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Journal articles on the topic 'Multilevel elections'

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1

Clark, Alistair, and Lynn Bennie. "Parties, mandates and multilevel politics." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (2016): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678892.

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The three main statewide British parties – Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats – all produce different versions of their manifestos in British general elections. Many policies debated in a British general election no longer apply at the subnational level, where separate devolved institutions control large areas of policy. This article therefore assesses the roles of national party manifestos at the subnational level in British general elections. It develops an original theory linking Strom’s alternative party goals to Ray’s typology of mandate/contract manifestos, advertisement manifes
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Struthers, Cory L., Yuhui Li, and Matthew S. Shugart. "Introducing new multilevel datasets: Party systems at the district and national levels." Research & Politics 5, no. 4 (2018): 205316801881350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018813508.

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For decades, datasets on national-level elections have contributed to knowledge on what shapes national party systems. More recently, datasets on elections at the district level have advanced research on subnational party competition. Yet, to our knowledge, no publicly accessible dataset with observations of the party system at both national and district levels exists, limiting the ease with which cross-level comparisons can be made. To fill this gap, we release two corresponding datasets, the National Level Party Systems dataset and the District Level Party Systems dataset, where the unit of
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3

Vowles, Jack, Gabriel Katz, and Daniel Stevens. "Electoral Competitiveness and Turnout in British Elections, 1964–2010." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 4 (2015): 775–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.67.

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Analyzing the British Election Study from 1964 to 2010, we examine the influence of electoral context on turnout, focusing on the closeness of elections in terms of lagged seat and constituency-level winning margins. Using cross-classified multilevel models to account for individual and contextual factors and disentangle life cycle, cohort- and election-specific effects, we find that closeness strongly affects voting behavior, particularly among new electors. Widening seat margins in British elections over the last decades have had a persistent impact on turnout. Respondents who faced less com
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DE BENEDICTIS-KESSNER, JUSTIN, and CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW. "Accountability for the Local Economy at All Levels of Government in United States Elections." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (2020): 660–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000027.

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Retrospective voting is a crucial component of democratic accountability. A large literature on retrospective voting in the United States finds that the president’s party is rewarded in presidential elections for strong economic performance and punished for weak performance. By contrast, there is no clear consensus about whether politicians are held accountable for the local economy at other levels of government, nor how voters react to the economy in a complex system of multilevel responsibility. In this study, we use administrative data on county-level economic conditions from 1969 to 2018 a
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Lai, Xiang. "Prediction of Canadian Federal Election Results Based on Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification." Science, Technology and Social Development Proceedings Series 1 (October 3, 2024): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.70088/gyxfz858.

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In democratic countries like Canada, elections provide eligible citizens (aged 18 or older) the opportunity to vote and elect their leader. Since different political parties have distinct ideologies, election outcomes have significant societal impacts, making election result predictions crucial. This study aims to predict whether the Liberal Party will maintain its victory in the 2025 Canadian federal election using a multilevel regression model combined with post-stratification. The data for this research comes from the 2021 Canadian Election Study (CES) and the General Social Survey (GSS), w
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Park, David K., Andrew Gelman, and Joseph Bafumi. "Bayesian Multilevel Estimation with Poststratification: State-Level Estimates from National Polls." Political Analysis 12, no. 4 (2004): 375–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mph024.

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We fit a multilevel logistic regression model for the mean of a binary response variable conditional on poststratification cells. This approach combines the modeling approach often used in small-area estimation with the population information used in poststratification (see Gelman and Little 1997, Survey Methodology 23:127–135). To validate the method, we apply it to U.S. preelection polls for 1988 and 1992, poststratified by state, region, and the usual demographic variables. We evaluate the model by comparing it to state-level election outcomes. The multilevel model outperforms more commonly
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Wilson-Daily, Ann E., and Markus Kemmelmeier. "Youth Perceptions of Voting Participation in the Midst of Catalonia’s Active Struggle for Independence." Youth & Society 53, no. 1 (2019): 76–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x19840965.

