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Journal articles on the topic 'Mugabeism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Perman, Tony. "Muchongoyo and Mugabeism in Zimbabwe." African Studies Review 60, no. 1 (2017): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.4.

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Abstract:This article explores the influence of nationalism and modernity in contemporary Zimbabwe and on the musical lives of Zimbabweans through an examination ofmuchongoyo, the signature dance–drumming tradition of Zimbabwe’s Ndau communities. Invoking the concept of “Mugabeism,” it illustrates how Shona nationalism and expectations of modernity have partially reshapedmuchongoyoin the turmoil of contemporary Zimbabwe. As indigenous practices serve political ends, their values shift. Consequently, there are now twomuchongoyos: one rooted in the unique history and values of Zimbabwe’s Ndau co

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2

Mararike, Munoda. "Theoretical Locations of Mugabeism, Land “Terrorism,” and Third Chimurenga Neo-Coloniality Discourse in Zimbabwe: A Rejoinder of a Revolutionary." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 3 (2018): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717750328.

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The subject of coloniality is a phenomenon of consciousness. It explores belief systems, culture, and ethics using conviction and rhetorical force. Mugabe is good at captivating rhetoric. His sophisticated philosophical conundrum derives from modernity, emancipation as it looks at land as a political and economic structure of decolonization. Thus, in him, the belief of self-consciousness and conviction leads to positive confrontation and violence. Peace is universally known to be a product of protracted violence. Zimbabwe went through a war of colonial genocide and mass massacres in the Second

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3

Kirkman, Bill. "Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe." Round Table 105, no. 3 (2016): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1175081.

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4

Mamvura, Zvinashe. "‘Let us make Zimbabwe in my own name’: Place naming and Mugabeism in Zimbabwe." South African Journal of African Languages 40, no. 1 (2019): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2019.1672343.

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5

James, Gareth D. "Book Review: Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe68.1539 Ndlovu-GatsheniSabelo J. — Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe (Palgrave Macmillan, 2015). Journal of Southern African Studies43(4), Aug. 2017: 840–841." International Political Science Abstracts 68, no. 1 (2018): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020834518068001147.

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6

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Making Sense of Mugabeism in Local and Global Politics: ‘So Blair, keep your England and let me keep my Zimbabwe’." Third World Quarterly 30, no. 6 (2009): 1139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590903037424.

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7

Cornwell, Richard. "Zimbabwe: Mugabe's Choice?" African Security Review 7, no. 2 (1998): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1998.9627851.

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8

Rotberg, Robert I. "Africa's Mess, Mugabe's Mayhem." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 5 (2000): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049887.

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9

Tendi, Blessing-Miles. "Robert Mugabe's 2013 Presidential Election Campaign." Journal of Southern African Studies 39, no. 4 (2013): 963–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2013.858537.

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10

Tendi, Blessing-Miles. "Land and Security in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 1 (2016): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1126459.

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11

Spence, J. E. "Mugabe's War Machine: Saving or Savaging Zimbabwe." RUSI Journal 157, no. 5 (2012): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.733126.

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12

Bamfo, Ph.D., Napoleon. "Mugabe’s 2008 Reelection Victory: Issues and Debate." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 1-2 (2010): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x491281.

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13

Rotberg, Robert I. "The Rape of Zimbabwe." Current History 109, no. 727 (2010): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.727.210.

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14

Maltz, Gideon. "Zimbabwe after Mugabe." Current History 105, no. 691 (2006): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.214.

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15

Santos, Phillip. "Framing Robert Mugabe’s Death: A De-colonial Analysis." African Journalism Studies 41, no. 3 (2020): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1837898.

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16

Lloyd, Robert B. "Zimbabwe: The Making of an Autocratic “Democracy”." Current History 101, no. 655 (2002): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.655.219.

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Two decades after independence, the fruits of President Robert Mugabe's rule are a rapidly declining economy, the systematic dismantling of constitutional government, growing political violence, a costly war in Congo, and international condemnation.

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17

Law, Kate. "Plundering the Past: History and Nation in Mugabe's Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 40, no. 1 (2014): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2014.877637.

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18

Rutherford, Blair. "Mugabe’s shadow: limning the penumbrae of post-coup Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 52, no. 1 (2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2018.1441037.

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19

Love, Alison, and Vincent Munyaradzi Vezha. "No way forward without consensus." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (2009): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.06lov.

