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Journal articles on the topic 'Mozambique Politics and government 1994-'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Brown, MacAlister. "Election Observers in Cambodia, 1998: What Can We Learn?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 1 (2000): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00013.

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COUNTRIES RIVEN BY INTERNAL CONFLICT HAVE INCREASINGLY SOUGHT to resolve their conf licts and establish stable government by conducting elections, which outside observers can verify as ‘free and fair’. The first highly successful such venture, in Nicaragua 1990, was followed by election operations by the UN in Ethiopia 1992, Angola 1992, El Salvador 1994, Mozambique 1994, South Africa 1994, Haiti 1995, Liberia 1997 and Cambodia 1993 and 1998. The degree of stability and reconciliation achieved by these operations has varied, but the recent election observer effort, in Cambodia (26 July 1998),

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2

Leitenberg, Milton. "The Participation of Japanese Military Forces in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations." Asian Perspective 20, no. 1 (1996): 5–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1996.a921157.

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Abstract: Since their establishment in 1954, the Self Defense Forces (SDF) of Japan have been a contentious issue in Japanese domestic politics. The legitimacy of their existence was opposed by the Japanese Socialist Party, which warned, in addition, of the dangers inherent in their existence or expansion. Nevertheless, as early as 1958 and again in 1961, there were requests from UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold to the Japanese government that Japan commit members of the SDF for service with United Nations peacekeeping missions. Such proposals were supported by the Japanese ambassador to

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3

Alden, Chris. "The UN and the Resolution of Conflict in Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (1995): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020875.

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The signing of the General Peace Agreement in Rome in October 1992 marked the formal cessation of 17 years of intermittent warfare in the former Portuguese colony of Mozambique.1 The bitter struggle by the guerrilla movement known as the Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (Renamo) to topple the avowedly Marxist–Leninist régime established by the leaders of the Frente de Libertção de Moçambique (Frelimo) was in many respects a regional expression of the cold war politics which dominated the international environment. The transformations in the Soviet Union and South Africa, blunting the ideologic

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Machava, Benedito, and Euclides Gonçalves. "The dead archive: governance and institutional memory in independent Mozambique." Africa 91, no. 4 (2021): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972021000425.

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AbstractTranslated from the Portuguese expression arquivo morto, the dead archive is a site where files that have lost their procedural validity are stored for a determined number of years before they are destroyed or are sent to permanent archives. In Mozambique, where awareness and institutional capacity for proper archival procedures are still being developed, a common feature of the dead archive is the way in which files are untidily piled up with old typewriters, furniture, spare parts and other material debris of bureaucratic work and administration. In these archives, more than forty ye

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Bonate, Liazzat J. K. "Muslims and Politics in Postcolonial Mozambique." Kronos 50, no. 1 (2024): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2024/v50a12.

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This is a collection of previously published articles addressing the relationship between the post-colonial state under the Frelimo government and Muslims of Mozambique. The book aims at understanding the state's policies towards religion and secularity, the formation of Muslim elites and counter-elites, and inter-religious and inter-Muslim competition and conflicts between 1975 and 2022. The last chapter of the book attempts to provide a historical interpretation for the origins and evolution of the current jihadi insurgency in Cabo Delgado.

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6

Ottaway, Marina. "Mozambique: From Symbolic Socialism to Symbolic Reform." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (1988): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010442.

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In the four years since the signing of the Nkomati accord in March 1984, Mozambique has undergone a quiet but far-reaching process of policy reform. Faced with a major crisis caused by the Renamo insurgency and by economic mismanagement, the Government has apparently abandoned its ambitious programme of socialist transformation through the creation of state farms and the launching of large projects, adopting instead a package of market-oriented economic reforms. Having joined the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in late 1984, Mozambique has been devaluing its currency, increasing

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7

Sommaruga, Cornelio. "Recognition of the Mozambique Red Cross Society." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 267 (1988): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400072053.