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Focusing on youth attitudes during a time of political upheaval in Catalonia, we study 1,438 high school students, aged 15 to 16, nested within 30 high schools. Using multilevel analyses, we examine their perceptions of the importance of voting across different election types (independence referendum, local, subnational, national, supernational) and intent to vote regularly upon turning 18. Results show a matching effect of perceived voting importance with levels of municipal, Catalan, Spanish, and European identification. Notably, voting importance across different elections also relates to t
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Collignon, Sofia. "It is time for a closer look: The demise of regional party branches." Party Politics 26, no. 2 (2018): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817750866.

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Traditionally, decentralization has been linked with the stability of the party system because it helps parties to succeed in national elections. Yet, previous research has frequently obviated the intertwined nature of multilevel party competition. This research takes a closer look at parties’ subnational electoral trajectories while arguing that decentralization increases the risk of new party demise by making subnational elections more attractive for all kinds of parties to compete in. The argument is tested applying survival analysis to the electoral trajectories of 1235 regional branches o
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Otaola, Miguel Lara. "To include or not to include? Party representation in electoral institutions and confidence in elections." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (2017): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816686418.

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Existing research does not offer conclusive evidence on which electoral management body (EMB) model is best for having confidence in electoral processes. While some scholars favour partisan autonomy in election administration, others argue for a multiparty-based election management. Others provide mixed evidence. This article focuses on the importance of including political parties in EMBs, measured by a scale with four levels of participation of parties in the appointment of EMB members. Results show that although it may be advantageous to include political parties in the appointment process
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10

Conway-Silva, Bethany Anne. "Exploring the Networks of News Production: Frame Building and Source Use During the 2014 U.S. Midterm Elections." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 2 (2018): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018803083.

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This study of the 2014 U.S. midterm congressional elections examined whether connections across sources within newspaper coverage predicted framing outcomes. Conceptualized as an aspect of frame building, symbolic source networks within articles were examined using social network analysis and multilevel modeling. Results suggest network density within a given article predicted the likelihood that a source was linked to the strategic game frame and issue frame in election coverage. By nesting sources within networks, this study extends our understanding of frame building and collective sense-ma
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Panov, P. V. "Effects of Personification of Voting in Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Russia." Antinomies 23, no. 3 (2023): 97–116. https://doi.org/10.17506/26867206_2023_23_3_97.

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When directly elected presidents have fairly strong power in relations with the government and parliament, presidential elections are perceived as elections of the first order. In addition, voting for presidential candidates is much more personalized. To a large extent, this explains why, in Russia, the candidate of the party of power receives much more support in the presidential election than the party of power in parliamentary ones. Some voters who support opposition parties in the parliamentary elections vote “strategically” and “personally” in the presidential ones, giving their votes to
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Maškarinec, Pavel, and Jakub Charvát. "Comparing Party System Types at the Regional Level: Czech Regional Elections 2000–2020 as an Example of Vertical Top-down Spill-over." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 21, no. 1 (2023): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/21.1.161-186(2023).

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The article aims to contribute to a better understanding of regional-level party politics in post-communist Czech Republic. We follow the multilevel election perspective, which emphasizes that full understanding of regional-level contestation and the resulting shape of regional party systems is only possible when taking horizontal and vertical interactions between regional and other electoral arenas into consideration. By analyzing all regional elections since the establishment of self-governing regions in 2000 to 2020, we found that Czech regional party systems (1) are not converging towards
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Rauschenbach, Mascha, and Katrin Paula. "Intimidating voters with violence and mobilizing them with clientelism." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (2019): 682–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318822709.

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Recent research suggests that intimidating voters and electoral clientelism are two strategies on the menu of manipulation, often used in conjunction. We do not know much, however, about who is targeted with which of these illicit electoral strategies. This article devises and tests a theoretical argument on the targeting of clientelism and intimidation across different voters. We argue that in contexts where violence can be used to influence elections, parties may choose to demobilize swing and opposition voters, which frees up resources to mobilize their likely supporters with clientelism. W
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Braun, Daniela, and Hermann Schmitt. "Different emphases, same positions? The election manifestos of political parties in the EU multilevel electoral system compared." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (2018): 640–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818805248.

