Academic literature on the topic 'Mughal, India'

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Journal articles on the topic "Mughal, India"

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BALABANLILAR, LISA. "The Emperor Jahangir and the Pursuit of Pleasure." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 19, no. 2 (2009): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186308009395.

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The Mughal emperors of India were remarkably mobile kings, inspiring modern historians to describe their imperial court culture as ‘peripatetic’. While the Mughals were not immune to the impulse to construct massive urban architect, no Mughal city, no matter how splendid, innovative, accessible or enlightened, remained the imperial centre for long. Through generations of Mughal rule in India, the political relevance of Mughal imperial cities continued to be very limited; it was physical mobility which remained at the centre of Mughal imperial court life and, for much of the Mughal period, the imperial court was encapsulated in the physical presence of the king.
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Fisher, Michael H. "The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh, the British and the Mughals." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (1985): 239–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012324.

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The interaction among the expanding British, the regional rulers of the Gangetic plain, and Mughal Emperors stands central to Indian history during the first half of the nineteenth century. Each of these three groups determined to advance its own political and cultural values in the face of the conflicting expectations and assumptions of the other two. The English East India Company regarded itself as under the authority of the British Parliament and the sovereignty of the British crown. At the same time, the Company continued nominally to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor, at least in India. The various regional rulers of north India, most prominently the rulers of the province of Awadh, acted and apparently perceived themselves as de facto independent of the Mughals while also symbolically submitted to Mughal sovereignty. The Mughal Emperors, whose power to command armies had faded to nothingness during the last half of the eighteenth century, continued to pretend to absolute sovereignty over virtually all of India until 1858. Each of these three groups wished to see the 1819 imperial coronation by the Awadh ruler as an overt proof of their own cultural values and of their understanding of their relationships to the others.
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Sah, Ram Shankar. "Mughal State and the Information System: 1556–1707." Indian Historical Review 46, no. 2 (2019): 292–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983619889517.

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News reporting was an essential part of the administration of the Mughal Empire. Many sources such as biography, autobiography, court chronicles, akhbarat and travelogues indicate that the Mughals had an organised system of intelligence and espionage. The Mughals ruled over a vast territory which made it necessary to organize a system whereby news and information could be conveyed rapidly over great distances. News writing in Mughal India was closely connected with espionage and postal communication. For this reason, Historians who have studied the communication system of Mughal India, discussed the information system in a limited manner and paid greater coverage to the communication system. With the help of the news reports, the Mughal emperor issued orders and many other communications related to administration. The information system was important also for the economy. Till now, not much is known about the Mughal information system, notably the news reporting system related to the state. The present article deals with the information system of the Mughal empire particularly from the reign of Emperor Akbar to Aurangzeb. In this article, effort is made to discuss the types, levels, importance, structure, procedure and mechanism of the news reporting system during Mughal empire along with the rank, qualifications and work ethics of the news reporters. This article also analyses the nature and the role of the information system of the Mughal state along with how this information system evolved over a period of time.
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ALAM, MUZAFFAR. "The Mughals, the Sufi Shaikhs and the Formation of the Akbari Dispensation." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2009): 135–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003253.

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AbstractThis essay places Mughal–Sufi relationship within a larger sixteenth century context, focusing on the strategies the early Mughals adopted to build their power in India. It reviews the positions of the two important sufi groups, the Indian Chishtis and the Central Asian Naqshbandis, juxtaposing the political benefits or the loss that the Mughals saw in their associations with them. While the Naqshbandi worldview and the legacy of the legendary Ubaid Allah Ahrar clashed with their vision of power, in the Chishti ideology, on the other hand, they found a strong support for themselves. The Chishtis then had an edge at the time of Akbar. But the Naqshbandis under Khwaja Baqi Billah (d. 1603) continued in their endeavour to reinstate their place in Mughal India. The paper thus provides a backdrop and makes a plea for re-evaluating the debate on the ideology and politics of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624).
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Flores, Jorge. "The Mogor as Venomous Hydra: Forging the Mughal-Portuguese Frontier." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 6 (2015): 539–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342475.

