To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Multinational democracy.
Journal articles on the topic 'Multinational democracy'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Multinational democracy.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Máiz, Ramón. "Democracy, federalism and nationalism in multinational states." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 5, no. 3-4 (September 1999): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119908428569.
Full text
2
Singh, Nitya. "Nigeria’s Elusive Quest for Democracy: Multinational Corporations and Sustenance of Authoritarianism*." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 209–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x587031.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1999 Nigeria witnessed its second transition to democracy. However, not only have authoritarian regimes existed in Nigeria for a substantial part of its history but also the successive democratic governments since 1999 have continued to mirror the characteristics of these regimes. Thus, in the article I analyze this paradox by examining the role of multinational corporations in preventing the growth of democracy in Nigeria. I observe that the rentier incomes provided by the multinational oil corporations to the Nigerian state have enabled the authoritarian regimes to maintain themselves in power. Furthermore the multinational corporations have also played a very important role in ensuring the continuation of an “elite social class” supportive of these regimes, within the Nigerian society. These findings suggest that the important socio-economic position enjoyed by these multinational corporations within the Nigerian society, has resulted in the continuation of the authoritarian regimes and their policies within the Nigerian state.
3
Shorten, Andrew. "Constitutional Secession Rights, Exit Threats and Multinational Democracy." Political Studies 62, no. 1 (February 18, 2013): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12004.
Full text
4
Cartwright, Jan. "India's Regional and International Support for Democracy: Rhetoric or Reality?" Asian Survey 49, no. 3 (May 1, 2009): 403–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.3.403.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In recent years, Indian leaders have elevated the prominence of democratic rhetoric in their regional and international political discourse. This paper examines India's record of democracy promotion. It argues that India has much to gain by selectively supporting democracy in neighboring countries. Furthermore, participating in multinational efforts at democracy promotion offers India a potential vehicle for global leadership.
5
French, John, and Annika Hinze. "From the Inside Out: Citizenship and Democracy in Multinational States." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 10, no. 2 (October 2010): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2010.01074.x.
Full text
6
Avramovic, Zoran. "Global contradictions and education for democracy." Zbornik Instituta za pedagoska istrazivanja 37, no. 2 (2005): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zipi0502005a.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents a critical approach to globalization as a major social process nowadays and globalization as an ideology. Globalization is a contradictory process of modern society with uncertain outcome. Ideologists of democracy would like to find a universal solution to modern-day problems in this power order. In the 20th century problems with democracy multiplied with the increasingly important role of the media, confrontations in multinational countries and political manipulations. The UN endorses the restriction of national sovereignty for the benefit of democracy and human rights. However, in reality this idea is often used for the sake of certain geopolitical interests. The paper points out difficulties of education for "global" democracy. Problems of professional education in schools are discussed. The conclusion emphasizes the problem of incorporating global differences in national educational programs for democracy.
7
Tierney, Stephen. "Sovereignty and Crimea: How Referendum Democracy Complicates Constituent Power in Multinational Societies." German Law Journal 16, no. 3 (July 2015): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020964.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the specific issue of the referendum as an instrument in the reordering of territory, specifically in the context of the secession of Crimea from Ukraine. The article maps how in recent decades independence referendums have proliferated and considers how the Crimean situation exposes the deep pathology of uncertainty in international law and its understanding of self-determination, exposing the referendum as a dangerous outlier. The principle of democracy, present already in the context of Kosovo's unilateral independence, and which forced the hand of Canada and the UK to accommodate secessionist aspirations, is a growing feature of international legal discourse, and one which suggests that the referendum is likely to remain a potential trump card to which nationalists will appeal to overcome both constitutional impediments and the black hole of international law in the path toward statehood.
8
Jensen, Nathan M. "Democratic Governance and Multinational Corporations: Political Regimes and Inflows of Foreign Direct Investment." International Organization 57, no. 3 (2003): 587–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303573040.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign direct investment (FDI) is an important element of the global economy and a central component of economic development strategies of both developed and developing countries. Numerous scholars theorize that the economic benefits of attracting multinational corporations come at tremendous political costs, arguing that democratic political systems attract lower levels of international investment than their authoritarian counterparts. Using both cross-sectional and time-series cross-sectional tests of the determinants of FDI for more than 100 countries, I generate results that are inconsistent with these dire predictions. Democratic political systems attract higher levels of FDI inflows both across countries and within countries over time. Democratic countries are predicted to attract as much as 70 percent more FDI than their authoritarian counterparts. In a final empirical test, I examine how democratic institutions affect country credibility by empirically analyzing the link between democracy and sovereign debt risk for about eighty countries from 1980 to 1998. These empirical tests challenge the conventional wisdom on the preferences of multinationals for authoritarian regimes.
9
Baird, Ryan G. "Unpacking democracy and governance: Conceptualizing governance infrastructure." Social Science Information 51, no. 2 (May 24, 2012): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412437112.
Full textAbstract:
This article argues that it is necessary to unpack and appropriately separate the concepts of democracy and governance. The impetus for this research comes from the ongoing and expanding convolution of the concepts of democracy and governance by academics, international institutions and policymakers. One of the more important areas of research that is affected by this convolution argues that democracies guarantee the rule of law and provide superior institutions which considerably influence not only developing states’ overall development trajectories, but also multinational firms’ decisions on where to do business. I argue that these superior institutions, such as the rule of law and quality bureaucracy, are separate from the institutions of democracy and constitute the concept of governance infrastructure. Moreover, it is the institutions that comprise governance infrastructure and not the institutions of democracy that are key institutional determinants of developing states’ economic outcomes. Therefore, only by appropriately conceptualizing governance infrastructure, as is done in this article, and separating it theoretically and empirically from democracy will scholars and policymakers move forward in understanding the determinants of economic development.
10
Albo, Gregory. "Ruling Canada: Corporate Cohesion and Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 529–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070485.
Full textAbstract:
Ruling Canada: Corporate Cohesion and Democracy, Jamie Brownlee, Halifax: Fernwood Books, 2005, pp. 168.For a discipline explicitly engaged in the study of power, particularly as exercised in liberal democracies, it is striking how little Canadian political science has actually done to examine the concentration of private economic power, the political organization of the business classes and the extension of that power into the political realm. Indeed, Canadian political science has been principally preoccupied with power insofar as it pertains to the constitutional distribution of power and the relative access to political power of the multinational and multicultural constituent groups comprising Canada. The enormous concentration of economic power—the top 25 firms accounting for over 40 per cent of business assets and the monopolies with over $100 million in revenue accounting for 80 percent of business assets (p. 31)—has largely been occluded from serious scrutiny. The mythologies of a pluralist Canadian democracy are better preserved in the absence of conceptual and empirical debate about the economic foundations of political power.
11
Yevdokimov, Yuri, Leonid Melnyk, Oleksii Lyulyov, Olga Panchenko, and Victoria Kubatko. "Economic freedom and democracy: determinant factors in increasing macroeconomic stability." Problems and Perspectives in Management 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.16(2).2018.26.
Full textAbstract:
The main goal of the article is to analyze the role and influence of economic freedom on macroeconomic stability. For this purpose, the authors used the integrated index of economic freedom, calculated by the Heritage Foundation and Democracy Index. It is noted that this index indicator was calculated by the experts from the World Bank using the index of voice and accountability. In the paper, the authors used the multinational panel dataset for 11 countries of the EU for the purpose of checking the correlation between economic freedom, democracy and macroeconomic stability. It should be highlighted that the abovementioned 11 countries are related by the fluctuation of economic growth during the transformation process (1996–2016) from communist party to the democracy and political pluralism. In addition, the authors proposed to add the indicators of political stability and trade openness, which allowed to take into account implementation of flexible macroeconomic instruments, including monetary policy, which towards increasing the economic growth, employment and financial development of the countries. The findings are directed received using the regression equation with fixed and random effects showed the high level of correspondence of the model used with the original observations. Despite the chosen approach to estimate the macroeconomic stability, the findings showed that there is a positive and statistically significant impact of economic freedom and democracy on macroeconomic stability.
12
ABIZADEH, ARASH. "Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 495–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540200028x.
Full textAbstract:
This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public culture (Miller, Barry); and (4) the economic viability of specifically industrialized liberal democracies requires a single national culture (Gellner). I argue that all four arguments fail: At best, a shared cultural nation may reduce some of the costs liberal democratic societies must incur; at worst, cultural nationalist policies ironically undermine social integration. The failure of these cultural nationalist arguments clears the way for a normative theory of liberal democracy in multinational and postnational contexts.
13
Sharpe, Diana Rosemary, and Raza Mir. "Control as Colonialism: Workplace Democracy and the Transfer of Managerial Practices within Multinational Corporations." Journal of Workplace Rights 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/wr.14.1.c.
Full text
14
Shandra, John M., Jenna E. Nobles, Bruce London, and John B. Williamson. "Multinational Corporations, Democracy and Child Mortality: A Quantitative, Cross-National Analysis of Developing Countries." Social Indicators Research 73, no. 2 (September 2005): 267–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-004-2009-x.
Full text
15
Surzhko-Harned, Lena. "Liberal nationalism, nationalist liberalization, and democracy: the cases of post-Soviet Estonia and Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 623–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.484062.
Full textAbstract:
The bulk of scholarly literature views nationalism as harmful to democratic transition. Yet Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan indirectly suggest that nationalism may benefit democratization. This study shows that under the right conditions nationalism can benefit democratic transition. Building on the typology of Linz and Stepan and the liberal nationalism tradition of Yael Tamir and David Miller, this study examines the transitions in Estonia and Ukraine. It introduces an important layer, the multinational federal state, into the typologies developed by Linz and Stepan to show that nationalism can prove a useful political tool of mobilization in a multiethnic setting.
16
Ramsay, Harvie. "The Community, The Multinational, its Workers and their Charter: A Modern Tale of Industrial Democracy?" Work, Employment and Society 5, no. 4 (December 1991): 541–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017091005004005.
Full text
17
Horowitz, Shale. "Sources of Post-communist Democratization: Economic Structure, Political Culture, War, and Political Institutions." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307126.
Full textAbstract:
The fall of communist regimes and the breakup of the multinational Soviet and Yugoslav states produced a remarkable experiment in regime change. Twenty-eight old, new and revived states emerged. While most adopted democratic institutions, many others evolved new variants of authoritarian rule. Some new democracies maintained much higher standards in upholding formal democratic rules and complementary freedoms of the press and political organization. How is this variation in initial democratization to be explained? Among countries that initially adopted democracy, how is variation in the survival and development of democratic freedoms to be explained?
18
Li, Quan, and Adam Resnick. "Reversal of Fortunes: Democratic Institutions and Foreign Direct Investment Inflows to Developing Countries." International Organization 57, no. 1 (2003): 175–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303571077.
Full textAbstract:
Does increased democracy promote or jeopardize foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to less-developed countries? We argue that democratic institutions have conflicting effects on FDI inflows. On the one hand, democratic institutions hinder FDI inflows by limiting the oligopolistic or monopolistic behaviors of multinational enterprises, facilitating indigenous businesses' pursuit of protection from foreign capital, and constraining host governments' ability to offer generous financial and fiscal incentives to foreign investors. On the other hand, democratic institutions promote FDI inflows because they tend to ensure more credible property rights protection, reducing risks and transaction costs for foreign investors. Hence, the net effect of democracy on FDI inflows is contingent on the relative strength of these two competing forces. Our argument reconciles conflicting theoretical expectations in the existing literature. Empirical analyses of fifty-three developing countries from 1982 to 1995 substantiate our claims. We find that both property rights protection and democracy-related property rights protection encourage FDI inflows; after controlling for their positive effect through property rights protection, democratic institutions reduce FDI inflows. These results are robust against alternative model specifications, statistical estimators, and variable measurements.
19
Long, Tom, and Max Paul Friedman. "The Promise of Precommitment in Democracy and Human Rights: The Hopeful, Forgotten Failure of the Larreta Doctrine." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 1088–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719002676.
Full textAbstract:
Although international precommitment regimes offer a tool to escape the apparent contradiction between sovereignty and the international protection of democracy and human rights, they raise theoretical and practical questions. This article draws on multinational archival research to explore an overlooked historical episode and suggest new thinking regarding the logjams over sovereignty, incapacity of global decision making, and humanitarian imperialism. In 1945 and 1946, the American states engaged in a debate over the Larreta Doctrine, a Uruguayan proposal about the parallelism between democracy and human rights, and the regional rights and duties to safeguard these values. In the ensuing debate, the Uruguayan foreign minister elaborated a tripartite precommitment mechanism to create a web of national commitments to democratic governance and the domestic protection of human rights, to establish a regional insurance policy against failures to maintain those commitments, and to obligate the great power and neighboring states to precommit to working through the regional system instead of unilaterally. As a proposal that emerged from a weak state—and garnered support from states that faced internal and external threats to democracy and rights—the Larreta Doctrine offers insights on the central tension between state sovereignty and international commitments.
20
Battiston, Simone, and Bruno Mascitelli. "The challenges to democracy and citizenship surrounding the vote to Italians overseas." Modern Italy 13, no. 3 (August 2008): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802069572.
Full textAbstract:
In 2003, a presidential decree enacted legislation guaranteeing Italian voters overseas the right to postal voting as well as parliamentary representation within their respective electoral constituency. The electoral weight of the overseas-based constituent had a remarkable effect on the 2006 election results. In the tightest vote in the Republic's history, the vote of overseas Italians, which was one of the decisive features of the election, helped provide the winning centre-left coalition with a slender majority in the Senate. Election results notwithstanding, the question of whether to grant the vote to Italians overseas has faced challenges of a procedural, normative and political nature. What may have been initially seen as a democratic right may well be cast aside as it poses challenges to overseas electoral relationships with the Italian national polity, Italian citizenship and multinational allegiances, diasporic identity, electoral participation and political representation in homeland political institutions. The overseas vote for Italians may be contested further in the near future, which could translate into a radical rethink of its validity and democratic global extension.
21
Nisbet, Erik C., Elizabeth Stoycheff, and Katy E. Pearce. "Internet Use and Democratic Demands: A Multinational, Multilevel Model of Internet Use and Citizen Attitudes About Democracy." Journal of Communication 62, no. 2 (March 16, 2012): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2012.01627.x.
Full text
22
Sass, Robert. "Labor Policy and Social Democracy: The Case of Saskatchewan, 1971–1982." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gb02-ewuk-0tfk-elfl.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes labor policy, especially that of occupational health and safety, initiated by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1971 to 1982. The NDP was perceived by Canadian provincial labor federations and the Canadian Labour Congress as the government most approximating a European labor party. The provincial labor legislation was seen as exemplary, and the occupational health and safety legislation as a “beacon” for the rest of Canada. This article suggests that the advances in occupational health and safety statute and regulations were a direct response to the government's policy to develop uranium mining. In order to pursue a vigorous renewable and nonrenewable resource policy, the government maintained that uranium could be mined “safely.” This resulted in “progressive” health and safety legislation and the reinforcement of the colonial status of people of Indian ancestry. This policy of growth and development also resulted in joint venture relationships with multinational corporations and increasing investments in the north for nonrenewable resource development. Prior to the landslide defeat of the NDP in 1982 by the Conservative Party, the richest 5 percent of Saskatchewan people earned as much, in total, as the poorest 50 percent. Meanwhile, ordinary workers experienced declining real wages and increased employment insecurity.
23
Devinney, Timothy M. "Social responsibility, global strategy, and the multinational enterprise: global monitory democracy and the meaning of place and space." Global Strategy Journal 1, no. 3-4 (October 18, 2011): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gsj.21.
Full text
24
Stepan, Alfred. "Comparative Theory and Political Practice: Do We Need a ‘State-Nation’ Model as Well as a ‘Nation-State’ Model?" Government and Opposition 43, no. 1 (2008): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00241.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSome polities have strong cultural diversity, some of which is territorially based and politically articulated by significant groups that, in the name of nationalism, and self-determination, advance claims for independence. In this article such polities are defined as ‘politically robustly multinational’. If the goal is peace and democracy in one state in such a polity, this article advances theoretical and empirical arguments to show that ideal typical ‘nation-state’ making policies are less appropriate than policies associated with new ideal type I construct called ‘state-nation’. Countries discussed are Spain, Belgium, and Canada and the ‘matched pair’ of successful Tamil political integration via state nation policies in India, and failed Tamil political integration due to nation-state policies in Sri Lanka.
25
Robinson, Fiona. "Globalizing Concern for Women’s Human Rights: The Failure of the American Model. By Diana G. Zoelle. New York: St. Martin’s, 2000. 169p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401912018.
Full textAbstract:
It is difficult to argue with Diana Zoelle's claim that liberal democracy, as conceived and developed in the United States, is a problematic model in globalizing concern for women's human rights. Moreover, when she suggests that U.S. ratifi- cation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), although not a panacea for the attainment of full equality, would constitute an important step toward alleviating wom- en's oppression, she is probably correct. Finally, although her claim that the potential currently exists to accord human rights to all people in a world community that is less torn apart by bipolar enmity, less subverted by ideological ten- sions, and less compromised by the economic priorities of multinational corporations is probably not correct, one can- not help wishing that it were.
26
GRANT, RUTH W., and ROBERT O. KEOHANE. "Accountability and Abuses of Power in World Politics." American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (February 2005): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051476.
Full textAbstract:
Debates about globalization have centered on calls to improve accountability to limit abuses of power in world politics. How should we think about global accountability in the absence of global democracy? Who should hold whom to account and according to what standards? Thinking clearly about these questions requires recognizing a distinction, evident in theories of accountability at the nation-state level, between “participation” and “delegation” models of accountability. The distinction helps to explain why accountability is so problematic at the global level and to clarify alternative possibilities for pragmatic improvements in accountability mechanisms globally. We identify seven types of accountability mechanisms and consider their applicability to states, NGOs, multilateral organizations, multinational corporations, and transgovernmental networks. By disaggregating the problem in this way, we hope to identify opportunities for improving protections against abuses of power at the global level.
27
Korobkov, Andrei. "State and Nation Building Policies and the New Trends in Migration in the Former Soviet Union." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1702 (January 1, 2003): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2003.123.
Full textAbstract:
Democratic transitions are especially complex in federal states and countries with multinational populations and compact, ethnic minority settlements; the increasing ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural heterogeneity of a society complicates the achievement of political compromises. In this sense, the post-Soviet newly independent states (NIS) face an especially complex transition pattern. Roman Szporluk, for example, enumerates three different transformations: the dissolution of the imperial structure and the resulting formation of independent states, the transition from a centralized to a market economic system, and the transition from authoritarianism to (at least ideally) a political democracy, with all three "combined or fused in the chaotic and extremely difficult process of formation and transformation of states and nations. " Thus the transition in the NIS is marked by simultaneous developments in the political, economic, social, religious, ideological, and cultural spheres, including the creation or re-creation of ethnic and other identities.
28
Lena, Hugh F., and Bruce London. "The Political and Economic Determinants of Health Outcomes: A Cross-National Analysis." International Journal of Health Services 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 585–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/equy-acg8-x59f-ae99.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the impact of selected political and economic processes on the well-being of domestic populations within samples of 50 to 84 peripheral and noncore nations. Existing research by Cereseto and Waitzkin on the relative merits of market versus socialist systems for the provision of health and welfare needs of their populations is extended by employing a more complex model than the original study. More specifically, the authors assess the impact on measures of population health and mortality rates of regime ideology, state strength, multinational corporate penetration, and position in the world economy. In general, high levels of democracy and strong left-wing regimes are associated with positive health outcomes, and strong right-wing regimes have populations with lower life expectancies and higher levels of various measures of mortality. These findings support the conclusion that political systems make a difference in health and well-being independent of national (gross national product per capita) and international (investment dependency) economic factors.
29
Pombeni, Paolo, and Giuliana Nobili Schiera. "Alcide de Gasperi: 1881–1954–a political life in a troubled century." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237409.
Full textAbstract:
Alcide De Gasperi's political life spanned the first half of the twentieth century. It went from his education in a small local environment, but within the multinational setting of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to his period of enforced, yet intellectually very productive, public silence during the period of Fascist Italy, and then to his period in the limelight during the years of postwar reconstruction, the re-establishment of democracy and the construction of European unity. A group of scholars has documented the evolution of an outstanding leader by publishing a critical edition of De Gasperi's Scritti e discorsi politici, a collection of writings and speeches from the outset of his career until the end of his life. This article illustrates the research that has been carried out so far; the criteria behind the collection and editing of sources on De Gasperi; and the chronological periods and thematic issues around which the whole body of De Gasperi's political writings have been collated.
30
Barni, Daniela, Alessio Vieno, and Michele Roccato. "Living in A Non–Communist versus in A Post–Communist European Country Moderates the Relation between Conservative Values and Political Orientation: A Multilevel Study." European Journal of Personality 30, no. 1 (January 2016): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2043.
Full textAbstract:
We performed a multilevel, multinational analysis using the 2012 European Social Survey dataset (N = 41 080, nested in 20 countries) to study how living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country moderates the link between individual conservative values (drawn on Schwartz's theory of basic human values) and political orientation (assessed as self–placement on the left–right axis and attitude towards economic redistribution). The results supported the moderating role of living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country in the case both of political self–placement and of attitude towards economic redistribution, even controlling for the countries’ degree of individualism, power distance and democracy. Specifically, conservative values were positively related to a rightist political self–placement among participants living in countries without a communist past, and to a favourable attitude towards economic redistribution in countries with a communist past. The limitations, implications and future directions of this study are discussed. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology
31
Li, Shaomin, and Ajai Gaur. "Financial giants and moral pygmies?" International Journal of Emerging Markets 9, no. 1 (January 14, 2014): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-09-2013-0143.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – How should a multinational corporation (MNC) from a mature democracy deal with the human rights issues in a country with a poor human rights standard? The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The authors develop a mathematical model to depict MNC's behavior in response to human rights violations in the host country. Findings – The authors show that, first, in a country with a high level of human rights abuses, a firm will have to lower its human rights standards to survive; but, second, a collective effort by all firms is essential to improve the human rights conditions in the host environment; and third, a firm's human rights practices may have a multiplicative effect that can significantly affect the momentum of human rights development in a host country. Originality/value – This study is one of the first attempts to provide a theoretical framework on the issue of MNCs and human rights in host countries.
32
Prakoso, Havidz Ageng, and Ahmad Juhairi. "Gerakan Anti-Globalisasi dan Pengaruhnya terhadap Perkembangan Demokratisasi di Indonesia." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 3, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v3i2.5059.
Full textAbstract:
AbstrakGlobalisasi, dalam klaim para globalis, akan membawa kehidupan demokratis ke seluruh dunia sebagai wujud kehidupan yang paling baik. Namun kenyataannya justru sangat kontradiktif, globalisasi telah menciptakan kekuasaan-kekuasaan global yang bersifat otoriter-oligarkis melalui Lembaga-Lembaga Keuangan Internasional dan Perusahaan-Perusahaan Multinasional yang bekerja sama dengan negara-negara kaya. Karena itu, yang berdaulat dalam era globalisasi bukanlah rakyat sebagaimana dikehendaki demokratisasi, tetapi korporasi-korporasi internasional dan lembaga-lembaga keuangan internasional. Ada dua perspektif yang dapat menjelaskan hubungan demokratisasi dan gerakan anti-globalisasi, yaitu: perspektif anti- globalisasi dan perspektif demokratisasi. Anti-globalisasi adalah sebuah ideologi perlawanan untuk mengakhiri kekuatan korporasi multinasional, IMF, Bank Dunia, dan WTO sebagai instrumen kesepakatan global untuk pertumbuhan ekonomi. Sedangkan demokratisasi adalah realitas faktual perluasan demokrasi sebagai solusi bagi penciptaan kehidupan manusia yang lebih adil dan sejahtera. Gerakan Anti-Globalisasi lahir sebagai koreksi besar terhadap klaim para globalis. Gerakan ini menghendaki terwujudnya demokratisasi yang seutuhnya, yaitu, terwujudnya kedaulatan rakyat yang telah hilang akibat globalisasi dan terpenuhinya kesejahteraan sosial-ekonomi rakyat dan terjaminnya hak-hak sipil mereka.Kata Kunci: Anti-Globalisasi, Demokratisasi, Gerakan AbstractGlobalization in Globalist claim will make the better life in the world. But, in fact the reality is difference because globalization was made the dominance actors in the world which authoritarian-oligarchy like international financial organizations and multinational corporations in cooperation with developed countries. Therefore, in globalization era the sovereignty is always in international financial organizations and Multinational corporation hand, not in the society like what in democratization perspective. There are two prespectives explain about the relation between democratization and anti-globalization movement that is democratization perspective and anti-globalization perspective. Anti-globalization is the ideology which describe the opponent movement to finished the hegemony of Multinational Corporations, IMF, World Bank and WTO in economy consensus. Democratization in the other hand is the reality which explain that the enlargement of democracy is the solution to make the good life for peoples in the world. Anti-globalization movement is born as the correction to globalist claim. This movement has the purposes to make the sovereignty over the peoples which lost because of the globalization and in the other hand to fulfill their social welfare and civil right.Key Words: Anti-Globalization, Democratization, Movement
33
Moskalewicz, Jacek. "Alcohol in the Countries in Transition: The Polish Experience and the Wider Context." Contemporary Drug Problems 27, no. 3 (September 2000): 561–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090002700306.
Full textAbstract:
The Eastern European transitions of the 1990s from centrally planned economy toward market economy and from monoparty political system to multiparty democracy strongly affected the alcohol field. Rapid reduction of the State's powers and weak or nonexistent civil society led to domination of the market in both economy and social life. The alcohol supply from licit and illicit sources increased dramatically, its consumption soared, and problems related to alcohol contributed remarkably to the health crisis present in a majority of countries in transition. In countries where civil society reemerged relatively soon and the State regained its regulatory power over the market, the mortality crisis was less severe and much shorter. Partial reintroduction of State control over the alcohol market and revival of the temperance movements reduced illicit supply and led to either stabilization or decline of alcohol consumption, which, however, still exceeds the pretransition levels. Appropriation of the alcohol sector by multinational companies diminished again the influence of the State and civil society and may lead to a new high in consumption and related problems.
34
Feinberg, Melissa. "Democracy and Its Limits: Gender and Rights in the Czech Lands, 1918–1938." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 4 (December 2002): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540507.
Full textAbstract:
On 28 October 1918, a group of Czech nationalists stood on the steps of the Obecni Dům (Municipal House) in Prague and proclaimed their independence from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, allying themselves with the new state of Czechoslovakia. Their declaration marked the beginning of a new era in the Czech lands, one in which Czechs, as the majority nation, hoped to redefine the terms of political discourse. The new Czechoslovak Republic, its Czech supporters declared, would be the antithesis of the Habsburg regime. In the place of a multinational Monarchy, they would erect a democratic nation-state. The second half of this political vision was complicated by the fact that the new Czechoslovakia actually contained many ethnic groups, but Czechs still tended to imagine their new Republic as the political expression of the Czech nation. At the same time, this “Czech-centered” politics also emphasized the democratic basis of the new country. Czechoslovakia, Czech leaders said, would be a state governed by its people and dedicated to protecting their rights and freedoms as individuals. A political culture that rested on both ethnic nationalism and democratic values obviously contained some internal tensions: the need to protect the interests of one specific nation and the duty to protect the individual rights of all citizens could rub uncomfortably against each other. Yet, at that moment in 1918, most Czechs failed to register this potential for ideological conflict, instead seeing an essential link between democratic politics and the good of the Czech nation. For many Czechs, democracy itself was a need of the nation, a political structure crucial to Czech national self-realization. This idea came from one prominent conception of Czech nationhood that had captured the public imagination in the fall of 1918. According to this strain of Czech national ideology, the Czech nation had a sort of democratic character. This meant that only an egalitarian, democratic government would suit a “Czech” state. So, paradoxically, a universal language of rights and freedoms was the key to building a truly national Czechoslovak Republic. It was with a state that emphasized equality and personal freedom that the Czechs would fulfill their national destiny.
35
Bucheli, Marcelo, and Erica Salvaj. "Adaptation Strategies of Multinational Corporations, State-Owned Enterprises, and Domestic Business Groups to Economic and Political Transitions: A Network Analysis of the Chilean Telecommunications Sector, 1958–2005." Enterprise and Society 15, no. 03 (September 2014): 534–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700015974.
Full textAbstract:
This paper compares the corporate network strategies between multinational corporations of two different origins (United States and Spain), business groups, and state-owned enterprises in the public utility sector of a developing country going through economic and political transitions. The transitions we consider are from an import substitution industrialization model to an open market economy and from a democratic regime to a dictatorial one and back to democracy. We analyze the Chilean telecommunications sector between 1958 and 2005 and find that during a democratic regime all firms sought to build more networks with each other, while incentives decrease under an authoritarian regime. In the protectionist era, US investors built links with Chile’s corporate elite, while in times of an open economy, Spanish investors built these links with the government. State-owned corporations did not attempt to build links with other actors at any time, and business groups sought to build most networks among members of the group. Our findings challenge two commonly held assumptions: first, that open economies decrease incentives for domestic actors to build links with each other and, second, that close political regimes increase incentives to build networks among economic actors.
36
Тимофеева, Л. Н. "МАКРОКОНФЛИКТЫ СОЦИАЛЬНОСТИ В ПОЛИТИКЕ: ВЫЗОВЫ И ПУТИ РЕШЕНИЯ." Konfliktologia 15, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-74-93.
Full textAbstract:
The article reveals the concept of sociality as the need for a person to meet his civil rights and needs for a decent existence and social security. The realization of these existential needs today is faced with the problems of the dysfunctionality of modern democracy and the crisis of the social state, which causes conflicts around the world. Macro-conflicts of sociality arise. Among the reasons mentioned are the following: capital has ceased to serve production, creating new jobs, and engaged in a profitable business-speculation that gives it profit, while democracy has ceased to be the lot of the majority, it serves the few, while maintaining an advantage for the political and corporate business elite. Multinational companies that have an income, sometimes more than the budgets of several States, move their production to different parts of the world at their discretion, in search of greater profits. Thousands of workers are forced to move after it, without receiving social protection or civil rights. In addition, the digital revolution is in full swing. Scientists are talking about the Third industrial revolution, which led to information and communication technologies. The first was called first agrarian in the Neolithic period and was associated with the technization of land cultivation by man, which then passed into the industrial revolution of the XVIII–XIX centuries. The second industrial revolution took place in the second half of the XIX — early XX centuries. Today we are on the threshold of The third digital industrial revolution. Technological processes are being modernized, production automation is underway, and new high-tech equipment is being introduced, freeing up a lot of people employed in production. The classic working class is being transformed. New social layers are emerging. Among them: the precariat, informality, cognitariat with their problems of social vulnerability. They have a desire to create their own project for the reconstruction of the world in accordance with their understanding of social justice.
37
Youngs, Richard. "Democracy and the multinationals." Democratization 11, no. 1 (February 2004): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340412331294162.
Full text
38
Schachtner, Christina. "Transnationale Netzöffentlichkeiten als neue politische Öffentlichkeiten – Das kritische Potential digitaler Medien am Beispiel arabischer OnlinePlattformen." International Review of Information Ethics 18 (December 1, 2012): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie307.
Full textAbstract:
Even in the first few weeks of the so-called "Arab Spring" in January 2011, digital media were identified as being essential instruments for organizing the political protests in the Middle East and North Africa. Yet digital media had already started to play a political role as arenas of discourse in which topics such as democracy, minority rights, gender and religion could be debated at least two to three years earlier. A critical online public sphere arose which had a transregional and global focus right from the start, as reflected in the self-image of one network actor when he explained: "In real life I'm a Saudi guy living in Saudi Arabia. But online I'm multinational, I'm multigeographical". This article presents the results of a study entitled "Communicative publics in cyberspace" investigating digital platforms which had been initiated in the Arab world, which is also where most of the contributions come from; this analysis is backed up by interviews with network actors and bloggers from Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen. Following the concept of Nancy Fraser's transnational public spheres (2007). I analysed the normative legitimacy and the efficiency of the communicative authority of digital arenas of discourse in the Middle East, identifying which political practices led to social movements in the digital sphere and which characteristics of digital media contributed to helping digital arenas of discourse turn into places where political resistance can develop.
39
Heidingsfelder, Markus, and Arqam Khan. "‘Precolonial Studies’: Emily Erikson on the English East India Company, the Advantages of Network Theory and the Rise of Populism in Contemporary United States." Society and Culture in South Asia 4, no. 1 (December 10, 2017): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861717730631.
Full textAbstract:
This interview with network theorist Emily Erikson took place in March 2017 when she visited Habib University in Karachi, Pakistan, for a lecture on the English East India Company. She talks about the advantages of network theory, the challenges of Twitter research and the reasons for the success of the English East India Company, which—according to Erikson—cannot be successfully explained by using a European cultures versus South Asian cultures framework. It also touches upon the critique of corporations in general and the possible links between globalisation and the rise of populism in the United States. Emily Erikson teaches sociology at Yale University and works on social networks and the development of institutions of capitalism and democracy. Her award-winning book Between Monopoly and Free Trade: The English East India Company (Princeton University Press, 2014) shows how an informal social network linking autonomous employees fostered the company’s long-term success, shedding light on the processes underpinning the emergence of early multinational firms and the structure of early modern global trade. Her forthcoming book New Knowledge: The Rise of Economics and Development of the Public Sphere identifies the causes stimulating the development of pre-classical economic thought in the seventeenth century. Erikson serves on the council for economic sociology of the American Sociological Association and on the executive council of the Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics. In addition, she serves on the editorial boards of Social Science History, Relational Sociology Series (Palgrave MacMillan), and is a founding member of the advisory board for the Journal of Historical Network Research.
40
Erie, Matthew S. "Anticorruption as Transnational Law: The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, PRC Law, and Party Rules in China." American Journal of Comparative Law 67, no. 2 (June 2019): 233–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcl/avz018.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Corruption has been linked to urgent transnational problems, including, inter alia, market uncertainties, the undermining of democracy, economic disparity, religious extremism, and authoritarianism. As corruption is a global problem, it requires coordination across states’ anticorruption laws. Anticorruption thus provides grounds to reassess the promise and limits of transnational law. This Article examines the operation of anticorruption as transnational law across the corporate governance regimes of the United States and China, the world’s two largest economies. As opposed to perceptions that Washington and Beijing are engaged in a zero-sum game, anticorruption is a policy concern against which both states may rally. Inter-regulatory coordination is far from a frictionless process, however. Cross-border lawyers working on both sides of the Pacific engaged in anticorruption law are a type of transnational community and highlight these tensions. Lawyers apply standards in the 1977 U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, the People’s Republic of China antibribery laws, and internal Chinese Communist Party rules to ensure their clients comply with multiple regimes. Ethnographic data shows that lawyers assess different regulatory environments, in this case, one of extraterritorial jurisdiction and the other characterized by a political campaign, in the course of advising multinational companies. The Article argues that lawyers’ roles are a lynchpin of these overlapping systems of compliance as their work operates to discipline corporations in China; nonetheless, lawyers’ position in the global legal market impacts what they deem to be “corrupt” and which rules apply. A focus on cross-border lawyers as transnational communities thus marries legal analysis with a contextual grounding in lawyers’ work, an approach that has merit for the study of comparative law more generally. The Article finds that given market pressures, in the area of anticorruption, trends show a preference for “bicultural lawyers,” those who are both embedded within transnational communities and respond to demands in the global market.
41
White III, George O., Thomas A. Hemphill, Tazeeb Rajwani, and Jean J. Boddewyn. "Does context really matter? The influence of deficient legal services on the intensity of political ties in the regulatory and legal arenas." Multinational Business Review 28, no. 3 (May 16, 2020): 277–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mbr-05-2019-0046.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this study is to apply the institution-based view and resource dependence theory in arguing that perceived deficiencies in a legal service sector where a foreign subsidiary operates will influence the intensity of its political ties with actors in both the regulatory and legal arenas. The authors further theorized that these relationships will vary across governance environments. Design/methodology/approach The research context for this study was multinational enterprises (MNE) wholly owned foreign subsidiaries and international joint ventures (IJVs) operating in the Philippines and Thailand. Data for most variables in this study came from primary survey data collected in 2018 from senior managers of MNE WOSs and IJVs operating in the Philippines and Thailand. Findings The authors’ analysis of 352 foreign subsidiaries operating in the Philippines and Thailand show that, in a flawed democracy, perceived deficient legal services enhance the intensity of foreign subsidiary political ties with government actors in both the regulatory and legal arena. However, in a hybrid regime, perceived deficient legal services enhance only the intensity of foreign subsidiary political ties with government actors in the regulatory arena. The authors’ findings also suggest that the relationship between perceived deficiencies in legal service sector and the intensity of political ties is stronger for foreign subsidiaries that operate in heavily regulated industries across both a flawed democracy and hybrid regime. Conversely, the authors do not find the market orientation of these foreign subsidiaries to play a role in this process. Research limitations/implications The authors’ study was unable to control for whether managerial perceptions of deficient legal services were well informed at the local or federal level. This issue raises the question of will the presence of an in-house legal department influence managerial perceptions with regard to deficiencies within a legal service sector? Based on these limitations, the authors suggest that future research can further extend political ties research by using a fine-grained analysis in investigating the antecedents of managerial perceptions of legal services within different legal jurisdictions. Originality/value The political ties literature has largely argued that political ties are more prevalent in environmental contexts comprising institutional voids as MNEs attempt to mitigate volatility associated with the lack of developed institutional infrastructure (e.g. Blumentritt & