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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Mughal'
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1
Chaudhary, Neelam. "Labour in Mughal India /." New Delhi : Aravali Books International, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40161348z.
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Barzegar, Karim Najafi. "Mughal-Iranian relations : during sixteenth century /." New Delhi : Indian Bibliographies Bureau, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38948708g.
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Narayanan, Divya [Verfasser], and Gita [Akademischer Betreuer] Dharampal-Frick. "Cultures of Food and Gastronomy in Mughal and post-Mughal India / Divya Narayanan ; Betreuer: Gita Dharampal-Frick." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/118060895X/34.
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Farooqi, Naimur Rahman. "Mughal-Ottoman relations : a study of political & diplomatic relations between Mughal India and Ottoman Empire, 1556-1748 /." Delhi : Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39042050g.
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Haider, Syed Najaf. "The monetary system of the Mughal empire." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390349.
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Topsfield, Andrew. "Rajput painting in Mewar." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361864.
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Habib, Irfan. "The agrarian system of Mughal India, 1556-1707 /." New Delhi ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400622791.
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Qureshi, Adeela. "The hunt as metaphor in Mughal painting (1556-1707)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669811.
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Ali, Lamine Hashim. "The culture of the Mughal capital cities, 1556 to 1658." Connect to full text, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4016.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.<br>Title from title screen (viewed January 28, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Indian Subcontinental Studies, School of Languages and Cultures, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
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Barlow, Glenna. "Integration/Interpretation: The Stylistic Motifs of Mughal Architecture at Fatehpur Sikri." VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/201.
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This thesis argues that the ornament of Fatehpur Sikri, imperial city of the Mughal emperor Akbar, was created by and for a transcultural audience as a subtle means of unification. Scholars have largely characterized Fatehpur Sikri as a site that epitomizes the blend of Hindu and Islamic architecture. Inherent in this description is the assumption that these visual elements are distinctly religious and mutually exclusive, identified as solely Hindu or Islamic. Yet the integration of various types of imagery is indicative of more dynamic cultural interactions. I have used photographic documentation to classify and analyze the ornamental elements present in three structures at Fatehpur Sikri. My analyses of these elements’ usage and placement, in conjunction with those from surrounding Indian structures, suggest not only a unique Akbari repertoire but provides insight as to the structures’ purposes.
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Gill, M. S. "Glazed tiles from Lodhi and Mughal northern India : a technological appraisal." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1472805/.
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Glazed tiles were used by the Lodhis and Mughals to embellish their buildings in northern India from the late fifteenth to seventeenth century. Tile-work from this region and period is understudied, particularly on matters related to its origin and technology. This thesis presents findings of a research undertaken on a series of tiled buildings located at Delhi, Agra, and Punjab in northern India, from the period of Lodhi and Mughal rule. Tile samples from the buildings have been scientifically analysed - mainly using scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive spectrometry, and electron microprobe microanalysis with wavelength dispersive spectrometry - for their characterisation. Ethno-archaeological studies on related traditional craft industries have been used to build a more accurate rendition of the technologies employed in their manufacture. A field survey of in situ tile-work has been used to correlate stylistic and physical attributes with data determined through analyses. Results from the study show that different methods were utilized for the production of tiles at Delhi/Agra and Punjab. Those of the Delhi type have indigenous features in their technology, while the Punjab specimens are shown to be technologically closer to those from the core Islamic lands. The industry at Delhi is further shown to have evolved locally, developing gradually from the Lodhi to Mughal period, while the Punjab tile industry at the time of the Mughals is demonstrated to be an import, its establishment clearly influenced externally, with the sudden appearance of a new technological style. The tile-work at both places is however determined to be of the same basic character as Islamic tile-work of the stonepaste variety. This study, besides presenting a comprehensive picture on Lodhi and Mughal tiling traditions, provides important new information in the discipline of Islamic ceramic studies, particularly on the development of stonepaste technology and its transfer.
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Khan, Iqbal Ghani. "Revenue, agriculture and warfare in north India : technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites, from the mid 18th to the early 19th century." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321137.
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De, la Garza Andrew. "An unfinished revolution : Babur, Akbar and the rise of Mughal military power /." Connect to resource, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210269616.
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Watson, Geoff. "Tradition, transplantation, transformation, Central Asia in the making of the Mughal Empire." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3096.
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The Mughal empire in India (1526-1858) was founded when Babur, a Central Asian
prince, defeated Sultan Ibrahim Lodi at the battle of Panipat. Through his father Babur
was descended from Timur, the founder of the Timurid empire, which had existed from
around 1370 until 1507. Through his mother he was descended from Chinggiz Khan.
Babur and his followers transplanted their Turco-Mongolian heritage into an Indian
setting.
The Central Asian association with the Mughal empire did not end with the death of
Babur; it continued in a multiplicity of ways. This thesis is an analysis - as wide-ranging
as possible- of the role of Central Asia in the formation and ongoing functioning of the
Mughal empire. The study commences with a brief chronological sketch of the period,
which is followed by a discussion of the important themes of the thesis: the interaction
between nomadic and sedentary institutions, the evolution of empires, and the influence
of the Indian environment. The following chapters discuss these themes with reference to
the key institutions of the Central Asian and the Mughal empires: the army which initially
conquered and then controlled each empire's territory; the sovereign and sovereign's
court which administered this territory; the religious and cultural institutions which
underpinned imperial rule, and the capital city which coordinated the empire and
epitomised the integral features of these institutions.
This thesis argues that the Central Asian influence in the Mughal empire was evident
throughout the Mughal period. It contends, however, that the Central Asian traditions
which originated in a nomadic society underwent a considerable degree of transformation
in India, because Central Asian institutions in their indigenous form proved unsuited to
the purposes of later Mughal polities where the aim was to rule an agrarian-revenue based
empire. Symbolically, the Central Asian tradition remained important, but practically it
was in many respects superseded. Many Central Asian traditions became recast in a more
Indian mould; Persian and indigenous Indo-Muslim influences were also significant.
Nevertheless, for all the change, many aspects of Timurid tradition remained and were
maintained. Historical links were reinforced by continuing contacts with Central Asia. So,
ultimately, the Central Asian influence in the Mughal Empire became a more diverse
amalgam of past and present Central Asian institutions. Thus Central Asia was in many
respects both the creator of anda continuing contributor to Mughal rule.
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Desjardins, Tara. "Mughal glass : Indian glass from the late modern and early colonial period." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30324/.
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Honchell, Stephanie. "The Story of a Drunken Mughal: Alcohol Culture in Timurid Central Asia." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1419850248.
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Rathee, Vikas, and Vikas Rathee. "Narratives of the 1658 War of Succession for the Mughal Throne, 1658-1707." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579017.
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This dissertation studies certain Hindi and Persian narratives of the War of Succession (1658) to succeed Shah Jahan (r.1627-1658). All the narratives under study were written during the reign of Aurangzeb (r.1658-1707), the successor of Shah Jahan. The study evaluates the significance of the War as a landmark moment in the social history of India, especially in the formation and inter-relationships between religious communities. The dissertation demarcates the larger epistemological and ontological canvas on which these communities took shape and interacted with each other. The research outlines the ways and the contexts in which terms such as Hindu, momin, musalman, Islam, din and Rajput were deployed in literary texts. It asks whether Hinduism and Islam were two disparate traditions, as previous histories of the War and Mughal India had contended. The dissertation argues that social communities of Hindus and Muslims were mutually and similarly circumscribed within an Islamic worldview and concept of din. Hindu traditions could portray Muslims in concepts and terms borrowed from Indian epics but within an over-arching Islamic cultural dispensation. The War was not a moment of evolution between two independent Hindu and Muslim traditions. Rather, the War was a moment that saw the evolution, even if it be of an antagonistic kind, of Hindu and Muslim traditions within a larger Islamic framework. Besides the above primary focus, the dissertation provides the reader with important insights and overviews regarding allied subjects such as the literary histories of Persian and of Hindi/Urdu, especially in the Dingal and Khari Boli dialects, the political culture of Hindu India, Rajput political culture, Mughal political culture, patronage networks in Mughal India, notions of soldierly duty in seventeenth century India, language and status, preaching in the Hindu and Islamic traditions, the sociological ideas of acculturation and Islamisation, and twentieth century history-writing.
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Nath, Renuka. "Notable Mughal and Hindu women in the 16th and 17th centuries A. D. /." New Delhi : Inter-India publ, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39038917c.
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Lal, Ruby. "The 'domestic world' of the Mughals in the reigns of Babur, Humayun, and Akbar (1500-1605)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323218.
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Nair, Shankar Ayillath. "Philosophy in Any Language: Interaction between Arabic, Sanskrit, and Persian Intellectual Cultures in Mughal South Asia." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11258.
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This dissertation examines three contemporaneous religious philosophers active in early modern South Asia: Muhibb Allah Ilahabadi (d. 1648), Madhusudana Sarasvati (d. 1620-1647), and the Safavid philosopher, Mir Findiriski (d. 1640/1). These figures, two Muslim and one Hindu, were each prominent representatives of religious thought as it occurred in one of the three pan-imperial languages of the Mughal Empire: Arabic, Sanskrit, and Persian. In this study, I re-trace the trans-regional scholarly networks in which each of the figures participated, and then examine the various ways in which their respective networks overlapped. The Chishti Sufi Muhibb Allah, drawing from the Islamic intellectual tradition of wahdat al-wujud, engaged in "international" networks of Arabic debate on questions of ontology and metaphysics. Madhusudana Sarasvati, meanwhile, writing in the Hindu Advaita-Vedanta tradition, was busy adjudicating competing interpretations of the well-known Sanskrit text, the Yoga-Vasistha. Mir Findiriski also took considerable interest in a shorter version of this same Yoga-Vasistha, composing his own commentary upon a Persian translation of the treatise that had been undertaken at the Mughal imperial court. In this Persian translation of the Yoga-Vasistha alongside Findiriski's commentary, I argue, we encounter a creative synthesis of the intellectual contributions occurring within Muhibb Allah's Arabic milieu, on the one hand, and the competing exegeses of the Yoga-Vasistha circulating in Madhusudana's Sanskrit intellectual circles, on the other. The result is a novel Persian treatise that represents an emerging "sub-discipline" of Persian Indian religious thought, still in the process of formulating its basic disciplinary vocabulary as drawn from these broader Muslim and Hindu traditions.
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Singh, Rishi. "State formation and the establishment of non Muslim hegemony in the post-Mughal nineteenth century Panjab." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2009. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29755/.
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This thesis examines the state formation process in Panjab and the qualitative change in the hegemony of elites from Muslims to non Muslims in the first half of the nineteenth centuiy. The work argues that after the emergence of the Sikh faith in the fifteenth century there appeared on the social fabric of elites two distinct categories Muslim and the non Muslim, The emergence and expansion of the Sikh religious ethos and the political ambitions of its leadership influenced the political scenario in Panjab under the Mughal rulers. It is the argument here that even though Muslim and Sikh religious leaderships engaged with each other, the conversion of Panjabis both from Hindu and Muslim backgrounds to Sikhism began to create problems for the Muslim elites in Panjab. The religious group of Muslims existed w ith that of the Sikh and the Hindus but at the time of political tensions, clear allegiances were formed between the two groups, especially at the moments when the call of Jehad {a religious call to war for the followers of Islam) was given by the Muslim elites. The vision of a state not controlled by the Muslim elites, who were Mughals or Afghans, became fundamental for the new non Muslim elites of the Panjab. The particular case studies of Multan, Kashmir and Peshawar, examine the process of change from the Muslim elites to the non Muslim elites. It is postulated in the work that though the ideology of Islam as the common factor became instrumental in the aligning together of many tribal elites, it could not sustain the alliance against the non Muslims, in the region beyond the river Indus, due to various inter rivalries between different Muslim groups. The thesis examines the reasons behind the sustenance of the state under Ranjit Singh and the policies adopted by him which gave him the right to establish his legitimate domination over his majority Muslim subjects. This aspect of deriving legitimacy from Muslim subjects by Ranjit Singh has been examined in five different areas of governance, namely religious policy, justice, army, agrarian policy and the formation of new Muslim elites.
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Thorez, Eric-Selvam. "Peintres Moghols au XVIIIe siècle." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040267.
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Cet ouvrage a pour objet l’étude de différents peintres moghols ayant exercé leur activité au XVIII° siècle, c'est-à-dire entre la fin du règne d’Aurengzeb et le début de celui d’Akbar II. Il s’attache à établir, pour chaque peintre, des catalogues de l’œuvre peint, et, partant, à définir les caractéristiques de chacun, en analysant le style et l’approche iconographique des peintures. Jusqu’à présent, la méconnaissance globale des collections de peintures mogholes du XVIII° siècle a désigné cette période comme une phase de recul qualitatif des peintres et des peintures, ces dernières étant généralement considérées comme peu nombreuses, stylistiquement faibles et limitées à des sujets galants, courtois ou érotiques. C’est en analysant ces collections peu étudiées que nous avons tenté d’améliorer la connaissance de cette période, à travers la vie et l’œuvre des peintres moghols face aux bouleversements qui surviennent dans l’Inde du nord tout au long du XVIII° siècle. Ainsi, nous nous sommes attaché à montrer, qu’après une première phase où prévaut, chez les peintres, une forme de classicisme, les membres de l’académie impériale ont tenté de rénover l’esthétique moghole face à l’émergence d’ateliers régionaux concurrentiels. Nous avons ensuite suivi le parcours des peintres qui s’installèrent en Oudh, amenant, sans rupture, le mouvement appelé Company Paintings, tandis qu’à Delhi, les membres de l’académie impériale s’orientaient vers une forme de néoclassicisme pictural. Ce travail permettra de jeter un regard nouveau sur les peintres moghols au XVIII° siècle, en montrant l’évolution donnée à l’esthétique classique dans un contexte de régionalisation de la peinture<br>This work is a study on Mughal painters who were active in the 18th century, between the end of Aurengzeb and the beginning of Akbar’s rein. The intention is to establish a catalogue of painted works for each painter, thereby defining the characteristics of each one through an analysis of the style and different iconographic approaches within the paintings. Until recently, the global lack of knowledge of Mughal eighteenth century painting collections defined this period as one of decline in the quality of painters and their works, the latter being generally considered to be small in number, stylistically weak and limited to gallant, courtly, and erotic subject matter.Through an analysis of these rarely studied collections that we have broached a renewal of our understanding of this period through the lives and works of these Mughal painters who were facing the political and economical disruptions that took place in the North of India throughout the whole of the eighteenth century. Therefore, our work has been focused on revealing that after an initial phase, when a form of classicism prevailed in the painters’ works, the members of the imperial academy aimed at renewing a Mughal aesthetic as the concurrent regional workshops emerged. We have then followed the direction of the painters who settling in Oudh, took with them, the movement known as Company Paintings, whereas in Delhi, the members of the imperial academy orientated themselves towards a neoclassical pictoralism. This work, by showing in particular the evolution of a classical aesthetic, will therefore allow us look anew at Mughal painters of the eighteenth century, within the context of the regionalisation of painting in India
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Mitchell, C. P. "the Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe and its Primacy in Seventeenth Century Mughal Historiography: a Re-Evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=108873.