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Political parties increasingly operate at multiple political levels. Nevertheless, we do not yet know much about the consequences of these multilevel electoral systems (MLESs) on party behaviour. To fill this gap, we examine party manifestos for European Parliament (EP) elections and compare them with party manifestos for national elections. Using manifesto data and covering 15 European Union (EU) countries between 1979 and 2014, we focus on European issues and ask whether parties’ issue emphasis and the positions they take are the same in both kinds of documents and respectively at both level
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15

Madariaga and Ozen. "Looking for two-sided coattail effects: Integrated parties and multilevel elections in the U.S." Electoral Studies 40 (July 2, 2015): 66–75. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.06.006.

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In the context of the American federalism, integrated parties provide the necessary coordination mechanism for state and federal politicians to be electorally successful. This argument rests on the assumption that voters are able to observe the benefits of voting a straight ticket. We test this individual level explanation by using the CCES data. Moreover, at the aggregate level, we measure the so-called ‘two-sided’ coattail effects in concurrent multilevel elections in the U.S. since 1960. By using a simultaneous equation model, we estimate the reciprocal relationship between presidential and
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Winzen, Thomas, Rik de Ruiter, and Jofre Rocabert. "Is parliamentary attention to the EU strongest when it is needed the most? National parliaments and the selective debate of EU policies." European Union Politics 19, no. 3 (2018): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518763281.

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When do parliaments debate European Union policies? Normative arguments suggest that debates enhance government accountability. Others warn of government bias, declining debate near elections, and parties avoiding Eurosceptic publics. Our conclusions are more differentiated. We argue that rank-and-file parliamentarians rather than leaders initiate debates. Political incentives guide their debate selection towards salient policies in the countries in which voters care most. However, where the motivation Eurosceptic publics provide and institutions facilitating rank-and-file agenda-setting are l
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ARRIGHI, JEAN-THOMAS, and RAINER BAUBÖCK. "A multilevel puzzle: Migrants’ voting rights in national and local elections." European Journal of Political Research 56, no. 3 (2016): 619–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12176.

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18

Ervik, Bjørn. "Second-Order Arguments for Second-Order Elections? Measuring “Election Stakes” in a Multilevel Context: The Case of Norway." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 22, no. 1 (2012): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2011.642241.

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19

Cortina, Jeronimo, and Shana Hardin. "Descriptive Representation and Reproductive Health Outcomes: The Role of Women Candidates in Reducing Teen Birth Rates." Healthcare 12, no. 20 (2024): 2066. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12202066.

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Background/Objectives: Teen birth rates remain a pressing public health issue in the United States, with significant long-term health risks for both mothers and children. Previous research has primarily focused on the impact of women in elected office on reproductive health outcomes, but less is known about the influence of women candidates. This study explores the relationship between the number of women candidates in county-level elections and county-level teen birth rates, highlighting the role of women candidates as visible role models and agents of potential policy change. Methods: We uti
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20

Borges, André, and Ryan Lloyd. "Presidential coattails and electoral coordination in multilevel elections: Comparative lessons from Brazil." Electoral Studies 43 (September 2016): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.05.009.

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21

Debus, Marc, and Rosa M. Navarrete. "Do regional party primaries affect the ideological cohesion of political parties in multilevel systems? Evidence from Spain." Party Politics 26, no. 6 (2018): 770–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818812200.

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Parties have strong incentives to present a relatively cohesive policy position to the voters across different levels of a political system. However, the adoption of inclusive forms of candidate selection methods like primaries could result in the selection of top candidates for elections on the subnational sphere who are not favoured by the party leadership. This is often seen as a threat to high levels of intra-party programmatic cohesion. Because subnational party organizations depend to a significant degree on the support from their national party, we argue that regional party branches tha
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22

Polacko, Matthew. "Party Positions, Income Inequality, and Voter Turnout in Canada, 1984-2015." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (2020): 1324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941238.