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We have the honour of informing you that the Mozambique Red Cross Society has been officially recognized by the International Committee of the Red Cross. This recognition, which took effect on 29 September 1988, brings to 147 the number of National Societies that are members of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.Founded on 10 July 1981, the Society officially applied for recognition by the International Committee of the Red Cross on 23 September 1988. In support of its application, it forwarded various documents, including a report on its activities, the text of its Statutes

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8

Monjane, Celso M., and M. Anne Pitcher. "The Elusive Dream of Democracy, Security, and Well-Being in Mozambique." Current History 121, no. 835 (2022): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.835.177.

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The 1992 peace accords ending a 16-year civil war, followed by the 1994 democratic elections, promised a brighter political and economic future for Mozambique. Despite the adoption of multiparty politics and robust economic growth since the 1990s, however, Mozambique today faces seemingly intractable challenges. Amid increasing allegations of electoral fraud, Frelimo continues to be the country’s ruling party, a position it assumed after independence in 1975. Political insiders control most of the country’s considerable economic assets, including vast natural gas deposits in the north. A viole

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Grieves, Forest L., and Carl-Christoph Schweitzer. "Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994: Basic Documents." German Studies Review 20, no. 1 (1997): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432372.

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10

Grest, Jeremy. "Urban management, local government reform and the democratisation process in Mozambique: Maputo city 1975–1990." Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 1 (1995): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079508708438.

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11

Marsh, Holly. "Changing Pressure-group Politics: The Case of the TUC 1994–2000." Politics 22, no. 3 (2002): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00169.

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Since, the election of a Labour government in 1997 there has been a renewed interest in the changing relationship between the TUC and the government. This article uses the TUC General Council Reports to establish the number of contacts that took place, who initiated the contact, at what level of government the contact occurred and what kind of contact took place for the years 1994 to 2000. The data indicates that the number of contacts between the TUC and government has increased significantly since Labour came to power. As such, it provides the first detailed quantitative evidence about the n

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Pitcher, M. Anne. "What's missing from ‘What's missing’? A reply to C. Cramer and N. Pontara, ‘Rural poverty and poverty alleviation in Mozambique: what's missing from the debate?’." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 4 (1999): 697–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003195.

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Mozambique has undergone some dramatic changes in recent years. The government concluded a 17-year-old civil war in 1992 and held democratic elections in 1994. Following the adoption of structural adjustment policies after 1987, the government eliminated subsidies on food and consumer items, pledged its support for emerging markets, and has now sold most state companies to private investors. These changes have generated much interest among researchers and policymakers, particularly with regard to their impact on the countryside, where the majority of Mozambicans live and work. Recent studies h

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Kaarsholm, Preben. "Islam, secularist government, and state–civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994." Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 3 (2015): 468–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255.

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Ahmed, Nizam U. "Party Politics in Bangladesh's Local Government: The 1994 City Corporation Elections." Asian Survey 35, no. 11 (1995): 1017–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645725.

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Ahmed, Nizam U. "Party Politics in Bangladesh's Local Government: The 1994 City Corporation Elections." Asian Survey 35, no. 11 (1995): 1017–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1995.35.11.01p0069b.

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Barber, Benjamin R. "Letter From America: The 1994 Elections—Herbert Hoover Redux?" Government and Opposition 30, no. 2 (1995): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00120.x.

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READERS OF GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION WILL NOT BE strangers to the events of November that led to a crushing defeat for the Democrats and the first all-Republican Congress in a very long time, if for no other reason than that they have read my colleague Harvey Mansfield's account in the winter issue. There was quite a lot of conservative gloating in November and December (and why not?). There is a little less now that the Gingrich revolution has begun to face up to the two dauntingly unalterable realities of American politics: the reality of the centre and the reality of divided government.

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VIEIRA, MARCO ANTONIO. "Southern Africa's response(s) to international HIV/AIDS norms: the politics of assimilation." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (2010): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000306.