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The present article seeks to discuss the prevailing ideas and practices of frontier among the Mughals. Concurrently, it considers the ways in which the Portuguese Asian Empire perceived this expanding imperial space. The Mughal emperors engaged in a strong universalistic discourse, which ultimately pointed towards the idea of an infinite Timurid India. To be sure, the Portuguese were hit by this imperial rhetoric, but they rested on intriguing mechanisms of self-legitimacy, like arguing that the Northern white neighbors of the Estado da Índia were newcomers and actually foreigners in India. Additionally, The Portuguese understood the striking difference between Mughal imperial rhetoric and the actual frontier turbulence on the ground and, since the early years of Mughal rule, they sought to identify spaces of demarcation in Gujarat, Bengal and the Deccan.
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Guha, Sumit. "Rethinking the Economy of Mughal India: Lateral Perspectives." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 58, no. 4 (2015): 532–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341382.

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This article seeks to reopen the argument regarding the economic structure of the Mughal Empire. The field saw vigorous debate in the 1980s and 1990s, followed by a stalemate. I seek to move beyond this impasse, first by studying British efforts at implementing a neo-Mughal tax system. This retrospective exhibits the practical difficulties that make it unlikely that the Mughals ever fully implemented their program. I then deploy underused Marathi sources to see what well-informed contemporaries guessed about the real working of the empire and analyze the effects of regimes of power in the creation and survival of the information that constitutes our evidence. I end by connecting key aspects of my structural analysis with the expansion of international trade and with India’s political economy in the transition to British rule.
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C. MUHAMMAD, DR HANEEF. "TOLERANCE AND CO-EXISTENCE IN MUSLIM INDIA: THE RELIGIOUS POLICY OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v2i1.6.

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The Indian peninsula is known for its multi-religious and multicultural identity. India, the birthplace of Hinduism and Indian culture, has accepted many local and foreign religions throughout History. India's meeting with Islam began with Arab merchants at the time of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and was completed with the military expeditions of Persian and Turkish rulers. The most important Muslim Empire in Indian history is the Mughal Empire, founded by Babur, the grandson of Timur. It ruled over many territories in the Indian sub-continent for three centuries. Recognizing Islam as a state religion, this empire has treated indigenous Hindus and the adherents of other religions that constitute the majority of the Indian population with extraordinary tolerance. Generally, these Muslim rulers allowed their citizens to live according to the religions they wanted, even though they destroyed some Hindu temples as a symbol of the authority change. These Muslim rulers even employed them in the governing body of the state. The most prominent example of this can be seen in the period of Akbar Shah of the Mughal Empire.
 This study examined how the Mughal Empire, which ruled for centuries in the Indian Peninsula, treated the non-Muslim subjects, especially the Hindus and how did they introduce the culture of co-existence, giving more importance for the period of Akbar, the great ruler of the Mughal Empire. Similarly, I will try to compare the millet system of the Ottoman Empire with those of Mughal’s religious policy using the comparative method.
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Chatterjee, Nandini. "REFLECTIONS ON RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCE AND PERMISSIVE INCLUSION IN MUGHAL LAW." Journal of Law and Religion 29, no. 3 (2014): 396–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2014.20.

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AbstractThis article investigates the “pre-history” of the colonial and postcolonial personal (status) laws of India, which tie religious identity with legal status, particularly in matters of family law. It examines the concept of law and legal jurisdictions in Mughal India (1526-early eighteenth century; officially 1857): a unique political formation in which an Islamic state ruled over a populace which was predominantly non-Muslim. Using Mughal official orders, Persian-language legal documents produced between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, and Persian-language legal formularies, the article proposes that despite frequent local delegation, the Mughals, their officials, and their subjects did not conceive of law as divided up into several religion-based jurisdictions. Instead, an inclusive operationalization ofshariʿa1(Islamic moral code, in a more specific sense Islamic law) appears to have popularized Islamic legal concepts and forms, and a host of pragmatic concerns attracted many who were not Muslims to the courts of the imperially appointedqazis(Islamic judges). Based on this evidence, this article proposes that Mughal India represents an instance of widespread “permissive inclusion” intoshariʿa, whereby in non-criminal matters theqazis' courts allowed and attracted, but did not require, all Mughal subjects to avail of their civil jurisdiction. This proposition is examined further in connection with the acrid debates between late Mughal administrators (particularly, Muhammad Reza Khan of Bengal) and their British overlords. It is thus suggested that while instituting colonial rule in the late eighteenth century, British imperialists also introduced a new concept of religion-based distribution of legal authority to India.
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Zahid, Anwar, Sumaira, and Riaz Sadia. "Geo-Strategic Significance of Kandahar for Mughal Empire." Global Social Sciences Review I, no. II (2016): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).02.