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This paper discusses a document produced in 2006 by church leaders which claimed to present a “vision” of “a way forward” in the ongoing crisis in Zimbabwe. We suggest that the document served rather to reinforce the status quo, specifically the hegemony of Mugabe’s government. We argue that, by insisting that the greatest problem in Zimbabwe is “lack of a national vision”, the document promoted consensus, which resonated with Mugabe’s own position. We suggest that four major strategies were used to achieve this: assertion of the primarily spiritual nature of Zimbabwe’s crisis; insistence on t

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20

Mapepa, Peter, and Raquel Abimbola Adekoye. "Teacher unemployment in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe : a lesson for the future?" Journal of Gender, Information and Development in Africa S1, no. 1 (2019): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2050-4284/2019/s1n1a9.

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21

Mlambo, A. S. "‘This is Our land’." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (2010): 39–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600103.

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This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the c

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22

Grove, Andrea. "The International Politics of Survival: The Case of Mugabe's Staying Power." Politikon 38, no. 2 (2011): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.580127.

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23

Mugodhi, Respect Farai, Lloyd Moyo, and Munyaradzi Muchacha. "In the post-Mugabe era: the role of social work in the democratisation of Zimbabwe." Critical and Radical Social Work 7, no. 1 (2019): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986019x15491042559763.

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This commentary critically discusses the political space prior to, and in the aftermath of, former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's fall from power and the possibilities for a transition from authoritarianism to democracy in a new political dispensation. The article examines the role of social work in contributing to the democratisation of Zimbabwe and makes a great case for the involvement of social workers at the micro- and macro-level in the pursuit of democracy.

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24

Tendi, Blessing-Miles. "The motivations and dynamics of Zimbabwe’s 2017 military coup." African Affairs 119, no. 474 (2019): 39–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz024.

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ABSTRACT Robert Mugabe resigned as Zimbabwe’s president in November 2017, following a military action called Operation Restore Legacy. This article examines the motivations and dynamics of Operation Restore Legacy, which it characterizes as a coup by military generals that had significant commonalities with historical coups in Africa. This characterization, which is informed by the accounts of coup participants and a reading of the literature, challenges interpretations of the coup as ‘a non-coup-coup’, ‘very Zimbabwean’, or ‘special’. The article argues that the coup was a vote of no confiden

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25

Howard-Hassmann, Rhoda E. "Mugabe's Zimbabwe, 2000-2009: Massive Human Rights Violations and the Failure to Protect." Human Rights Quarterly 32, no. 4 (2010): 898–920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2010.0030.

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26

Hove, Mediel, and Vincent Chenzi. "‘Prophets of Doom’: The Zimbabwean Christian Community and Contemporary Politics." Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (2017): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817710054.

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Since Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, the Christian community was largely silent about Zimbabwe’s economic and political quagmire. However, the country’s growing political and economic turmoil drew the Zimbabwean Christian community into direct confrontation with Mugabe’s administration. The community experienced political awakening after decades of political indifference, passivity and silence. In 2016, several Christian leaders and their denominations publicly challenged the government on several occasions calling for Mugabe to step down and demanded economic reforms. In response, the Mugab

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27

Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.

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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involve

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28

Helliker, Kirk, and Gerald Chikozho Mazarire. "Mnangagwa’s Zimbabwe: Crisis? What Crisis?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (2021): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986583.

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Three years after the November 2017 coup in Zimbabwe and the installation of Emmerson Mnangagwa as ruling party and state president, there is growing scholarly interest in identifying the character of the post-coup regime, particularly in comparison to the 37-year reign of Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. So far, there are continuities and changes, with increasing concerns about a qualitative shift in the militarization of Zimbabwean state and society under Mnangagwa and the further closing down of civil society space. Perhaps more so than during the first two years of post-coup Zimbabwe, this has bec

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29

Sabao, Collen. "Hegemonising Zimbabwe? The Polity of Mbare Chimurenga Lyrics in Perpetuating Mugabe’s and ZANU-PF’s Rule." Muziki 15, no. 1 (2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980.2018.1482093.

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30

Moore, David. "The Zimbabwean People's Army moment in Zimbabwean history, 1975–1977: Mugabe's rise and democracy's demise." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 32, no. 3 (2014): 302–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2014.956499.

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31

Cyrus Reed, Wm. "Global Incorporation, Ideology, and Public Policy in Zimbabwe." Issue 15 (1987): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506039.

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Six years after independence, Zimbabwe is viewed by its admirers as having adopted a pragmatic approach to a broad range of socialist oriented policies. A massive expansion and re-direction of services in the areas of education, health, and agricultural extension services, in addition to the creation of one of the world’s largest resettlement programs, are often cited as evidence of how the government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe is working for socialist transformation in Zimbabwe. In addition, under Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) government, the Zimbabwean economy has been

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32

Siziba, Gugulethu, and Gibson Ncube. "Mugabe’s fall from grace: satire and fictional narratives as silent forms of resistance in/on Zimbabwe." Social Dynamics 41, no. 3 (2015): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2015.1106124.

