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Journal articles on the topic 'Mugambi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Wen, Clement Yung. "Book Review: Mbiti, Mugambi, and Post-Colonial Theology: Robert S. Heaney, From Historical to Critical Post-Colonial Theology: The Contributions of John S. Mbiti and Jesse N. K. Mugambi." Expository Times 129, no. 3 (November 16, 2017): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524617720141.

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2

Maluleke, Tinyiko. "Robert S. Heaney, From Historical to Critical Post-Colonial Theology: The Contribution of John S. Mbiti and Jesse N. K. Mugambi." Theology 120, no. 3 (April 24, 2017): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16684444h.

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3

Vähäkangas, Mika. "From Historical to Critical Post-Colonial Theology: The Contribution of John S. Mbiti and Jesse N.K. Mugambi, written by Robert S. Heaney." Exchange 45, no. 3 (August 17, 2016): 309–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341409.

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4

Kapinde, Stephen Asol. "The Church and Constitutional Reforms in Kenya, 1992-2002: A Retrospective-Historical Analysis." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 5 (February 28, 2018): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n5p216.

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Religious leaders have played a leading role in the struggle for constitutional reforms in Kenya since 1990s.Significantly, they have argued over time that the constitution is the covenant of the nation and the ‘moral placenta’ of any meaningful democratic governance. This article therefore sets out to examine the mid-wifery role of religious leaders in negotiating for constitutional reforms in an attempt at consolidating democratic gains achieved following the repeal of section 2A of the then constitution on 19th December, 1991. The article is alive to the fact that the struggle for constitutional change in Kenya was an ‘hybrid enterprise’ which empirically cannot be analyzed by a single actor, entity or factor since many groups whether religious or civil society contributed in their own way in fighting for civil liberties and human rights. Methodologically, this is a retrospectivehistorical analysis of the contribution of the Church in the wider debate of constitutional making process between 1992 and 2002. The central question being addressed is on how the Church played out its activism in the glamour for constitutional reforms. It sets out on the premise that their activism towards constitutional reforms was undergirded by reconstruction paradigm as articulated by African Theo-philosophers such as Jesse Ndwiga Mugambi. Reconstruction paradigm is a theological trajectory that builds on the Ezra- Nehemiah motif. The article relies on archival sources as well as seven indepth oral interviews with key informants.

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5

Ildyrymly, Fidan. "Problems of variability of the musical genre reng in the mugham performing arts of youth." KANT Social Sciences & Humanities, no. 5 (January 2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2305-8757.2021-5.7.

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Consideration of the variability of the musical genre of rang in mugam performing arts showed that ranks arose and developed in the art of mugam as a form of vocal-instrumental music. Their melodic structure is directly related to the sections of mugam. There are numerous varieties of this relationship. Based on the analysis of the musical notation of the ranks, it was determined that in practice of performing mugam the ranks are directly related to the vocal-instrumental mugam, and this is especially important for their compositional structure. In this regard, in almost every version of mugham destgahs there is a set of different ranks, including tesnifs. The analysis of various musical records of the ranks in the musical performing arts helps to identify the features of the manifestation of this form of folk music in mugam, as well as the further development of this musical genre and musical culture as a whole. We consider it appropriate to study, primarily, the vocal-instrumental interpretation of mugham when studying mugam destgyahs and the melodic interconnections of rangs and tesnifs with sections (shobe) of mugam. After analyzing various musical notations of mugam dastgahs, we were able to trace how rengi relate to mugam shobe. It can be noted that many rengi are used in the recordings of these works associated with various performances in relation to various shobe of mugams. This feature is inherent in various mugham dastgahs – "Shur", "Segah", "Chahargah", "Bayati-Shiraz", "Shushter", "Humayun", etc. All this can be traced in musical notations, as well as in live mugham singing and sound recordings, which helps to determine the numerous variants of rengs related to these mugams. Within the framework of each mugham, dozens of rengs were created and included in musical practice. Part of this rich musical heritage is captured and preserved in sound recordings and sheet music. We believe that it is advisable to study rengi, grouping them into mugham families in order to analyze their musical language and reveal their inherent variability.

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6

Schaaf, Ype. "J.N.K. Mugambi, From Liberation to Reconstruction. African Christian Theology after the Cold War, Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, 1995, ISBN 9966-46-524-3, US$ 13.50." Exchange 25, no. 2 (1996): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254396x00233.

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7

Magesa, Laurenti. "A Portrait of Professor J. N. K. Mugambi's Theological Project of Reconstruction: A Review Article of Theologies of Liberation and Reconstruction: Essays in Honour of Professor J. N. K. Mugambi, Ph.D., edited by Isaac M. T. Mwase and Eunice K. Kamaara." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 2 (August 2013): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0051.