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Kandahar is one of the most significant and important region of Afghanistan. It had been ruled by the great dynasties like Greece, Muryans, Kushans, Hindu Shahis, Mongols and the Mughals etc. Because of its significant location, Kandahar remained the bone of contention between different Empires and dynasties. When the Mughal occupied India, it became necessary for them to make a strong hold on Kandahar because of its strategic location that connects Persia with India. Kandahar was a gateway to India from Persia and for the safety of India and Kabul the Mughals were struggling to have strong control over the area. It connects South Asian subcontinent with Central Asia, Middle East and the Persian Gulf. On the other side Persia considered Kandahar as her integral part particularly from the reign of Shah Tahmasp and always remained busy in taking its control from the Mughals. It was necessary for them to take control of Kandahar for accomplishing the Safavid expansion policy. Thus, Kandahar remained a sandwich between two great Empires.
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Gommans, Jos. "Mughal India and Central Asia in the Eighteenth Century. An Introduction to a Wider Perspective." Itinerario 15, no. 1 (1991): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005775.

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During the last two decades our historical ideas about the Mughal Empire have considerably altered. This change of attitude is due to two scholarly tendencies both of which have directed attention away from the Mughal court centres of Delhi and Agra. In an effort to illuminate the processes of Mughal decline, one approach has aimed to stress the emergence of eighteenth-century successor states which grew vigorously independent, but still remained under the sacrosanct umbrella of Mughal authority. Many studies of these new political configurations have seriously questioned the cliché de l'époque of a highly centralized Mughal polity, which now to have been faced with numerous limitations and ‘inner frontiers’. The disenchanting practice of permanent sedition and betrayal could never live up to the expectations of the Mughal ideal of harmony and legitimate obedience. In contrast to this view from below, another approach has tried to enlarge the scale by analysing the various ways in which India was incorporated into the world economy of the Indian Ocean. From this point of view Mughal India became the central part of a dynamic world system with various interactions and interdependencies between often highly urbanized and commercialized states.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mughal, India"

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Chaudhary, Neelam. "Labour in Mughal India /." New Delhi : Aravali Books International, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40161348z.

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Habib, Irfan. "The agrarian system of Mughal India, 1556-1707 /." New Delhi ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400622791.

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Lal, Ruby. "The 'domestic world' of the Mughals in the reigns of Babur, Humayun, and Akbar (1500-1605)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323218.

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Narayanan, Divya [Verfasser], and Gita [Akademischer Betreuer] Dharampal-Frick. "Cultures of Food and Gastronomy in Mughal and post-Mughal India / Divya Narayanan ; Betreuer: Gita Dharampal-Frick." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/118060895X/34.

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Qureshi, Adeela. "The hunt as metaphor in Mughal painting (1556-1707)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669811.

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Farooqi, Naimur Rahman. "Mughal-Ottoman relations : a study of political & diplomatic relations between Mughal India and Ottoman Empire, 1556-1748 /." Delhi : Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39042050g.

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De, la Garza Andrew. "An unfinished revolution : Babur, Akbar and the rise of Mughal military power /." Connect to resource, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210269616.

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Gill, M. S. "Glazed tiles from Lodhi and Mughal northern India : a technological appraisal." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1472805/.