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This thesis is the study of one of the most consistently used primary sources of early seventeenth century Mughal India. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, written by England's first ambassador to the court of Jahângir, has traditionally been construed to be a succinct and perceptive account. Moreover, historians have relied on Thomas Roe's observations and conclusions to offer certain interpretations of Jahângîr's court: most notably, its decline as a forum of centralized absolutism into an arena of intrigue and rivalry.<br>Cette thèse est une étude d'une des sources primaires la plus consultée sur l'Inde mogole du 17ème siècle. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, écrit par le premier ambassadeur anglais à la cour de Jahângîr, a été vu traditionellement comme un récit succinct et perspicace. D'ailleurs, les historiens se sont basés sur les observations de Thomas Roe et ses conlusions pour offrir certaines interprétations de la cour de Jahângîr; en particulier son déclin comme forum "d'absolutisme universel" et sa transformation en arène d'intrigue et rivalité.
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Mitchell, C. P. (Colin P. ). "The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe and its primacy in seventeenth century Mughal historiography : a re-evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23230.
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This thesis is the study of one of the most consistently used primary sources of early seventeenth century Mughal India. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, written by England's first ambassador to the court of Jahangi r, has traditionally been construed to be a succinct and perceptive account. Moreover, historians have relied on Thomas Roe's observations and conclusions to offer certain interpretations of Jahangi r's court: most notably, its decline as a forum of centralized absolutism into an arena of intrigue and rivalry.<br>Roe, as a product of Jacobean society, perceived Mughal events and institutions from an early seventeenth century English context, thus limiting any hope of "objective" reporting. To substantiate this assertation, this thesis investigates (a) Roe's life in England and how it related to ongoing literary and political movements; (b) the appearance of Jacobean language and metaphors in his text; (c) and highlighting these incongruencies by examining indigenous Mughal documents. Lastly, the study researches historiographical trends of the colonial era and why they have contributed to the consistent use of this source.
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Botchkareva, Anastassiia Alexandra. "Representational Realism in Cross-Cultural Perspective: Changing Visual Cultures in Mughal India and Safavid Iran, 1580-1750." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070051.
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The concept of realism in visual representation has been defined and deployed largely within the domain of the Western artistic canon. In the field of art history, the term is often used in ways that depend on implicit, culturally coded assumptions about its connection with the formal markers of optical-naturalism. The Persianate tradition of pictorial representation by contrast, has been traditionally characterized in modern scholarship as stylized and decorative, with little acknowledgment of an interest in realism in its own visual language. Furthermore, normative Euro-centric attitudes have perpetuated the assumption that an engagement with realism entered Persianate artistic practices with the advent of Europeanizing modes of depiction in Safavid and Mughal spheres of production around the late sixteenth-century. This dissertation explores the topic of realism from the perspective of Persianate visual culture. In so doing, it proposes to refine our understanding of the concept in terms that accommodate the varied artistic production of cultures that laid claims to cultivating representational realism in their own primary sources.
The first chapter draws on multi-disciplinary discussions to challenge art historical treatments of pictorial realism as a style, in favor of a functional definition of the concept as an emergent quality rooted in formal strategies that activate particular patterns of mirror-response in their audiences.
The second and third chapters reject the principle of evaluating the realism of Persianate representations according to their degree of proximity to European models. The second chapter discusses the structural conditions of change in visual habitus in cases of inter-cultural encounter between foreign modes of representation and the resulting works of aesthetic hybridity. The third chapter presents material evidence of early modern Safavid and Mughal albums as discourses of aesthetic heterogeneity.
The fourth chapter explores the local Persianate roots of realism, including the changes these realism strategies underwent in the early modern period. The fifth and final chapter develops case studies of two seventeenth-century Mughal and Safavid drawings, which cultivate representational enlivenment in depicting harrowing moments of death. The discussion delves in greater detail into the particular patterns of realism developed in the seventeenth-century Persianate visual culture.<br>History of Art and Architecture
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Singh, Devika. "Modern India and the Mughal past : receptions, representations and the writing of Indian art history, 1920s-1960s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648374.
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Jutla, Rajinder Singh. "The visual and spatial structure in Mughal urban design: the 16th century city of Fatehpur Sikri, India." Diss., This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02272007-092411/.
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Prasertwaitaya, Leila. "The Construction of Female Identity in Mughal Painting: Portraits of Women from the Shah Jahan Period (ca. 1628-1658)." VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/607.
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Paintings of women as individual subjects were a popular theme in the Mughal court during the mid-seventeenth century, or the Shah Jahan period (ca. 1628-1658). These portraits depict idealized archetypes with subtle differences in facial and bodily features. The same portrait conventions were used for both historical and imaginary women. This thesis has three aims: (1) identify and explain the significance of three elements that visually represent an ideal Mughal woman using a case study from the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts called Page from the Nasir al-Din Shah Album: Portrait of a Mughal Woman (ca. 1630-45), (2) combine visual and textual sources to further the study of Mughal women, and (3) reinsert the portraits of Mughal women within a larger scope of female imagery in Indian art to show that Mughal paintings encompass just one part of a much bigger story. Paintings of Mughal women are not only aesthetic works of art—they are historical artifacts.
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Roy, Malini. "Idiosyncrasies in the late Mughal painting tradition : The artist Mihr Chand, son of Ganga Ram(Fl. 1759-86)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509271.
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This thesis examines the stylistic development of the artist 'Mihr Chand, son of Ganga Ram' (fl. 1759-86), who travelled across northern India in the hope of finding a beneficent patron. The initial hypothesis, which this thesis proposes, is that Mihr Chand's idiosyncratic approach to the established painting tradition earmarked him as the forerunner in the late eighteenth century art scene in Faizabad and Delhi. I suggest that it was Mihr Chand's thirst for new knowledge that prompted the artist to evaluate the visual resources available and assimilate these new techniques within his works rather than a consequence of the influence of his European patron, Antoine Polier. As Mihr Chand primarily flourished in Faizabad (1765-76), in the province of Awadh, I offer a review on the position of the provincial governors, the Nawabs of Awadh, on their role as the initiators of the late Mughal painting tradition during the second half of the eighteenth century in Chapter 1. To provide the context to analyse Mihr Chand's stylistic development, I suggest a revised and expanded art historical framework of the painting tradition that took place in Delhi and Awadh in Chapter 2. This chapter also addresses the issue of European officers, who cultivated and sponsored local artists to produce numerous illustrations and paintings in Faizabad and later in Lucknow. The following chapter outlines Mihr Chand's biographical details and his chronology of style. I develop Mihr Chand's approach to landscape, portraiture, and architectural drawings in Chapters 4-6. The last two chapters question the artist's originality and his direct impact on artists in Faizabad, Lucknow, Delhi, and Jaipur at the end of the eighteenth century
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Morató-Aragonés, Ibáñez Marc. "La deserción de Rostam Mirza a la India (1593)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672082.
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La presente tesis tiene por objetivo explicar a través del caso de Rostam Mirza (1566-1642), príncipe de una rama colateral safaví en lo que hoy en día es Afganistán, el destino de los distintos Estados y sus gobernantes de Asia Central ante la presión de los grandes imperios vecinos. El imperio mogol de Akbar (1542-1605) fue el más destacado de estos pues, con un potencial agrario, económico y militar extraordinario, rechazó la tradicional subdivisión del patrimonio familiar y se apropió de Kabul, Cachemira, Sind y Qandahar (de donde era oriundo Rostam Mirza); aceptando a cambio que el uzbeco Abdalá Han (1533-1598) conquistara Badahshán, Sistán y avanzara sobre el Jorasán. Como muchos otros, Rostam Mirza accedió a perder su soberanía para integrarse en la organización imperial de Akbar.<br>The purpose of this thesis is to explain through the case of Rustam Mirza (1566-1642), prince of a Safavid collateral branch in what is now Afghanistan, the fate of the different States and their Central Asian rulers under pressure from the great neighbouring empires. The Mughal empire of Akbar (1542-1605) was the most prominent of these because, with an extraordinary agrarian, economic and military potential, it rejected the traditional subdivision of family heritage and appropriated Kabul, Kashmir, Sind and Kandahar (the birthplace of Rustam Mirza); accepting in return that the Uzbek Abdullah Khan (1533-1598) conquered Badakhshan, Sistan and advanced on the Khorasan. Like many others, Rustam Mirza agreed to lose his sovereignty to join the Akbar imperial organization.
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Sobti, Manu P. "Timurid central Asia and Mughal India : some correlations regarding urban design concepts and the typology of the Muslim house." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54413.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1995.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-145).<br>This thesis commences with the basic premise that Timurid Central Asia (which included the regions of Khorasan and Transoxania), with its monumental achievements in Urban Planning and Civic Architecture, beginning with the reign of Tamerlane (1346 - 1405); served as a literal source of inspiration for the urban form of Mughal cities. As an additional corollary to this premise, it puts forward the thesis that the formal similarities observed between the architecture of the Timurids and the Mughals were not purely coincidental; but were indeed the result of a conscious exchange of ideas and images in a varied number of ways. The Mughals seem to have essentially emulated the Timurids in terms of the basic grammar of their architectural creations, and the final product was always unique in terms of the extent, purity and the mix of constituent elements. This cross-cultural 'borrowing' seems to have become more direct and relatively refined when one considers developments in the realm of city planning; where to a large extent, there seems to have operated a 'stereo-typical' notion or model of the urban settlement - predominantly Timurid or deriving from Timurid precedents; which is thereafter applied and overlaid with 'Indianized' or 'Persianized' notions in order to develop the characteristics of the Mughal city. The first part of the thesis examines how pre-Timurid precedents could have contributed towards the conception of a Timurid Urban Model. The characteristics this model and its variations are subsequently discussed with reference to specific cases. The second part discusses correlations between the Timurid and Mughal city in terms of a matrix of political and social variables derived from conditions prevalent in Timurid and Mughal society. The third part of the research looks at factors or agents which may have caused the this cultural interchange to occour between the two cultures.<br>by Manu P. Sobti.<br>M.S.
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de, la Garza Andrew. "Mughals at War: Babur, Akbar and the Indian Military Revolution, 1500 - 1605." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274894811.
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Balabanlilar, Lisa Ann. "Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction Turco-Mongol imperial identity on the subcontinent /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1179937403.
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Vassie, R. "Persian interpretations of the Bhagavadgita in the Mughal period : with special reference to the Sufi version of #Abd al-Raham Chishti." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241699.
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Siddiqui, Ali Gibran. "The Naqshbandiyya after Khwaja Ahrar: Networks of Trade in Central and South Asia." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1471364890.
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Hamid, Usman. "Early Timurid-Mughal politics and historiography: a case study of a little known amīr, Shāh Qulī Khān Mahram (952-1010/1545-1601)." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106371.
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The present study is concerned with the political career and contributions of Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram (d. 1010/1601), a high ranking, celebrated amīr (commander) and confidant of the third Timurid-Mughal dynast, Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Akbar (r. 963-1014/1556-1605). In examining his life, the study looks more broadly at the politics and historiography of the early Timurid-Mughal India during the reign of Akbar. It demonstrates the impact of competing political networks on the life of Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, as well as the closely associated importance laid on devoted service and generous patronage. By using pivotal moments from Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram's life as case studies for comparative historiographic analysis, the present study discerns the methods, motives, and considerations that determined the production of Timurid-Mughal historical writing, such as chronicles and prosopographies. Finally, it demonstrates the importance of architectural patronage to the Timurid-Mughal state, not only as a rhetorical device used to advance state legitimacy and ideology, but also as a very material vehicle of agricultural development and revenue generation.<br>Ce projet s'intéresse à la carrière politique et aux apports de Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram (d. 1010/1601), un amīr (commandant) renommé, de rang élevé, aussi le confident de Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Akbar (r. 963-1014/1556-1605), troisième souverain de la dynastie timouride-moghole. En examinant sa vie, cette étude portera plus largement sur la politique et l'historiographie du début de l'époque timouride-moghole en Inde pendant le règne d'Akbar. Elle montre les conséquences qu'avaient les réseaux politiques concurrentiels sur la vie de Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, ainsi que l'importance du service dévoué, et parallèlement du mécénat généreux. En faisant des études de cas des moments cruciaux de la vie de Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram pour l'analyse historiographique comparative, cette étude discerne les méthodes, les motifs et les considérations qui ont déterminé la production d'écrits historiques de l'époque timouride-moghole, tels des chroniques et des prosopographies. Enfin, elle souligne l'importance du mécénat architectural non seulement en tant qu'astuce de rhétorique pour l'avancement de la légitimité de l'état timouride-moghol et de son idéologie, mais aussi comme un moyen matérialiste de développement agricole et de création de revenus.
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Utter, Hans Fredrick. "Networks of Music and History: Vilayat Khan and the Emerging Sitar." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308392450.
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Imbert, Isabelle. "La peinture de fleurs persane et indienne de la période moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040170.