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8

Zongo, Opportune. "Helen Nabasuta Mugambi and Tuzyline Jita Allan, eds. Masculinities in African Literary and Cultural Texts. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner for Ayeba Clarke Publishing, 2010. 352 pp. $27.50. Paper." African Studies Review 57, no. 3 (December 2014): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.112.

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9

Wild-Wood, Emma. "William A. Dyrness and Oscar García-Johnson. Theology without Borders: An Introduction to Global Conversations Robert S. Heaney. From Historical to Critical Post-Colonial Theology: The Contribution of John S. Mbiti and Jesse N. K. Mugambi." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 3 (November 2016): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0159.

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10

Dormor, Duncan. "From Historical to Critical Post‐Colonial Theology: The Contributions of John S. Mbiti and Jesse N. K. Mugambi, Robert S.Heaney, James Clarke & Co., 2016 (ISBN 978‐0‐227‐17580‐4), xiv + 262 pp., pb £21.50." Reviews in Religion & Theology 27, no. 4 (October 2020): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rirt.13899.

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11

Rutherford, Blair. "Robert Mugabe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 53, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2018.1551319.

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12

Dande, Innocent, Elijah Doro, Muchaparara Musemwa, and Thembani Dube. "Remembering Mugabe." South African Historical Journal 72, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2020.1769962.

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13

Maltz, Gideon. "Zimbabwe after Mugabe." Current History 105, no. 691 (May 1, 2006): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.214.

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14

Dowden, Richard. "Engaging with Mugabe." Round Table 95, no. 384 (April 2006): 283–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530600595114.

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15

Jere-Malanda, Regina. "Mugabe hits out." Index on Censorship 28, no. 2 (March 1999): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229908536537.

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16

Derek Cohen. "Mugabe Hits Home." Sewanee Review 118, no. 4 (2010): ciii—cvi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2010.0044.

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17

Chan, S. "Mugabe: Right and wrong." African Affairs 102, no. 407 (April 1, 2003): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adg008.

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18

Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.

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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.

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19

Naroditskaya, Inna, and Bahram Mansurov. "Azerbaijan Mugam." Asian Music 28, no. 2 (1997): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/834478.

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20

Denis, Bandushubwenge, and Kwizera Chantal. "CHARACTERIZATION OF WHEAT VARIETY ADAPTED TO MUGAMBA ECOLOGICAL CONDITIONS IN BURUNDI." International Journal of Agriculture, Environment and Bioresearch 06, no. 02 (2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35410/ijaeb.2021.5622.

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21

Southall, Roger. "Bob's Out, the Croc is In: Continuity or Change in Zimbabwe?" Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (December 2017): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200304.

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The military-assisted ousting of Robert Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe and his replacement by Emmerson Mnangagwa was widely welcomed by Zimbabweans. However, hopes of significant change were dashed by the nature of his cabinet appointments, which indicated greater continuity than change vis-à-vis the Mugabe era. Mnangagwa is likely to pursue an agenda of authoritarian reform: rendering the economy more attractive for foreign investment while maintaining political control from above.

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22

Sidorov, Vasily A. "Zimbabwe: From Mugabe to Mnangagwa." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 457 (August 1, 2020): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/457/19.

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23

Kwenda, Stanley. "In the Shadow of Mugabe." Index on Censorship 38, no. 4 (November 2009): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220903381524.

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24

Dashwood, Hevina. "Mugabe, Zimbabwe, and Southern Africa." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 57, no. 1 (March 2002): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200205700105.

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25

Rijal, Najamuddin Khairur, and Siti Malikatul Mushowwiroh. "Dinamika Hubungan Sipil-Militer di Zimbabwe: Dari Pra-Merdeka Hingga Lengsernya Robert Mugabe." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 7, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.7.2.89-102.2018.

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This paper study about the dynamics of the civil-military relations in Zimbabwe’s politics. That civil-military relations dynamics tracked since the pre-independence until 2017 at the impeachment of 37 years Robert Mugabe’s power. Two models of civil-military relations according to Huntington, i.e., the subjective and objective civil-military relations is used to analyze the pattern of relationships that formed during the reign of Mugabe. This paper is a descriptive study with data collection through the study documentation. The results indicate that civil-military relations in Zimbabwe takes place dynamically. The early reign of Mugabe puts military on their professionalism. However, in the next, the military used as a political tool to retain power making the pattern of civil-military relations become subjective control. Next, through a constitutional amendment sought to encourage the military to apolitical even though in the end back into the subjective control before finally shedding its support on Mugabe to keep their interests.

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26

Hove, Mediel, and Vincent Chenzi. "‘Prophets of Doom’: The Zimbabwean Christian Community and Contemporary Politics." Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (July 2017): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817710054.