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Glazed tiles were used by the Lodhis and Mughals to embellish their buildings in northern India from the late fifteenth to seventeenth century. Tile-work from this region and period is understudied, particularly on matters related to its origin and technology. This thesis presents findings of a research undertaken on a series of tiled buildings located at Delhi, Agra, and Punjab in northern India, from the period of Lodhi and Mughal rule. Tile samples from the buildings have been scientifically analysed - mainly using scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive spectrometry, and electron microprobe microanalysis with wavelength dispersive spectrometry - for their characterisation. Ethno-archaeological studies on related traditional craft industries have been used to build a more accurate rendition of the technologies employed in their manufacture. A field survey of in situ tile-work has been used to correlate stylistic and physical attributes with data determined through analyses. Results from the study show that different methods were utilized for the production of tiles at Delhi/Agra and Punjab. Those of the Delhi type have indigenous features in their technology, while the Punjab specimens are shown to be technologically closer to those from the core Islamic lands. The industry at Delhi is further shown to have evolved locally, developing gradually from the Lodhi to Mughal period, while the Punjab tile industry at the time of the Mughals is demonstrated to be an import, its establishment clearly influenced externally, with the sudden appearance of a new technological style. The tile-work at both places is however determined to be of the same basic character as Islamic tile-work of the stonepaste variety. This study, besides presenting a comprehensive picture on Lodhi and Mughal tiling traditions, provides important new information in the discipline of Islamic ceramic studies, particularly on the development of stonepaste technology and its transfer.
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Singh, Devika. "Modern India and the Mughal past : receptions, representations and the writing of Indian art history, 1920s-1960s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648374.

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Morató-Aragonés, Ibáñez Marc. "La deserción de Rostam Mirza a la India (1593)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672082.

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La presente tesis tiene por objetivo explicar a través del caso de Rostam Mirza (1566-1642), príncipe de una rama colateral safaví en lo que hoy en día es Afganistán, el destino de los distintos Estados y sus gobernantes de Asia Central ante la presión de los grandes imperios vecinos. El imperio mogol de Akbar (1542-1605) fue el más destacado de estos pues, con un potencial agrario, económico y militar extraordinario, rechazó la tradicional subdivisión del patrimonio familiar y se apropió de Kabul, Cachemira, Sind y Qandahar (de donde era oriundo Rostam Mirza); aceptando a cambio que el uzbeco Abdalá Han (1533-1598) conquistara Badahshán, Sistán y avanzara sobre el Jorasán. Como muchos otros, Rostam Mirza accedió a perder su soberanía para integrarse en la organización imperial de Akbar.<br>The purpose of this thesis is to explain through the case of Rustam Mirza (1566-1642), prince of a Safavid collateral branch in what is now Afghanistan, the fate of the different States and their Central Asian rulers under pressure from the great neighbouring empires. The Mughal empire of Akbar (1542-1605) was the most prominent of these because, with an extraordinary agrarian, economic and military potential, it rejected the traditional subdivision of family heritage and appropriated Kabul, Kashmir, Sind and Kandahar (the birthplace of Rustam Mirza); accepting in return that the Uzbek Abdullah Khan (1533-1598) conquered Badakhshan, Sistan and advanced on the Khorasan. Like many others, Rustam Mirza agreed to lose his sovereignty to join the Akbar imperial organization.
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Books on the topic "Mughal, India"

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Tillotson, G. H. R. Mughal India. Penguin Books, 1991.

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Tillotson, G. H. R. Mughal India. Chronicle Books, 1990.

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Architecture of Mughal India. Cambridge University Press, 1992.

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Chaudhary, Neelam. Labour in Mughal India. Aravali Books International, 1998.

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Gentil, Jean Baptiste Joseph. Maps of Mughal India. Manohar Publications, 1988.

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Religious interactions in Mughal India. Oxford University Press, 2014.

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Bérinstain, Valérie. India and the Mughal dynasty. Abrams, 1998.

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Foltz, Richard. Mughal India and Central Asia. Oxford University Press, 1998.

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The Mughal Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2000.