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Scholars have focused on the relationship between income inequality and voter turnout cross-nationally and within the United States. However, rising inequality and declining turnout has afflicted Canada to a greater extent than most other Western countries. As turnout in Canadian federal elections began to decline appreciably in the 1990s, inequality began to rise. With multilevel pooled analysis utilizing Canadian Election Studies from 1984 to 2015, party manifesto data, and measures of inequality at the subnational level, this article tests the effects of income inequality on turnout in Cana
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Berz, Jan. "The effect of voters’ economic perception, Brexit and campaigns on the evaluation of party leaders over time." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886220.

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When and why do voters change their evaluation of party leaders? Voters’ evaluations of party leaders are an increasingly important determinant of electoral behaviour. Which factors influence these evaluations of party leaders? Do voters evaluate party leaders who hold the office of prime minister differently from other party leaders, and do electoral campaigns and issues change these evaluations? I use a multilevel growth model with panel data from the United Kingdom to analyse effects over time. I find that campaigns play a significant role and that voters’ stance on Brexit has a considerabl
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Kumlin, Staffan, and Peter Esaiasson. "Scandal Fatigue? Scandal Elections and Satisfaction with Democracy in Western Europe, 1977–2007." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (2011): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341100024x.

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Elections involving a major scandal were unusual in the late 1970s, but today nearly half are so affected. Multilevel analyses of Eurobarometer data reveal that scandal elections once had negative net effects on satisfaction with democracy. However, as scandals have become more common, the negative effect has withered away. This ‘scandal fatigue’ process appears driven by changes in scandal material, rather than by changes in citizens’ reactions to a given type of material. Scandals involving several politicians and parties still really matter, but these have not become markedly more common. T
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Geys, Benny, and Jan Vermeir. "PARTY CUES IN ELECTIONS UNDER MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE: THEORY AND EVIDENCE FROM US STATES." Journal of the European Economic Association 12, no. 4 (2014): 1029–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jeea.12081.

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Hawley, George. "Local Political Context and Polarization in the Electorate: Evidence from the 2004 Presidential Election." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.21-45.

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Political scientists have long examined the degree to which the American electorate exhibits partisan and ideological polarization and sought to explain the causal mechanism driving this phenomenon. Some scholars have argued that there is an increasing degree of geographic polarization of the electorate—that is, a large percentage of geographic units are becoming less politically heterogeneous. In this study, I argue that the two trends are related. Using individual-level data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, I examine the relationship between local partisan context and politi
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Ramonaitė, Ainė. "Analyzing Electoral Behavior Using PTV’s: Benefits and Methodological Issues." World Political Science 14, no. 1 (2018): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0004.

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Abstract In the last decade, the propensity-to-vote (PTV) measure is being increasingly used in the research of electoral behavior. The purpose of this article is to explore the advantages and methodological issues of this measure, applying it for the analysis of the determinants of party choice in the 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary elections. In particular, the article explores the implications of using OLS regression for analysing a generic party with a stacked data matrix instead of cross-classified multilevel modeling.
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Vidal-Correa, Fernanda. "Media Coverage of Campaigns: A multilevel study of Mexican women running for office." Communication & Society 33, no. 3 (2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.33.3.167-186.

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Previous studies on the United States and Latin America have demonstrated unequal media coverage of men and women during electoral campaigns. However, in Mexico, a country where women increasingly participate in politics, this has seldom been studied. This is worrisome when considering that, with gender stereotyping, the media can create new barriers for female candidates, affecting voters’ perceptions of women’s expertise and policy proposals. Through a comparative analysis, this research explores the role of the media when covering women running for office. It specifically studies coverage o
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García-García, David, and José Manuel Trujillo. "Emotions of Candidates on Twitter in the 2023 Seville City Council Election: A Second-Order Campaign?" Social Sciences 12, no. 11 (2023): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12110590.