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Since Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, the Christian community was largely silent about Zimbabwe’s economic and political quagmire. However, the country’s growing political and economic turmoil drew the Zimbabwean Christian community into direct confrontation with Mugabe’s administration. The community experienced political awakening after decades of political indifference, passivity and silence. In 2016, several Christian leaders and their denominations publicly challenged the government on several occasions calling for Mugabe to step down and demanded economic reforms. In response, the Mugabe regime employed different tactics to silence and undermine the Christian community.

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27

Kimani, Rose N. "Negotiating context as a survival strategy: The case of Mugambo Jwetu FM." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00076_1.

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Kenyan community radio works between international and national media paradigms, while seeking to meet the expectations of its local communities. International funding and training organizations active in the sector focus on enhancing technology for development, freedom of expression, democracy and governance. At the national level, community stations are expected to act as development-oriented media. While development is a value embraced by most stations, freedom of expression is embraced more cautiously, given the political contexts in which they exist. Drawing on fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2016, this article explores the operational choices that community broadcasters make in view of their funding and training partnerships, all the while negotiating their local, social and political contexts in order to survive. It focuses on Mugambo Jwetu FM, a community radio station in Kenya, as a case study.

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28

Kößler, Reinhart. "Christoph Marx: Mugabe. Ein afrikanischer Tyrann." PERIPHERIE – Politik • Ökonomie • Kultur 38, no. 1 (April 13, 2018): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v38i1.15.

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29

James, Gareth D. "The Meaning(s) of Mugabe(ism)." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 4 (May 19, 2017): 840–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1325622.

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30

Saul, John S., and Richard Saunders. "Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at 25." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 60, no. 4 (December 2005): 953–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200506000405.

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31

Saul, John S., and Richard Saunders. "Mugabe, Gramsci, and Zimbabwe at 25." International Journal 60, no. 4 (2005): 953. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204093.

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32

Reinhard, Ursula. "Azerbaidjan: Anthologie du Mugam." Yearbook for Traditional Music 27 (1995): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/768137.

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33

Sabao, Collen, and Marianna Visser. "Sanctioning an anti-sanctions campaign? Comparing the textuality of news reports in Zimbabwean Newspapers on the anti-sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe’s first republic." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a9.

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The paper analyses the discourse linguistic notion of 'objectivity' in 'hard' news reports on the two ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions campaigns in Zimbabwe. In examining the campaigns, which occur in Zimbabwe's first republic and when Zimbabwe was still under the leadership of the now late President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, the paper seeks to compare the textuality of 'hard' news reports from selected Zimbabwean newspapers by focusing on how language and linguistic resources are used evaluatively in manners that betray authorial attitudes in news reports on Mugabe and ZANU PF led Anti-Sanctions campaigns against 'sanctions'1 imposed on the country by the United States of America (USA) and the European Union (EU) in The Herald2 and Newsday3 specifically focusing on the manner in which the news reports uphold or flout the objectivity ideal as explicated through the ‘reporter voice’4 configuration and within Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). In 2017, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa (Mugabe’s historically trusted lieutenant), ascended to the presidency through a military backed coup that ousted Zimbabwe’s monolithic leader, Robert Mugabe, who had been in power for 37 years. True to the ZANU PF historical way of doing things, Mnangagwa also went on a rampage accusing others, especially the West for their sanctions which he claimed were hurting ordinary people and the Zimbabwean economy. However, this paper only focused in the analysis of the Mugabe led campaigns. While ‘hard news’ articles must thus attempt to project an aura of objectivity, in comparison editorials/commentaries are meant to air opinions. However, this is not always the case as they often are loaded with attitudinal meanings – occurring as both inscribed and/or invoked authorial evaluations as well as attributed inscribed and/or invoked evaluations.

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34

Chan, Stephen. "Opinion: The world Robert Mugabe left behind." Journal of African Elections 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a8.

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35

Horton, Richard. "Offline: Dr Tedros, Robert Mugabe, and WHO." Lancet 390, no. 10106 (October 2017): 1938. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(17)32744-7.

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36

Phimister, Ian. "“Zimbabwe is Mine”: Mugabe, Murder, and Matabeleland." Safundi 10, no. 4 (October 2009): 471–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533170903210996.

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37

Kirkman, Bill. "Robert Mugabe (Ohio Short Histories of Africa)." Round Table 107, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2018.1530378.

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38

Sibanda, Eliakim. "Mugabe: a life of snakes and ladders." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 50, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2015.1129100.

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39

Myers, Henry A. "Robert Mugabe and the Betrayal of Zimbabwe." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 4 (January 2004): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10527448.

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40

Barnes, Teresa. "Sue Onslow and Martin Plaut. Robert Mugabe." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 718–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab215.

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41

MANGIZA, Owen, and Ishmael MAZAMBANI. "ZIMBABWE: THE ETHNICISATION OF ZANU AND THE DOWNFALL OF NDABANINGI SITHOLE (1963-2000)." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.3.