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33

Barure, Walter Kudzai, and Irikidzayi Manase. "Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic narratives’ in Zimbabwe." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.6518.

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Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe

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34

Raftopoulos, Brian. "Zimbabwean Politics in the Post-2013 Election Period." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (2014): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900205.

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The 2013 elections in Zimbabwe confirmed the grip of Mugabe and ZANU-PF on Zimbabwean politics. The electoral outcome was the result of a combination of factors that included not only the long-term legacy of ZANU-PF's coercive politics, constructed through a radical nationalist discourse, but also the changes in the social structure of the country as a result of the reconfiguration of Zimbabwe's political economy since the late 1990s. In the aftermath of the 2013 elections, the enormous economic constraints confronting the country have forced the Mugabe regime to take a more conciliatory tone

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35

Kraśniewska, Olga. "A country held captive by its past: The case of Zimbabwe." Ekonomia 24, no. 1 (2018): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4093.24.1.9.

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A country held captive by its past: The case of ZimbabweThe article provides an overview of the history of Zimbabwe in the context of economical, structural and social factors. It tries to answer a question, what were the main reasons that affected Zimbabwe’s development after gaining independence in 1980. It describes pre-colonial and colonial times as well as president Mugabe’s era, that ended with a military coup in November 2017. It portrays issues such as the after-effect of colonialism, land reform, political regime, internal struggles and conflicts between the ruling party ZANU-PF and o

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36

Rusdiyana, Alfiyah, and Slamet Setiawan. "Pro-Cons upon Facebook Comments of Robert Mugabe’s Speech at AU Summit 2016: Pragmatic-Stylistic Point of View." Tell : Teaching of English Language and Literature Journal 9, no. 1 (2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30651/tell.v9i1.6289.

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37

Shaw, William H. "‘They Stole Our Land’: debating the expropriation of white farms in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (2003): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004159.

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In Zimbabwe today, Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF colleagues are busy expropriating white-owned farms, and claiming the moral high ground while they do so. Indeed, many observers, inside Zimbabwe and elsewhere, take it for granted that, whatever Mugabe's excesses, there is justice in his cause. But is there? This paper examines three moral arguments that Mugabe and his supporters advance to justify their land policies: that the peasants need the land, that the war of liberation was fought for the land, and that Zimbabweans are only taking back land that was originally stolen from them. The last

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38

Gallagher, Julia. "The battle for Zimbabwe in 2013: from polarisation to ambivalence." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 1 (2015): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000640.

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AbstractOn the face of it, the triumph of Robert Mugabe and ZANU(PF) in the 2013 elections came as a shock, not least to opposition MDC activists. However, after a period of introspection, many have begun to construct a coherent and wide-ranging account of the result which explores opposition shortcomings, and the revived relationship between the electorate and Mugabe's ZANU(PF). This article, based on interviews with political activists conducted three months after the election, outlines and attempts to explain this account. It explores the way in which a politics of polarisation that dominat

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39

Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.

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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly

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40

Rijal, Najamuddin Khairur, and Siti Malikatul Mushowwiroh. "Dinamika Hubungan Sipil-Militer di Zimbabwe: Dari Pra-Merdeka Hingga Lengsernya Robert Mugabe." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 7, no. 2 (2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.7.2.89-102.2018.

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This paper study about the dynamics of the civil-military relations in Zimbabwe’s politics. That civil-military relations dynamics tracked since the pre-independence until 2017 at the impeachment of 37 years Robert Mugabe’s power. Two models of civil-military relations according to Huntington, i.e., the subjective and objective civil-military relations is used to analyze the pattern of relationships that formed during the reign of Mugabe. This paper is a descriptive study with data collection through the study documentation. The results indicate that civil-military relations in Zimbabwe takes

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41

McClune, Caitlin. "Ubuntu Linux in Zimbabwe: the digital unhu in open source practices." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (2017): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717745119.

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In this article, I argue for an alternative history of open source told from the perspective of the Southern African nation of Zimbabwe. This perspective on open source deviates from standard histories in that it reveals a more comprehensive relationship to technologies and its political possibilities by including the understudied region of Zimbabwe. I premise this analysis based on the concept of ‘digital unhu’, a concept that sketches out a Zimbabwean inflection of immaterial labor and contains three components of the fusion of new technologies with older traditions, an emphasis on collabora

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42

Magosvongwe, Ruby. "Editorial note." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 2, no. 2 (2021): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2021/v2n1a0.