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AbstractThis article is interested in the impact of a singular international phenomenon, namely the global securitisation of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, on the domestic structure of three Southern African states: Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa. These countries are geographically located in the epicenter of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic, Southern Africa. However, notwithstanding their common HIV/AIDS burden, Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa present quite different political cultures and institutions which reflected upon the distinctive way they responded to the influence of international

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Blechinger, Verena. "Cleaning up politics and revitalizing democracy? A European view of the new system of political finance in Japan." European Review 8, no. 4 (2000): 533–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700005093.

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When a package of political reform bills was enacted in Japan in 1994, commentators predicted that Japanese politics would fundamentally change. After a series of corruption scandals, the new legislation tightened the system of legal controls, increased penalties for wrongdoing by politicians and made the flow of money more transparent. One key element of the reform package was the introduction of government subsidies for political parties. These funds were intended to strengthen the role of political parties and, at the same time, to close the gap between voters and politicians. Based on a co

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Green, David. "TRANCE-GRESSION: TECHNOSHAMANISM, CONSERVATISM AND PAGAN POLITICS." CONTEMPORARY BRITISH RELIGION AND POLITICS 4, no. 2 (2010): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0402201g.

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This article looks at the politics of successive Conservative governments in Britain in the 1980s and ‘90s through the lens of the increasing politicisation of Paganisms in that period. A wave of moral panics in the late ‘80’s and early ‘90s concerning marginal communities – such as Ravers, New Age travellers and anti-road protesters – and their ‘riotous assemblies’, culminated in the Conservative Government of John Major enacting The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994. This was seen by these communities as legislation against alternative lifestyles and, in some respects, an infring

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Carbone, Giovanni M. "Continuidade na renovação? Ten years of multiparty politics in Mozambique: roots, evolution and stabilisation of the Frelimo–Renamo party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (2005): 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001035.

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Post-conflict elections in Mozambique, held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, established a formally competitive and pluralistic system. This paper examines the country's emerging two-party system as an essential feature affecting prospects for democratic deepening and consolidation. The condition for political parties to actually help the establishment of democratic politics is their development as durable, socially rooted, country-wide effective and legitimate organisations. The paper contends that the current party system has indeed been a major instrument for political expression and for the channel

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Radcliffe, Vaughan S. "The Election of Auditors in Government: A Study of Politics and the Professional." Accounting and the Public Interest 12, no. 1 (2012): 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/apin-10269.

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ABSTRACT Although in many countries government auditors are appointed, often in an all-party process designed to emphasize a preference and hope for accounting information to be prepared in an independent manner, many such office holders in U.S. state governments are directly elected. This paper examines one such election, which occurred in the State of Ohio in 1994, and uses this case to explore how the electoral process fosters an interaction between the professional claim and political platforms. The paper follows earlier work concerning “special” government audits in using Weber's discussi

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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.

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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More

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23

Lawton, William. "Worn Themes and New Developments in Quebec and Canadian Politics." Politics 15, no. 3 (1995): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00136.x.

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Taking the Quebec election of September 1994 as a starting point, this article provides observations on developments in Canadian politics and Quebec-Canada relations. The Quebec election resulted in the transfer of power to a government committed to Quebec's withdrawal from the Canadian federation. This latest manifestation of Quebec nationalism bears similarity with events in the past but the Canadian political landscape has undergone profound changes over the past decade. The article seeks to place the nationalist victory in the contexts of Canada's quest for constitutional reform, the regio

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Bolten, Catherine E. "SobelRumors and Tribal Truths: Narrative and Politics in Sierra Leone, 1994." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 1 (2013): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000662.