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This paper analyses the messages that candidates emitted on the social network Twitter (now called “X”) during the campaign for the 2023 municipal elections in the city of Seville and the emotions they used. This type of electoral process has usually been deemed as second-order elections within multilevel governance political systems, implying that the national arena may affect local dynamics to some degree. Thus, the main research objective is to determine the extent to which elements of nationalisation were used in candidates’ rhetoric, along with the emotional components associated with eac
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Saikkonen, Inga A.-L. "Electoral Mobilization and Authoritarian Elections: Evidence from Post-Soviet Russia." Government and Opposition 52, no. 1 (2015): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.20.

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Despite extensive research on electoral turnout in developed democracies, we know relatively little about the determinants of electoral participation in (electoral) autocracies. Yet, electoral mobilization is crucial to understanding electoral authoritarian regime dynamics and democratic regression. This article studies the ‘socioeconomic roots’ of electoral authoritarianism by using original local-level data from a prominent contemporary electoral authoritarian regime, Russia. The article shows how the electoral mobilization of certain institutionally and socioeconomically state-dependent dem
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Garmendia Madariaga, Amuitz, and H. Ege Ozen. "Looking for two-sided coattail effects: Integrated parties and multilevel elections in the U.S." Electoral Studies 40 (December 2015): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.06.006.

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Islam, M. Kamrul, Juan Merlo, Ichiro Kawachi, Martin Lindström, Kristina Burström, and Ulf-G. Gerdtham. "Does it really matter where you live? A panel data multilevel analysis of Swedish municipality-level social capital on individual health-related quality of life." Health Economics, Policy and Law 1, no. 3 (2006): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413310600301x.

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We test whether individual health status is related to area-level social capital measured by rates of voting participation in municipal political elections, controlling for personal characteristics, where health status is measured by mapping responses to interview survey questions into the generic health-related quality of life measure (HRQoL) the EQ-5D in order to derive the health state scores. The analysis is based on unbalanced panel data from Statistic Sweden's Survey of Living Conditions (the ULF survey) and a 3-level multilevel regression analysis, where level 1 consists of a total of 3
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Voda, Petr, and Petra Svačinová. "To Be Central or Peripheral? What Matters for Political Representation in Amalgamated Municipalities?" Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 4 (2019): 1206–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418824671.

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Municipal size and institutional design are important factors influencing representation at a local level. However, this has not been studied with regard to the long-term perspective. The article focuses on the effect of the center/periphery on the representation of units within an amalgamated municipality in local elections. The analysis is based on data from 2,298 amalgamated municipalities over three sets of elections (2006, 2010, 2014) in the Czech Republic. The article uses multilevel binomial logistic regression to estimate the effect of different types of intra-municipal (settlement) un
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Trimithiotis, Dimitris. "Understanding political discourses about Europe: A multilevel contextual approach to discourse." Discourse & Society 29, no. 2 (2017): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926517734425.

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This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds im
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Roche, Michael J., and Nicholas C. Jacobson. "Elections Have Consequences for Student Mental Health: An Accidental Daily Diary Study." Psychological Reports 122, no. 2 (2018): 451–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033294118767365.

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Polling suggested that the 2016 United States presidential election affected citizens' mood and stress levels. Yet, polling often fails to employ repeated measurement designs that can capture pre- and post-levels of change within the same person. In this study, undergraduate students ( N = 85) completed a 14-day daily diary where mood, stress, and mental health outcomes were assessed before and after the election. Multilevel modeling revealed an immediate upsurge in anxiety, stress, and poor sleep quality the day after the election, followed by a recovery period indicating these effects were s
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Moreva, Iuliia E. "The link between subjective well-being and electoral participation: Cross-national perspective." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Sociology 16, no. 4 (2023): 428–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu12.2023.405.

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The article examines the relationship between subjective well-being and elections turnout. The purpose of the article is to determine how subjective well-being affects turnout. To achieve the purpose, the link between subjective well-being and electoral participation should be studied along with the influence that political regime has on this link. The majority of previous research papers indicate that there is a positive relationship between the studied variables. Most of these studies were based on data from specific democratic countries. Little attention has been paid to cross-national comp
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Schneider, Mark. "The discerning voter: Party–voter linkages and local distribution under multilevel governance." Party Politics 26, no. 2 (2018): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818761195.