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We argue in the present article that cumulatively over time, inexorable as it is, like change with the evolvement of time, perceptions and values remain immutable to the demands of the day in any society, wittingly or unwittingly. The hearty professor of Political Science from the University of Zimbabwe and former Cabinet Minister in the late former President R G Mugabe’s reign, Professor Jonathan Moyo once remarked: ‘Only a fool does not change his mind’. Does anyone who does change their minds/perspectives answer to the call of wisdom or they actually buttress the foolishness therein ingrain

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43

Lubombo, Musara. "Perfidious ubuntisation of ZANU-PF succession politics : a discursive analysis of Grace Mugabe's campaign against Joice Mujuru and Emmerson Mnangagwa." Ubuntu : Journal of Conflict Transformation 7, no. 1 (2018): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2050-4950/2018/v7n1a6.

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44

Da Silva, Meyre Ivone. "Modernity, Representation of Violence, and Women’s Rebellion in Dangaremba’s Nervous Conditions." Genealogy 3, no. 2 (2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020022.

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In 1980, after decades of violent war, the apartheid regime came to an end, Zimbabwe was declared an independent state, and Robert Mugabe’s party the Zimbabwean African Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) ascended to power. While black leaders concentrated on the struggle against the tyranny of racial segregation, independence did not challenge gender hierarchies or minimize patriarchal privilege. Women soldiers who participated in the guerrillas were excluded from the spheres of power and relegated to poverty and invisibility. Here, I analyze how Dangaremba’s novel Nervous Conditions unveils wome

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45

Banda, Collium. "The Interplay between the Christian Sacralization of Human Authority and Political Repression in Zimbabwe." Religion and Theology 16, no. 3-4 (2009): 207–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102308009x12561890523636.

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AbstractThe reigning scandal in Zimbabwe is the simultaneous growth of Christianity and political repression, begging one to wonder why increased Christian presence has not resulted in social and political transformation. The answer can be found in the Christian sacralization of human authority and the uncritical interpretation of Romans 13:1–5 common in some leading churches. The resulting uncritical submission to repressive authority of the "anointed men of God" and the fear of holding them accountable for their questionable leadership has incapacitated Christians to challenge and address th

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46

LAURIE, CHARLES. "Making History in Mugabe's Zimbabwe: politics, intellectuals and the media by B. M. Tendi Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. Pp. 286, $64.95 (pbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 1 (2012): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x11000759.

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47

Sabao, Collen, and Marianna Visser. "Sanctioning an anti-sanctions campaign? Comparing the textuality of news reports in Zimbabwean Newspapers on the anti-sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe’s first republic." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (2020): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a9.

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The paper analyses the discourse linguistic notion of 'objectivity' in 'hard' news reports on the two ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe. In examining the campaigns, which occur in Zimbabwe's first republic and when Zimbabwe was still under the leadership of the now late President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, the paper seeks to compare the textuality of 'hard' news reports from selected Zimbabwean newspapers by focusing on how language and linguistic resources are used evaluatively in manners that betray authorial attitudes in news reports on Mugabe and ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions camp

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48

MANGIZA, Owen, and Ishmael MAZAMBANI. "ZIMBABWE: THE ETHNICISATION OF ZANU AND THE DOWNFALL OF NDABANINGI SITHOLE (1963-2000)." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.3.

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"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership posi

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49

SCARNECCHIA, TIMOTHY. "ELITE POLITICS IN MUGABE'S ZIMBABWE - A Predictable Tragedy: Robert Mugabe and the Collapse of Zimbabwe. By Daniel Compagnon. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. Pp. 333. $39.95, hardback (ISBN 978-0-8122-4267-6)." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (2011): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000387.

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50

Matamanda, Abraham R. "Mugabe’s Urban Legacy: A Postcolonial Perspective on Urban Development in Harare, Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies, July 20, 2020, 002190962094362. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620943620.

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Robert Gabriel Mugabe resigned as the President of Zimbabwe in 2017 after being in office since 1980 when Zimbabwe gained independence from British colonial rule. Mugabe implemented various policies that impacted on the urbanscape of Zimbabwe. Using a desktop approach that is based on bibliography research, the study examines Mugabe’s urban legacy through the lenses of postcolonial theory and the concept of Mugabeism. The results show that power was a dominant feature in Mugabe’s legacy, as he used it to influence the socio-spatial configuration of the urban scape whenever he saw it befitting.

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