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AbstractThis article examines a case study from war-torn Sierra Leone in 1994, in which a rumor galvanized violent public action and only dissipated when a seemingly unrelated issue was resolved. I argue that the circulation of rumors can foment the emergence of political narratives focused on topics that are otherwise taboo, and creates the space to act on them without overtly disturbing the status quo. I analyze the content of interview material with residents of the town of Makeni and eight months of articles printed in national newspapers to illustrate the subtle emergence of tribal accusa

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Pearce, Justin. "History, legitimacy, and Renamo's return to arms in central Mozambique." Africa 90, no. 4 (2020): 774–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000315.

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AbstractTwenty years after the Mozambican war ended, a return to arms from 2013 by the opposition movement Renamo served to revitalize support for the party in the 2014 election, and put pressure on the Frelimo government to consider demands for constitutional change. Building on existing research on post-war politics and on recent economic change, this article addresses the question of how Renamo obtained civilians’ approval for renewed armed action in the south of Sofala province, the region where conflict broke out in 2013. I argue that popular legitimacy for Renamo's challenge to the state

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Engel, Ulf. "Zupta's Next Nightmare: The South African Local Government Elections of 3 August 2016." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (2016): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100207.

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On 3 August 2016 South Africa held its fifth local government elections (LGE) since the end of Apartheid in 1994. Against a backdrop of increasing political frustration with the ruling party's poor performance and continued debates about corruption and cronyism in the highest government circles, the African National Congress (ANC) maintained its dominant position but lost 8 per cent of the aggregate vote (53.91 per cent). The Democratic Alliance (DA) gained some 3 per cent (26.89 per cent) of the vote, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), first-time LGE campaigners, garnered 8.02 per cent.

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Kachuyevski, Angela. "The Possibilities and Limitations of Preventive Action: The OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities in Ukraine." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 389–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341237.

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Abstract This article examines the efforts of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to manage tensions in Ukraine between the substantial Russian minority and the Ukrainian government, and to prevent potentially violent conflict in Crimea from 1994 to 2001, as well as the subsequent efforts to promote peace and stability. It questions why the HCNM was remarkably successful in crisis management from 1994 to 2001, especially in averting secessionism in Crimea, but was hampered in his efforts to achieve a solid founda

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Case, J. David. "The Politics of Memorial Representation: The Controversy Over the German Resistance Museum in 1994." German Politics and Society 16, no. 1 (1998): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487176.

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The study of historical memory in its various forms is a burgeoningarea of inquiry among historians. The debate over public, official,government-supported memory and private individual memoriesreveals a complex dynamic among myth, memory, and history,which as Michel Foucault and others have argued, is simply the dominantform of memory in a society at a given time.1 Some of the mostrevealing instances of the intersection between public and privatememory are commemorations and memorial sites where personalmemories are created and sustained within the context of the officialrepresentation of the

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Campos Diniz, Bárbara. "O Protagonismo do PMDB na Política Brasileira: Uma Análise Comparativa das Eleições de 1994 a 2018." Encuentro Latinoamericano 6, no. 1 (2021): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/ela.6.1.2.

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With the promulgation of a new Federal Constitution in 1988, the Brazilian political-institutional arrangement was established based on a process of reconstructing representative democracy. With this change, the present work sought to analyze the role of PMDB in Brazilian politics during the electoral period of 1994 and 2018. PMDB was the pivotal party in the process of redemocratization in Brazil, as well as the greatest ally to have been sought by the government in studied period. However, due to its characterization as a center party and lack of an ideology consistent with the current deman

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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.

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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creat

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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.

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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creat

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Creed, Gerald W. "The Politics of Agriculture: Identity and Socialist Sentiment in Bulgaria." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 843–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501396.

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When Bulgarians elected a parliament dominated by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) in their first, free postcommunist election, they were considered the mavericks of eastern Europe. As Misha Glenny critically points out, “Bulgaria bucks the trend” was a recurrent phrase in English-language reports of the 1990 contest. But four years later, after an intervening non-socialist government, a second socialist victory seemed to be following trends set in Lithuania, Hungary and Poland. In a front-page article in The New York Times several months before Bulgaria's 1994 election, the east European t

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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.