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What shapes voters’ expectations of receiving private benefits and local public goods in developing world democracies? Models of instrumental voting suggest that voters’ expectations are shaped by co-partisanship; however, this work does not consider the calculations that voters make in multilevel systems where different types of goods are allocated by different tiers of government. In this article, I argue that voters condition their expectations of private benefits on co-partisan ties with the local leader, but only do so with respect to local public goods when the local leader is aligned wi
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Peixoto, Vítor, Larissa Martins Marques, Matheus Virginio Harduim Machado, and Myllena Peres Souza da Rocha. "Eleição proporcional em 2020: uma análise do desempenho feminino nos municípios brasileiros." Caderno Eletrônico de Ciências Sociais 10, no. 1 (2022): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47456/cadecs.

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This paper analyzes the impact of municipal political and sociodemographic factors on female representation in the 2020 elections. Hypotheses are derived from theories about the influences of socioeconomic conditions, electoral competition and district size on women's performance in proportional elections. Four dependent variables were analyzed: proportion of female candidates, campaign funding, percentage of votes and percentage of seats won by councilors. Bivariate descriptive analysis were used through ANOVA and post-hoc tests between population size categories and dependent variables; pear
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Borisova, Nadezhda V. "Political agency markers of the European regions in the scope of multilevel governance." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 12, no. 4 (2020): 541–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2020-4-541-555.

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Introduction: the discussions on regionalization in the EU countries as a result of regional policy and inter-regional collaboration bring forward the issue of the regions’ political agency and its assessment criteria. Objectives: to determine the possibility of comprehensive assessment of the regions’ political agency in the scope of their commitment to multilevel government. Methods: concept analysis, descriptive analysis. Results: concept analysis of political agency allows to determine structural and functional links between elements that make political agency come into being and gain mome
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Spáč, Peter. "The Role of Ballot Ranking." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (2016): 644–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416631802.

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This article deals with ballot order effect in preferential voting in general elections in Slovakia. Previous research in this field has primarily focused on countries whose elections are based either on single-member districts or on lists with fewer candidates. This article aims to analyze a case of a different nature. Slovakia uses a proportional representation list system with a single nationwide constituency where all 150 members of parliament are elected. Hence, most of the political parties create lists with a high number of candidates, which according to theory should enhance the influe
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Kousser, Thad, Justin Phillips, and Boris Shor. "Reform and Representation: A New Method Applied to Recent Electoral Changes." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 4 (2016): 809–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.43.

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Can electoral reforms such as an independent redistricting commission and the top-two primary create conditions that lead to better legislative representation? We explore this question by presenting a new method for measuring a key indicator of representation—the congruence between a legislator’s ideological position and the average position of her district’s voters. Our novel approach combines two methods: the joint classification of voters and political candidates on the same ideological scale, along with multilevel regression and post-stratification to estimate the position of the average v
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Mancosu, Moreno. "Contexts, networks, and voting behavior: the social flow of political communication in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 3 (2016): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.13.

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Previous research demonstrated that different contextual sources can affect voting behavior. Homogeneous familiar networks affect individual behavior of people embedded in these networks toward voting for certain parties. Moreover, being exposed to higher levels of homogeneity in the geographical place where one lives contributes to developing higher propensities to vote for a certain political object. By means of 2006 National Italian Elections data (and by employing new measures of network political homogeneity), this paper tests, with multilevel models, the hypothesis according to which net
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Follesdal, Andreas. "A Common European Identity for European Citizenship?" German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (2014): 765–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019131.