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"This article is an exposition of the transformation of ZANU from being, primarily, a nationalist movement into an ethnic oriented party. Since its formation in 1963, ZANU was gripped by ethnicity, resulting in factions and contestations developing among party members. These contestations developed into open conflicts along tribal lines. The paper argues that ethnicity was so acute among ZANU party members to an extent that divisions were clearly drawn along the Shona sub-ethnic groups of Manyika (easterners), Karanga (southerners), and Zezuru (northerners). The competition for leadership positions and the fighting among members of these ethnic groups resulted in the death of some members of the party and the expulsion of others from the party. It is argued in the article that the persecution of Ndabaningi Sithole and his fallout as the ZANU president was a result of the ethnicisation of ZANU and the liberation struggle. The removal of Sithole as the party president and his replacement by Robert Mugabe exhibits these contestations among the Zezuru, Karanga and Manyika ethnic groups. We argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU in 1975 and his castigation as a “sell-out” and “tribalist” was a ploy by Robert Mugabe and other ZANU leaders to get rid of him and to replace him along ethnic grounds. The ethnic card was deployed to serve selfish political interests. It is these ethnic contestations and fighting which also brewed conflict and enmity between Mugabe in particular and Ndabaningi Sithole, among other factors. This hatred was clearly displayed later in the struggle for supremacy between Sithole’s new party, ZANU-Ndonga and Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. It is stressed in the article that this enmity also culminated in the denial of a hero status to Sithole when he died in 2000. We also argue that the deposition of Sithole from ZANU is one of the reasons why the Ndau people of Chipinge always voted for him and not Robert Mugabe in elections. Keywords: Zimbabwe, Ethnicisation, Downfall, Contestations, ZANU, Hero status."

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42

Haab, Pierre-Yves. "Une anthologie du Mugam d'Azerbaïdjan." Cahiers de musiques traditionnelles 8 (1995): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40240256.

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43

Naroditskaya, Inna, Alem Kassimov, Elshan Mansurov, Malik Mansurov, Josephine de Linde, Alim Qasimov, Jean During, et al. "Alem Kassimov 2. Mugam d'Azerbaidjan." Ethnomusicology 44, no. 3 (2000): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/852504.

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44

Raftopoulos, Brian. "Zimbabwean Politics in the Post-2013 Election Period." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900205.

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The 2013 elections in Zimbabwe confirmed the grip of Mugabe and ZANU-PF on Zimbabwean politics. The electoral outcome was the result of a combination of factors that included not only the long-term legacy of ZANU-PF's coercive politics, constructed through a radical nationalist discourse, but also the changes in the social structure of the country as a result of the reconfiguration of Zimbabwe's political economy since the late 1990s. In the aftermath of the 2013 elections, the enormous economic constraints confronting the country have forced the Mugabe regime to take a more conciliatory tone as it seeks to re-engage with the West in the search for economic assistance. In its attempts to find a path through these economic challenges, ZANU-PF must also contend with the growing battle for succession within the party as Mugabe's rule draws to an end.

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45

Mahomva, Richard. "Umdala wethu legacy: The contested memories and the fatherhead role of Joshua Nkomo in Zimbabwe." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 2 (2018): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i2.47.

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his paper revisits the under-currencies of the normative and empirical motivations of the official iconic ornamentation of Joshua Nkomo’s legacy during the Mugabe era. The urgency of this analysis is justified by how the ruling and Zimbabwe’s former Head of State, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, strategically exploited the memorialization of Joshua Nkomo for political expedience. This was orchestrated through the state’s Umdala wethu ‘cultural nationalism’ since 1999 as well as the infrastructural immortalisation of Umdala wethu in 2013. The state’s monopoly over Nkomo’s legacy competed with the anti-establishment and ethnicity inclined appropriation of Joshua Nkomo’s legacy in the Matebeleland regions. One refers to this alternative and public consented appropriation of Joshua Nkomo’s legacy as the traditional affirmative reposition of Father-Zimbabwe’s political fatherhood in Zimbabwe’s body politic. Further, the paper posits that the clashing entitlements to Nkomo’s legacy represents polarity of national memory in Zimbabwe.

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46

Compagnon, Daniel. "Carton jaune pour Mugabe : référendum surprise au Zimbabwe." Politique africaine 77, no. 1 (2000): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.077.0107.

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47

Gerhart, Gail M., and Stephen Chan. "Robert Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 3 (2003): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033633.

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48

Green, Andrew. "Zimbabwe post-Mugabe era: reconstructing a health system." Lancet 391, no. 10115 (January 2018): 17–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(18)30007-2.

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49

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J. "Beyond Mugabe-centric narratives of the Zimbabwe crisis." African Affairs 111, no. 443 (February 16, 2012): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads008.

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50

Dorman, Sara Rich. "The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe." Current History 117, no. 799 (May 1, 2018): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.799.163.

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