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Le présent travail porte sur les peintures de fleurs produites en Iran et en Inde entre le XVIe et le XVIIIe siècles et destinées à être montées dans des albums alliant peintures et calligraphies. Cette étude s'organise autour de trois axes de recherche. En premier lieu, l'étude de l'évolution des pratiques picturales au sein des ateliers de peinture, ainsi que la mise en évidence des différences formelles entre les centres de production. La taxonomie des peintures de fleurs a permis de mettre en évidence certains régionalismes, mais également des modes de représentation partagés entre l'Iran safavide (1501-1722), afshar (1736-1749) et zānd (1750-1794) d'un côté, et l'Inde moghole (1526-1857) et les cours provinciales de l'autre. Le second axe de recherche est consacré aux échanges entre l'Orient et l'Occident. Plusieurs peintures de fleurs persanes et indiennes sont issues d'herbiers et florilèges, imprimés en Europe à partir du XVe siècle. L'étude de l'apport européen dans ces productions de peintures permet de mettre en évidence les pratiques d'assimilation des formes exogènes par les artistes. Enfin, le troisième axe interroge le rôle tenu par les peintures de fleurs au sein des albums, ou muraqqaʻ. La compilation d'albums est attestée en Iran dès le XVe siècle, et passe vraisemblablement en Inde durant la première moitié du XVIe siècle. Les fleurs s'y déploient progressivement jusqu'à devenir omniprésentes, autant au centre des pages que dans les marges et sur les reliures. Les représentations florales revêtent des symboliques diverses qui sont à mettre en relation avec un abondant corpus poétique, mais également avec les patrons persans, indiens ou européens qui commandent ces précieux volumes. Parmi les conclusions, notons les attributions de dessins anonymes au peintre persan Shafīʻ ʻAbbāsī et une discussion sur les notions de copie et d'interprétation<br>This dissertation focuses on flower paintings produced in Persia and India between the 16th and the 18th centuries to be mounted in albums, also called muraqqa'. This study is centered on three research axis. First, pictorial practices are analyzed, as well as the general evolution of floral forms on album pages. The taxonomic approach on flower paintings led to highlight regionalisms, but also depiction modes shared between Safavid (1501-1722), Afsharid (1736-1749) and Zand (1750-1794) Persia on one hand, and Mughal India (1526-1857) and Indian provincial courts on the other. The second line of research focuses on cultural and artistic exchanges between the East and the West. Many Persian and Indian flower paintings are copied from European printed herbaria and florilegia from the 15th century. The study of European input on these productions highlights assimilation practices of foreign forms. The third axis questions the role held by flower paintings in albums, or muraqqa'. From the 15th century, flowers gradually spread to become omnipresent in the center of the pages, in the margins and on the bindings. Floral representations take various symbolic values linked to an abundant poetic corpus, but also to Persian, Indian or European patrons who order these precious volumes. Among the conclusions, this thesis suggests new attributions of anonymous drawings to the Persian painter Shafīʻ ʻAbbāsī, and holds a discussion about concepts of copy and assimilation
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Anwar, Firdos. "Nobility under the Mughals (1628-1658) /." New Delhi : Manohar Publ, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38948683z.
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Hasan, Jeiran Zikretgizi. "A performance guide and comparison of three twentieth-century Azerbaijani flute compositions composed by Fikret Amirov, Arif Melikov, and Tofiq Bakihanov." Diss., University of Iowa, 2018. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6126.
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While there are not many pieces for flute by Azerbaijani composers in the twentieth-century, three of the country’s most famous composers wrote substantial works for the instrument. In this essay, I will discuss Fikret Amirov’s Pieces for Flute and Piano, Arif Melikov’s Concertino for Flute and Piano or String Orchestra, and Tofiq Bakihanov’s Three Flute Sonatas. Due to the collapse of many publishing houses in Azerbaijan after the fall of the Soviet Union, because of the high printing costs and low demand for music during this transitional time, the scores of these pieces are not readily available, resulting in a lack of performance by the newer generations of flutists. Fikret Amirov passed away in 1984, but Tofiq Bakihanov and Arif Melikov are well into their 80s. Given their age, it is critical to be able to work with them now on performance practices of their pieces, before their contributions are lost.
For this essay, I made contact with Arif Melikov and Tofiq Bakihanov, performed for them, and conducted interviews. I also studied the style and ornamentation of Azerbaijani classical music with flute Professor Muzaffar Aghamalizade of the Baku Music Academy. With each piece, the similarities and differences in dynamics, style, terminology, folk-elements, and ornamentation, including trills and grace-notes, in all of the publications will be discussed. All the original editions have been compared to their later published versions.
My goal with this research and topic is to bring these three pieces of music to the attention of the international community while diversifying and expanding the repertoire for flutists.
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Gatelier, Karine. "Hama Mugat : modèle de reproduction identitaire des Mugat, Tsiganes d'Asie centrale." Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0207.
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L'identité des Mugat apparaît dans un double paradoxe: elle s'inscrit dans la continuité sans reposer sur une mémoire historique; elle est difficilement définissable car, vue de l'extérieur, les images véhiculées sur les Mugat ne coïncident pas avec la réalité et, de l'intérieur, les Mugat présentent une grande diversité des situations de vie parfois très semblables à celles de la société globale. Pourtant une homogénéité se dégage, traduite par l'exclamation Hama Mugat! (nous sommes tous Mugat!). Elle est exprimée par l'oubli du passé qui aide les Mugat à se voir identiques sur le long terme, et la distinction: les Mugat empruntent aux cultures locales mais marquent ces emprunts de leur sceau. Cette cohésion repose sur une organisation sociale guidée par la flexibilité: aucune règle stricte ne s'impose. La proximité géographique façonne les réseaux d'alliés et chaque individu porte la responsabilité de l'intégrité du groupe, limitant ainsi les risques de rupture du lien social<br>The identity of Mugat presents a double paradox: it is preserved over time without keeping an historical memory; and it's hard to define because from the outside the images about Mugat are untrue and from the inside Mugat offer a large diversity of ways of life, sometimes very close to those of the global society. Therefore, the group shows an homogeneity that expresses very well the sentence Hama Mugat! ("we are all Mugat!"). It lies on a forgotten past that enables them to see themselves similar to their ancestors and the distinction: Mugat borrow from local cultures but mark the borrowed objects with their own stamp. The cohesion of the group lies on a social organisation marked by flexibility: no strict rule is set. The geographical proximity shapes the allies network and each Mugat is responsible for the integrity of the group which limits the risk of breaking the social link
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Rocha, Andréa Ferretto da. "Avaliação do potencial de criação juvenis de tainha Mugil cf. Hospes e Mugil liza em sistema de bioflocos." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FURG, 2012. http://repositorio.furg.br/handle/1/2554.