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Over the past two decades, authors, many of whom are included in this volume, have addressed several salient foundational issues concerning citizenship in Europe. Others in this volume address some of these issues—such as the relationship between national and European citizenship regarded as multilevel (Rainer Baubock and Ulf Bernitz), the relationship between citizenship and legal human rights (Samantha Besson), the relationship between citizenship and political rights in particular (Agustin Menendez and Jo Shaw), and citizenship and social rights (Stefano Giuboni).This essay elaborates on th
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Johnston, Ron, Kelvyn Jones, and David Manley. "MultiLevel Modeling of Space-Time Variations: Exploring Landslide Voting Patterns at United States Presidential Elections, 1992-2016." Geographical Analysis 51, no. 3 (2018): 280–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gean.12176.

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Su, Yen-Pin. "Explaining Electoral Volatility in Latin America: Evidence at the Party Level." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 2 (2014): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00231.x.

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AbstractMany existing explanations of electoral volatility have been tested at the country level, but they are largely untested at the individual party level. This study reexamines theories of electoral volatility through the use of multilevel models on party-level data in the lower house elections of 18 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2012. Testing hypotheses at different levels, it finds that irregular institutional alteration increases electoral volatility for all the parties in a country, but the effect is more significant for the presidential party. At the party level, the results s
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Setiawan, Tery, Muhammad AS Hikam, and Antonius Suhartomo. "Faith, Networks, and the Ballot: Unveiling the Hidden Drivers of Voting Intentions in Indonesia's 2024 Election." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 8, no. 1 (2024): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v8i1.24813.

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This study investigates the extent to which social network characteristics, religious identity, and past political participation influence voting intentions in Indonesia's 2024 general election, with a particular focus on the implications of religiosity in a predominantly Muslim society. A quantitative survey method was employed, gathering primary data through both online and offline surveys from 314 participants across selected locations in Indonesia. Multilevel modelling techniques were used to analyse the relationship between social network characteristics, religious identity, and voting in
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Polacko, Matthew. "Turning off the base: Social democracy's neoliberal turn, income inequality, and turnout." Politics & Policy 51, no. 4 (2023): 538–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12550.

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AbstractGreater party system polarization has recently been shown to influence voter turnout under conditions of higher income inequality. This article builds on these findings by introducing into the framework the policy positions of social democratic parties. It does so through multilevel regression on a sample of 30 advanced democracies in 111 elections, from 1996 to 2019. In doing so, it contributes to the identification of party policy offerings as a mechanism moderating inequality and turnout. It finds that income inequality significantly reduces voter turnout, which is substantially mag
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Strezhneva, M. "Structuring of Political Space in European Union (the end)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2010): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-1-61-72.

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Emergence of the EU political system led to the denationalization of its economic space. This political system can be characterized as a democratic one. Yet through European elections, the European citizens do not elect the government acting at the supranational level. It is not them, but the European political class, who determines the integration agenda. The article exposes а linkage between changing parameters of political democracy in the EU member states and transition from centralized national governance to a multilevel one (MLG), accompanied by development of new governance modes. Parti
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van der Meer, Tom W. G., Jan W. van Deth, and Peer L. H. Scheepers. "The Politicized Participant." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 11 (2009): 1426–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009332136.

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Modern liberal democracies demand high and equal levels of political action. Unequal levels of political action between ideological groups may ultimately lead to biased policy. But to what extent do citizens’ ideological preferences affect their likelihood to participate politically? And does the institutional environment moderate this relationship? From rivaling theories, the authors construct hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideological preferences and participation and those regarding the moderating effect of state institutions. They test them for six modes of political action—
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Allué Buiza, Alfredo. "Déficit parlamentario y representación política en la Unión Europea = Parlamentary deficit and political representation in the European Union." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional 1, no. 33 (2014): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.33.2014.13020.

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El actual proceso de integración con la crisis económica está creando espacios tecnocráticos. La idea de constitucionalismo multinivel se quiebra. La aparición de órganos no mayoritarios en el seno de la Unión, incide en un mayor déficit. Sin embargo, en el 2014, con las elecciones europeas, la Unión ha de expresar su potencial democrático con la participación de los ciudadanos en la construcción europea. Por ello, analizamos los diferentes problemas del déficit parlamentario en la Unión Europea y las aportaciones que desde las propias instituciones se hacen a favor del principio democrático.T
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