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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the lib

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Albertazzi, Daniele, Duncan McDonnell, and James L. Newell. "Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in office." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (2011): 471–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400523.

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Since 1994, Italian politics has seen a number of coalitions including parties whose identity has been strongly based on their ‘outsider’ status as uncompromising opposition movements which would not previously consider government participation. This article examines the contrasting experiences in office of two such parties: the regionalist populist Lega Nord (LN) and the radical left Rifondazione Comunista (RC). While the Lega confounded expectations not only simply by remaining in the centre-right coalition from 2001 to 2006, but by influencing policy, increasing its vote-share and maintaini

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Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.

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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a po

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Sarkin, Jeremy. "THE TENSION BETWEEN JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN RWANDA: POLITICS, HUMAN RIGHTS, DUE PROCESS AND THE ROLE OF THE GACACA COURTS IN DEALING WITH THE GENOCIDE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (2001): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001675.

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Rwanda, since the genocide of 1994, has had immense difficulty in dealing with the past. It has pursued the model of prosecutions without being able to bring many of the alleged perpetrators before the courts. The article examines why this is so, as well as the political situation in Rwanda in the context of the country's human rights record, to determine whether sufficient weight is being given to truth, reconciliation, peace and stability. The proposed new gacaca community courts are examined to determine whether the stated government intention of using these structures to deal with genocide

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Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.

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Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek t

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Strøm, Kaare. "Comparative Politics - Government Survival in Parliamentary Democracies. By Paul V. Warwick. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 182p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (1996): 689–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082683.

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Lee, Ki-Wan. "A Theoretical Model for The Politics of Coalition Government-The Case of the Hosokawa Cabinet in 1993-1994-." Korean Journal of International Relations 42, no. 1 (2002): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2002.05.42.1.153.

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Melenotte, Sabrina. "Zapatista autonomy and the making of alter-native politics." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720105.

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Since 1994, the Zapatista political autonomy project has been claiming that “another world is possible”. This experience has influenced many intellectuals of contemporary radical social movements who see in the indigenous organization a new political alter-native. I will first explore some of the current theories on Zapatism and the crossing of some of authors into anarchist thought. The second part of the article draws on an ethnography conducted in the municipality of Chenalhó, in the highlands of Chiapas, to emphasize some of the everyday practices inside the self-proclaimed “autonomous mun

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Southall, Roger. "Democracy at Risk? Politics and Governance under the ANC." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (2014): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213508068.

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The negotiated settlement of 1994 established South Africa as a constitutional democracy. Under Nelson Mandela, the new democracy basked in a glow of national reconciliation, early growth, and optimism. Subsequently, however, the national sense of collective well-being has declined. Racial inequality has narrowed, but the fundamental features of the apartheid economy remain, including a significant section of the population living in absolute poverty, despite the efforts of the government to combine economic growth with redistribution. Given the continued entrenchment of white economic power,

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Fumey, Abel, and Festus O. Egwaikhide. "Redistributive politics: the case of fiscal transfers in Ghana." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 2 (2019): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2017-0191.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political influences on fiscal transfers from the central government to district assemblies in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach It adopted a redistributive politics model and estimated the two-step system generalized method of moment using electoral outcomes, and transfers data for 167 districts which were classified into swing and aligned, from 1994 to 2014. Findings The findings reveal that Gh₵6.28m on average was transferred to each district annually, which tend to increase by 8.4 percent in election years. Further, the swing

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Herndon, Gerise, and Shirley Randell. "Surviving Genocide, Thriving in Politics: Rwandan Women’s Power." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 5, no. 1 (2013): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v5i1.2779.

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Rwandan women have given their nation new status as a world leader in gender equality, having achieved a 56 percent majority in Parliament. Women have reached this level of political power for many reasons, including the current government’s political will and women parliamentarians’ conscious decision to emphasize pre-colonial traditions of leadership as an alternative to prevailing patriarchal notions of women’s capacity. Highlighting women’s historical roles as behind-the-scenes advisors effectively promoted gender equality in the public sphere. Not only have women in Parliament taken leade

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Liu, Sida, Anson Au, and Pamela P. Tsui. "Crisis as opportunity: legal career paths at two historical turning points in Hong Kong." Law & Society Review 58, no. 3 (2024): 481–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsr.2024.25.

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AbstractThis article investigates the career trajectories of Hong Kong solicitors during two historical turning points, specifically 1994–1997 and 2018–2021, when hundreds of lawyers left private practice to pursue alternative career options such as business and finance, government and politics, or relocation to other countries. Data are sourced from the career mobility records of law firm partners reported in 336 monthly issues of the Hong Kong Lawyer journal between 1994 and 2021, as well as other relevant archival sources. The research examines the underlying forces that led these law firm

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Umeda, Michio. "The Liberal Democratic Party: Its adaptability and predominance in Japanese politics for 60 years." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118783270.

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This article discusses the origin and continuity of the predominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japanese politics since the party’s formation in 1955. The LDP experienced two crises in its history, the first owing to the transformation of Japanese society by rapid economic development during the 1960–1970s, and the second due to the electoral reform in 1994 and the challenge from the Democratic Party of Japan thereafter. I argue that the LDP’s continuous success is attributable to its adaptability to new environments: the party overcame the first crisis by shifting the policy foc

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Stokes, Gale. "The Government and Politics of Postcommunist Europe. By Andrew A. Michta. Westport: Praeger, 1994. 236 pp. Index. $19.95, paper." Slavic Review 54, no. 2 (1995): 549–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501723.

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Bennington, John. "Clive Gray, Government Beyond the Centre: Sub-National Politics in Britain, Macmillan, London, 1994, xi + 212 pp., £10.99 paper." Journal of Social Policy 23, no. 4 (1994): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400023564.

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P. Krüger, Louis. "Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant?" Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, no. 3 (2016): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03.

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After more than 21 years under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), post-1994 South Africa finds itself yet again embroiled in race-related politics. Government policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) and employment equity (EE) have not brought about the economic growth, social development and political democracy that the late former President Nelson Mandela had envisaged and what the ANC had promised to all the people of South Africa. South Africa is currently disengaging itself from the West including the Unites States of America (USA) and certain European Union (

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Ahady, Anwar-ul-Haq. "KAMAL MATINUDDIN, The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994–1997 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999). Pp. 306." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (2000): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002920.

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In his book, The Taliban Phenomenon, Kamal Matinuddin does not offer a central thesis regarding Afghan politics or the Taliban movement. Rather, he discusses a number of important questions pertaining to the Taliban movement. Since the rise of the Taliban, their identity has been disputed. The opponents of the Taliban claim that many members of the movement are natives of Pakistan. In contrast, the supporters of the Taliban assert that they are ethnic Afghans. Matinuddin's discussion of the origins of the Taliban addresses this controversy. According to Matinuddin, during the 1980s a large num

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Masango, July. "The Boy Who Never Gave Up: A Refugee’s Epic Journey to Triumph written by E Taban and A Crofts." South African Journal of Occupational Therapy 53, no. 3 (2023): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2310-3833/2023/vol53n3a11.

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About the book: In 1994, 16-year-old Emmanuel Taban walked out of war-torn Sudan with nothing and nowhere to go after he had been tortured at the hands of government forces, who falsely accused him of spying for the rebels. When he finally managed to escape, he literally took a wrong turn and, instead of being reunited with his family, ended up in neighbouring Eritrea as a refugee. Over the months that followed, young Emmanuel went on a harrowing journey, often spending weeks on the streets and facing many dangers. Relying on the generosity of strangers, he made the long journey south to South

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