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Tese(doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Aqüicultura, Instituto de Oceanografia, 2012.<br>Submitted by Cristiane Silva (cristiane_gomides@hotmail.com) on 2012-08-08T13:30:20Z
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>Com o objetivo de avaliar a possibilidade de manutenção de juvenis de tainhas em sistema com bioflocos, três experimentos foram desenvolvidos na Estação Marinha de Aquacultura da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Rio Grande, RS, utilizando juvenis de Mugil cf. hospes e Mugil liza. Os experimentos foram realizados em delineamento inteiramente casualizado, com três repetições em cada tratamento e os resultados foram submetidos às análises de variância ANOVA uma-via e Kruskal-Wallis (=0,05), considerando-se as premissas de normalidade (Kolmogorov-Smirnov) e homocedasticidade (Cochran C) dos dados. Quando detectada diferença significativa entre os tratamentos após ANOVA, o teste de Tukey foi aplicado para comparação das médias. O primeiro estudo foi realizado para verificar a possibilidade de manter bioflocos na criação de juvenis de Mugil cf. hospes (peso médio inicial de 4,55 ± 0,15 g). Foram avaliados três tratamentos: tainhas com inoculo de bioflocos (T), tainhas com bioflocos provenientes da criação de camarões Litopenaeus vannamei (TFC) e sem animais (SEM). Todos os tratamentos receberam ração comercial (44% PB). Após 21 dias a concentração final de sólidos suspensos totais não diferiu (P>0,05) entre os tratamentos TFC (785,33 ± 269,05 mg L-1), T (310,67 ± 126,0 mg L-1) e SEM (298,67 ± 30,28 mg L-1), enquanto que o volume final de bioflocos de TFC (76,66 ± 5,77 mL L-1) foi maior (P<0,05) do que SEM (3,1 ± 2,48 mL L-1) e T (18,66 ± 5,50 mL L-1) foi similar a todos os tratamentos. Estes resultados demonstram que foi possível manter os bioflocos na criação de juvenis de tainhas Mugil cf. hospes, tornando possível sua criação neste tipo de sistema. Com o objetivo de avaliar a importância da alimentação natural no desempenho em crescimento de juvenis de tainhas Mugil liza (peso médio inicial de 0,66 ± 0,21 g),três diferentes sistemas de criação foram utilizados durante 30 dias, sendo um sistema realizado em água clara, um sistema que consistia de água contendo bioflocos e substrato artificial com perifíton, e um terceiro sistema realizado em água clara contendo substrato artificial com perifiton. Todos os tratamentos receberam ração comercial (42% PB), e os tratamentos com água clara tiveram renovações de água diariamente. A sobrevivência final dos juvenis foi superior a 90% em todos os tratamentos, sem diferença entre eles. O tratamento que utilizou perifíton e bioflocos conjuntamente resultou em maior crescimento em peso dos juvenis de tainhas e menor taxa de conversão alimentar aparente, em comparação aos demais tratamentos. Adicionalmente, este tratamento registrou menor concentração média de amônia total na água dos tanques de criação.Um terceiro estudo teve por objetivo avaliar o efeito da adição de diferentes fontes de carbono orgânico sobre a qualidade de água e o desempenho zootécnico de juvenis de tainhas Mugil liza mantidas em sistema BFT. Com duração de 45 dias foram testados quatro tratamentos: dextrose, melaço de cana-de-açúcar líquido, farelo de arroz e um tratamento em água clara foi utilizado como controle (três réplicas cada). 15 juvenis de M. Liza (7,99 ± 2,57g) em cada unidade experimental (160 L, salinidade 14,0 ± 4,2 e temperatura de 27,0 ± 3,3 ºC). As tainhas foram alimentadas com ração comercial (55% PB) quatro vezes ao dia. Ao final do experimento os pesos dos juvenis de tainhas, ganho de peso e taxa de crescimento específico não apresentaram diferença significativa (P>0,05) entre os diferentes tratamentos. A sobrevivência foi superior a 90% em todos os tratamentos, sem diferença significativa entre eles. O maior volume médio de bioflocos foi registrado no tratamento farelo de arroz (161,4 ± 66,29 ml L-1), seguido de melaço (96,46 ± 96,24 ml L-1), e o menor volume foi observado no tratamento dextrose (52,54 ± 57,29 ml L-1), todos significativamente diferentes entre si.
A concentração média de SST (mg L-1) na água foi maior (P<0,05) nos tratamentos com bioflocos do que em água clara (492,05 ± 456,83 mg L-1), mas não diferiu entre os tratamentos dextrose, melaço e farelo de arroz (926,16 ± 299,03; 932,18 ± 309,72 e 809,31 ± 217,77 mg L-1, respectivamente). O tratamento dextrose apresentou maior (P<0,05) abundância de bactérias totais aderidas do que os tratamentos melaço, farelo de arroz e água clara. A adição de uma fonte suplementar de carbono orgânico, melaço ou farelo de arroz, se mostrou eficiente no desenvolvimento de bioflocos e controle dos níveis de amônia e nitrito da água, em comparação à utilização de dextrose e ao sistema de água clara.<br>With the purpose to evaluate the possibility of the culture of mullet in biofloc culture systems (BFT), three experiments were developed at Marine Station of Aquaculture, Federal University of Rio Grande, Rio Grande city, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil, using juveniles of Mugil cf. hospes and Mugil liza. The studies were conducted using randomized designs, three replicates per treatment and the results submitted to analysis of variance one-way ANOVA and Kruskal-Wallis (=0.05), taking into consideration the assumptions of normality (Kolmogorov-Smirnov) and the homoscedasticity (Cochran C). Tukey's test was applied to compare the means when was detected significant differences among the treatments. The first study was conducted to verify the formation of bioflocs in the rearing of juveniles of Mugil cf. hospes (4.55 ± 0.15 g), using three treatments: (1) mullet with inoculum of bioflocs (T); (2) mullet with bioflocs from culture of the Litopenaeus vannamei (TFC); (3) without livestock (SEM). All treatments received a commercial feed (44% CP). After 21 days the final concentration of total suspended solids was higher in TFC treatment (785.33 ± 269.05 mg L-1) compared to the treatment T (310.67 ± 126.0 mg L-1) and SEM (298.67 ± 30.28 mg L-1). The biofloc volume in the treatment TFC (76.66 ± 5.77 mL L-1) washigher (P<0.05) than SEM (3.1 ± 2.48 mL L-1) and T (18.66 ± 5.50 mL L-1) were similar to remaining treatments. The results showed that there was formation of bioflocs in the culture of the mullet’s juveniles. With the aim to evaluate the importance of the natural food on growth performance of juveniles of mullets Mugil liza (initial weight 0.66 ± 0.21 g), the second experiment using three different culture systems was conducted during 30 days: (1) system of clear water, (2) biofloc and periphyton, (3) clear water and periphyton. All treatments received a commercial feed (42% CP). The treatment biofloc and periphyton had a better influence in weight and length of the juveniles, as well as feed conversion rate, than other treatments. The parameters of water quality in biofloc and periphyton was more efficient, thru a significant decrease in ammonia. The survival was above 90% in all treatments, no significant difference between them.A thirdy study aimed at investigating the effect of addition in different organic carbon sources on the water quality parameters and production of juvenile mullet Mugil liza in Biofloc Technology Systems. In 45-days study four treatments were tested: dextrose, liquid molasses, rice meal a treatment in clear water was used as control (three replicates). Fifteen juveniles of M. Liza (7.99 ± 2.57g) were stocked in each experimental units (160 L, salinity 14.0 ± 4.2 and temperature of 27.0 ± 3.3 ° C). The mullet were fed with commercial feed (55% CP) four times per day. At the end of the trial mean final weight, weight gain and specific growth rate did not differ significantly (P>0.05) among the different treatments. Survival was superior to 90% for all treatments, without significant difference. The largest volume of biofloc was recorded in the treatment rice meal (161.4 ± 66.29 ml L-1), followed by molasses (96.46 ± 96.24 ml L-1), the lower volume was observed in the treatment dextrose (52.54 ± 57.29 ml L-1). The average concentration of TSS (mg L-1) into the water was higher (P <0.05) intreatments with biofloc than in clear water (492.05 ± 456.83 mg L-1), but did not differ among the treatments dextrose, molasses and rice meal (926.16 ± 299.03, and 932.18 ± 309.72 809.31 ± 217.77 mg L-1, respectively). Treatment dextrose showed higher (P <0.05) abundance of total bacteria attached than treatments molasses, rice meal and clear water. The addition of an additional source of organic carbon from molasses or rice meal was efficient in the development of biofloc and control of ammonia and nitrite levels of water, compared to the use of dextrose and the system of clear water.