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The Mughal Empire. Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mughal, India"

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Guenther, Alan M. "Christians and Muslims in Mughal India." In Routledge Handbook on Christian–Muslim Relations. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745077-25.

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Padamsee, Alex. "Introduction: The Returns of the Mughal." In The Return of the Mughal: Historical Fiction and Despotism in Colonial India, 1863–1908. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-35494-5_1.

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Hancock, James F. "Monsoon Islam." In Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade. CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0015.

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Abstract Summarizing how the Ottoman took over the Middle East, the chapters also outlines the boom of the Muslim trade in Europe. Three powerful Muslim empires eventually ringed the Indian Ocean: the Ottomans controlled the Red Sea, the Safavid Dynasty controlled the Persian Gulf route, and the Mughal Empire covered most of India. The chapters also show the flow of the huge Indian Ocean trading network, stating how Muslim communities grew to become trading empires led by powerful sultans who established strong trading by navigating the seas. The terminals of the ocean trade involves: India, Aden, Ormuz, Swahili Coast of Africa, Strait of Malacca and the City of Malacca, Sumatra and Java, Ceylon, and Moluccas. Also, the chapters provide a summary of the ocean trade with Chinese dynasties and other Far East Asian countries.
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Wahurwagh, Amit J., Akshay P. Patil, and Alpana R. Dongre. "The original acoustics of the 17th-century Mughal heritage of Burhanpur, India." In Worship Sound Spaces. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429279782-12.

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Singh, Vijayant Kumar. "struggle over a Mughal office." In Mapping India. Routledge India, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429318467-6.

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Singh, Jaspal Kaur. "Mughal India and Colonialism." In Violence and Resistance in Sikh Gendered Identity. Routledge India, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003036036-2.

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Dale, Stephen. "India under Mughal rule." In The New Cambridge History of Islam. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521850315.010.

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Griffiths, Percival. "Mughal Administration (1)." In The British Impact on India. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429057656-14.

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Nath, Pratyay. "Environment and the Heterogeneous Conquest of North India." In Climate of Conquest. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495559.003.0001.

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This chapter studies the Mughal conquest of the heart of North India. It argues that the heterogeneous geography of this landmass shaped the course and nature of military engagements. The vast open plains of the Punjab and the Gangetic Basin allowed large-scale cavalry manoeuvres. Hence, the Mughals were able to engage their adversaries in a number of battles and skirmishes here. In contrast, the broken terrain of the forested highlands of central India restricted free movement of troops and encouraged fortress warfare. For this reason, Mughal expansion entailed a greater number of sieges here. This environmental heterogeneity also made it impossible for either cavalry or firearms to spearhead Mughal military conquests uniformly or single-handedly. Thus, even within the fairly contiguous region that was to eventually comprise the political heartland of the Mughal empire, the natural environment left a deep imprint on the conduct of warfare and the course of empire-formation.
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"Precedents for Mughal architecture." In Architecture of Mughal India. Cambridge University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521267281.002.

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Conference papers on the topic "Mughal, India"

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Khan, Mohammad Afzal. "Cultural Linkage between India and Iran A Study of Mughal Art and Architecture." In Annual International Conference on Contemporary Cultural Studies. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2382-5650_ccs13.27.

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Rozin, Muhammad, Sigit Prawoto, Fredy Nugroho Setiawan, and Nur Rosita. "Recontextualization in the Indonesian Translation of the Novel “Taj”: A Story of Mughal India” by Timeri N. Murari." In 7th International Conference on English Language and Teaching (ICOELT 2019). Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200306.012.

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Reznikova, Kseniya. "INDIAN MAUSOLEUMS AS THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE ISLAMIC RELIGION IN THE ERA OF THE GREAT MUGHALS." In 4th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/62/s22.003.

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Kumar, Rajesh. "Black-coloured Muga silk moth,Antheraea assamensis Helfer (Lepidoptera: Saturniidae), from Assam (India): Second best example of “industrial melanism”." In 2016 International Congress of Entomology. Entomological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1603/ice.2016.105598.

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