledged to “change the order of things” at KSAC, and Christian Balzac Hoffman, a miller, banker, and politician who had founded an ill-fated socialist colony in Topolobampo, Mexico. Populist interest in KSAC intensified in 1897, when a different fusionist governing board promoted Professor Thomas E. Will to the college presidency. Born on an Illinois farm, Will attended a normal school before proceeding to Harvard University, where he chaffed within “the citadel of a murderous economic system.” When offered the chair of political economy at KSAC, Will had been lecturing, writing for reform periodicals, and serving as secretary of a Christian socialist organization called The Boston Union for Practical Progress. Although he never formally joined a Populist organization, Will shared the movement's commitment to erasing class distinctions in politics and education. Following Will's inauguration, a Populist regent exulted that the masses had finally “scaled the gilded halls of the universities.”
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Ayusheeva, Marina V. "Anti-Religious Printed Propaganda in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: A Case Study of the Erdem ba Shazhan Magazine." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/16.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes anti-religious propaganda in the early 1920s in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the example of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan [Science and Religion]. An important component of the state policy in the antireligious struggle in the republic was the Regional Union of Atheists, created in Verkhneudinsk on December 2, 1926. The publication of Erdem ba Shazhan in the Mongolian script was aimed at covering the gap of specialized literature on anti-religious propaganda. While analyzing issues of the magazine stored in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, research methods of historical science were used. The source study method has revealed the significance of the magazine as a source for studying atheistic propaganda and introducing a new socialist ideology in Buryat society. Erdem ba Shazhan was a methodological guide for a wide network of circles of the League of Militant Atheists. The magazine described the anti-religious events held in the republic, discredited false religious postulates, and propagandized the new Soviet style of life. For instance, the magazine published scientific disputes with lamas about the essence of religion. The analysis of the contents of Erdem ba Shazhan shows that educational issues were aimed at the broad promotion of the new life and eradication of religious remnants occupied more than a half of its volume. The magazine had no thematic sections, but it is possible to identify several main headings: propaganda and educational materials, popular scientific articles, short news, literary life. The “short news” part presented items on the activities of not only the Union of Atheists, but also of the first scientific organization—Buruchkom. The history of overcoming religiousness and inculcating the new ideology found reflection in the works of fiction the magazine published. Young writers, scientists, and educators (Kh. Namsaraev, Ts. Don, D. Madason) collaborated with Erdem ba Shazhan. The magazine also contained visual materials: photos, drawings, caricatures. It is worth noting the original design of the magazine cover made by Ts. Sampilov. Along with other publications in the Mongolian script, Erdem ba Shazhan promoted the development of atheistic education. The magazine illustrated the most diverse aspects of the life of the Buryat population with an emphasis on the scientific nature of events. Thus, the publication of the magazine Erdem ba Shazhan had a significant impact on the development of the atheistic movement in the republic, along with more accessible forms of printed propaganda in the form of posters and other visual means, such as cinema and theater. In general, this magazine compensated for the lack of specialized literature in the Buryat language, being the only methodological guide for a network of atheist cells in rural areas.
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CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.
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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.