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Koca, Feray. "Urban Growth And Conservation Problematic In Mugla, Karabaglar." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604706/index.pdf.
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Karabaglar is a rural area where agricultural community lives and which locates in the vicinity of Mugla town. It was registered as third grade natural site that must be preserved according to its rural character, natural and cultural assets and rural life. Property pattern consisting of private ownerships (yurts), specific road network that emerges from irims and kesiks, traditional houses, variety of vegetation, abundant water, self-sufficient agricultural production, and traditional life style are the main features that create and shape Karabaglar.
Kesiks, irims, kabaliks, and yurts are the major man-made components, which are unique to Karabaglar, and these characteristics conform to the natural landscape structure.
Urban growth, interventions due to misuse of lands, new housing demands of urban residents in Karabaglar resulted in urban pressure on the area. This situation puts forth the conservation necessity of Karabaglar.
This research analyzes the speculative housing development in Karabaglar, identifies the type of interventions and their physical, social, economic and environmental effects on Karabaglar<br>in addition, develops proposals for sustainability of the traditional pattern of Karabaglar.
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Carvalho, Cristina Vaz Avelar de. "Exigência protéica de juvenis de tainha Mugil platanus." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FURG, 2008. http://repositorio.furg.br/handle/1/2679.
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Dissertação(mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Aqüicultura, Instituto de Oceanografia, 2008.<br>Submitted by Cristiane Silva (cristiane_gomides@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-10T01:17:13Z
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Previous issue date: 2008<br>A alimentação é um dos principais custos da piscicultura, sendo importante desenvolver
estudos que busquem uma maior eficiência alimentar para o aumento do sucesso da
atividade e também para a redução do impacto da emissão de nutritientes ao meio ambiente. Levando em conta o potencial de criação da tainha Mugil platanus na região Sudeste e Sul do Brasil e a carência de informações sobre suas exigências nutricionais, o presente trabalho foi realizado com o objetivo de determinar a exigência protéica para seus juvenis. As tainhas foram alimentadas com cinco dietas com três repetições cada, sendo cada unidade composta por um tanque de 50L com 50 juvenis com peso inicial 1,17 ± 0,02 g e 4,34 ± 0,03 cm (média ± EP). As cinco dietas isocalóricas foram formuladas para conter níveis crescentes de proteína bruta (PB) de 30% , 35%, 40%, 45% e 49% e 18,7 MJ/Kg de dieta (energia metabolizável). As dietas foram oferecidas até a saciedade 5 vezes ao dia durante 35 dias. As dietas não apresentaram diferenças significativas (P>0,05) para sobrevivência, eficiência alimentar e composição corporal.Os resultados indicaram que o nível de 35% PB foi statisticamente superior (P > 0,05) com relação ao ganho em peso, ingestão de alimento e taxa de crescimento específico do
que de tainhas alimentas com o maior nível protéico. A necessidade de proteína para os
juvenis de tainha foi estimada em 35,8% PB.<br>Feed is one of the main costs for fish culture. Studies looking for higher feed efficiency are important to increase the success of aquaculture and reduce impacts of nutrient emission into the environment. Considering the potential of the mullet Mugil platanus for aquaculture, as well as the lack of information on its nutritional demands, the main goal of the present work was to determine the dietary protein requirement of juvenile mullets. Five isocaloric diets were formulated in order to contain increasing levels (30, 35, 40, 45,and 50%) of crude protein (CP) corresponding to 18.7 MJ metabolizable energy/Kg. All diets were tested in triplicate. Each experimental unit was composed of a 50 L tank with 50 juveniles (mean ± SE initial weight and length equal to 1.17 ± 0.02 g and 4.34 ± 0.03cm, respectively). Diets were offered five times a day until apparent satiation for 35 days.
No significant difference (P > 0.05) was observed in survival rate, feed efficiency and body composition between treatments. However, weight increase, feed ingestion and
specific growth rate was higher in fish fed the 35% CP level than those fed the highest
protein content diet (50% CP). The amount of postprandial ammonia excreted by mullet
was linearly related to protein intake. Intestinal tryptic activity was inversely proportional to the percentage of dietary CP. The dietary protein requirement of juvenile mullet was estimated as 34.28% CP with a P:E ratio of 18.7 g/MJ.
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Mohamed, Abdalla Yagoub. "Basin analysis and hydrocarbon maturation, Unity and Kaikang area, Muglad Basin, Sudan." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390934.
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Basin analysis study has been conducted along a cross section in the Unity-Kaikang area, Muglad Basin, Sudan. The research is based essentially on geological, seismic investigations and basin model approach. The basin model approach included two dimensional gravity modelling, and one dimensional thermal history, maturation and hydrocarbon generation modelling. In addition an investigation of the hydrocarbon migration processes, routes to the known and probable accumulation targets is studied. The basin models were calibrated against data obtained from wells drilled in the area. The seismic investigations indicate a sedimentary thickness ranging from 11 to 7 km averaging 9 km along the area of the cross section. The two dimensional gravity model suggests a mantle uplift of 2.18 km and a β stretching factor of 1.47 with a thin crust of 24 km, corresponding to an extension of 45 km. The burial and thermal model suggests a high subsidence rate accompanied by a slow sedimentation rate during the Neocomian and Aptian times. The present heat flow is ranging between 72 (Kaikang area) to 50 mW/m<sup>2</sup> averaging 59 mW/m<sup>2</sup> along the cross section of the study area. The paleoheat flow is averaging 57 mW/m<sup>2</sup> with peaks of 65 mW/m<sup>2</sup> during the Aptian-Senomanian, Paleocene to Eocene times and a last peak of 59 mW/m<sup>2</sup> between the Miocene and the present. The maturation and hydrocarbon generation model (LLNL, Sweeny 1990) has been applied to the oil prone source rocks of the Abu Gabra and Sharaf formations. For the purpose of modelling the Abu Gabra Formation has been divided into three layers. In the top layers of the Abu Gabra Formation, the model predicts an average onset of oil generation at 90 Ma and an end at 10 Ma. In the combined source rock section of layer three of the Abu Gabra and the Sharaf Formation the model predicts an average onset of oil generation at 110 and an end at 30 Ma.
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Altayeb, Abdalmajid I. H. "Comprehensive fluid saturation study for the Fula North field Muglad Basin, Sudan." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5442.
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>Magister Scientiae - MSc<br>This study has been conducted to accurately determine fluid saturation within Fula sub-basin reservoirs which is located at the Southern part of the Republic of Sudan.
The area is regarded as Shaly Sand Reservoirs. Four deferent shaly sand lithofacies (A, B, C, D) have been identified. Using method based on the Artificial Neural Networks (ANN), the core surrounding facies, within Fula reservoirs were identified. An average shale volume of 0.126 within the studied reservoirs was determined using gamma ray and resistivity logs. While average porosity of 26.7% within the reservoirs was determined using density log and the average core grain density. An average water resistivity of 0.8 Ohm-m was estimated using Pickett plot method. While formation temperature was estimated using the gradient that constrained between surface and bottom hole temperature. Water saturation was determined using Archie model and four shaly sand empirical models, the calculation was constrained within each facies zone to specify a model for each facies, and another approach was used to obtain the water saturation based on Artificial Neural Networks. The net pay was identified for each reservoir by applying cut-offs on
permeability 5 mD, porosity 16%, shale volume 0.33, and water saturation 0.65. The gross thickness of the reservoirs ranges from 7.62m to 19.85m and net pay intervals from 4.877m to 19.202m. The study succeeded in establishing water saturation model for the Fula sub-basin based on neural networking which was very consistent with the core data, and hence has been used for net pay determination.
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Magnotti, Caio César França. "Espermatologia e conservação do sêmen da tainha (Mugil liza)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2017. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/179650.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Agrárias, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Aquicultura, Florianópolis, 2017.<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T04:10:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2017<br>O método de estocagem em temperaturas reduzidas é uma alternativa para disponibilizar sêmen de boa qualidade para inseminação artificial. Para este procedimento, é necessário definir protocolos específicos para a conservação do sêmen de cada espécie. No primeiro experimento foram analisandos 15 machos selvagens (51,5±2,2 cm e 1390,0±187,2 g) e 15 de cativeiro (28,3±1,5 cm e 231,9±34,0 g) de M. liza que apresentavam espermiação após massagem abdominal. Foram encontradas diferenças significativas no volume de sêmen, na densidade dos espermatozoides, espermatócrito, na vitalidade espermática e na morfometria. Os resultados demonstram que a idade dos peixes e as características individuais influenciam diretamente na qualidade do sêmen. Ativando os espermatozoides com soluções de diferentes salinidades e pH, o melhor tempo de motilidade foi obtido na salinidade 34,8 (189±15 seg.) e melhor porcentagem de motilidade na salinidade 34,6 (95±10%), sendo que a variação de salinidade entre 30 e 35 não gerou prejuízos significativos na motilidade dos espermatozoides da M. liza. O pH de 8,5 propiciou o maior tempo de motilidade (218±13 seg.) e 8,7 a melhor taxa de motilidade (93±12%). No experimento dois foi realizado teste de refrigeração do sêmen da espécie. Amostras de sêmen foram mantidas diluidas com CF-HBSS na proporção 1:3 (v:v) e in natura, a 4±2 °C por 96 horas. Durante este período, foi verificado aumento significativo no tempo de motilidade por 18 h, melhor taxa de vitalidade por 48 h e melhor taxa de ativação dos espermatozoides por 96 h de armazenamento quando utilizado o diluidor espermático. Estes resultados demonstram que mesmo sem diluentes o semen da tainha apresenta motilidade após 96 horas. A utilização do diluente gera uma melhora no desempenho de motilidade, podendo ser uma alternativa para aumentar o tempo de viabilidade do sêmen refrigerado de M. liza. Para os próximos estudos, é recomendavel utilizar outras substâncias diluidoras, adicionar à diluição compostos suplementares (vitaminas, antioxidantes, açúcares) e substâncias crioprotetoras e verificar sua influencia no tempo de estocagem dos espermatozoides. Testar novas composições de ativadores espermáticos, testes de fertilização, análises de motilidade computadorizadas e análises fisiológicas mais aprofundadas também são essênciais para o desenvolvimento das técnicas de conservação de sêmen.<br><br>Abstract : The low temperature storage method is an alternative to provide good quality semen for artificial insemination. For this procedure, it is necessary to define specific protocols for semen conservation of each species. In the first experiment 15 wild males (51.5±2.2 cm and 1390.0±187.2 g) and 15 cultured males (28.3±1.5 cm and 231.9±34.0 g) of M. liza witch presented spermiation after abdominal massage, significant differences were found in semen volume, as well as sperm density, spermatocrit, vitality and morphometry. These results demonstrate that fish age and individual characteristics directly influence semen quality. After testing spermatozoa activation with different salinities and pH solutions, the best motility time was obtained at salinity 34.8 (189±15 sec) and a better percentage of motility at salinity 34.6 (95±10%). Salinity variations between 30 and 35 did not cause significant losses in spermatozoa motility of M. liza. The pH of 8.5 provided the highest motility time (218±13 sec) and 8.7 the best motility rate (93±12%). In the experiment two was performed the refrigeration tests with this species semen, samples diluted with CF-HBSS in a ratio of 1:3 (v:v) and in natura were maintained at 4±2 °C for 96 hours. There was a significant increase in motility time for 18 h, better vitality rate for 48 h and better sperm activation rate for 96 h of storage when the spermatic diluent was used. Even without diluents the semen show motility after 96 h. The use of the HBSS-CF (1:3) diluent is a good alternative to increase the viability of the refrigerated semen of M. liza. In future studies, it is advisable using other diluting substances, adding supplementary compounds (vitamins, antioxidants, sugars) and cryoprotective substances and verifing their influence on spermatozoa storage time. Testing new compositions of sperm activators, fertilization tests, computerized motility analyzes, and more in-depth physiological analyzes are also relevant to the development of semen conservation techniques.
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RIBEIRO, H. P. "Efeito da Frequência Alimentar no Crescimento de Tainhas Mugil Liza." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/9130.
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Previous issue date: 2017-09-13<br>A família Mugilidae possui ampla distribuição geográfica, sendo encontrada em águas tropicais e subtropicais de todo o mundo, principalmente em regiões costeiras. É um recurso pesqueiro importante, sendo responsável pela sustentabilidade de inúmeras famílias ao longo do litoral brasileiro. Como são peixes eurialinos podem habitar águas doces, salobras ou salgadas. No comportamento alimentar, uma das características importantes deste grupo de peixes é a sua capacidade de ter uma alimentação diversificada, sendo considerados detritívoros, herbívoros e onívoros, dependendo da fase do ciclo de vida e da biodiversidade na cadeia trófica do ambiente em que vivem. Este estudo tem como objetivo avaliar o desempenho zootécnico das tainhas Mugil liza em condições de cultivo em salinidade marinha, utilizando diferentes frequências alimentares. Serão três tratamentos em triplicata na densidade populacional de 0,25 peixe/L, com 30 peixes por tanque. Os tratamentos serão: Tratamento 1, alimentação uma vez ao dia (às 8:00 horas); Tratamento 2, alimentação duas vezes ao dia (às 8:00 e as 16:00 horas); Tratamento 3, alimentação quatro vezes ao dia (às 8:00, 11:00, 14:00 e 17:00 horas). Serão avaliados ganho de biomassa, taxa de crescimento especifico, sobrevivência, fator de condição, e Biomassa total. Ao final do experimento serão analisados o teor de ácidos graxos dos alimentos e dos peixes nos diferentes tratamentos.
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Sawant, Mugdha Suresh Verfasser], Rudolf E. [Akademischer Betreuer] Leube, and Gabriele [Akademischer Betreuer] [Pradel. "Role of phosphorylation in keratin reorganization / Mugdha Suresh Sawant ; Rudolf E. Leube, Gabriele Pradel." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1162450665/34.
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Sawant, Mugdha Suresh [Verfasser], Rudolf E. Akademischer Betreuer] Leube, and Gabriele [Akademischer Betreuer] [Pradel. "Role of phosphorylation in keratin reorganization / Mugdha Suresh Sawant ; Rudolf E. Leube, Gabriele Pradel." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1162450665/34.
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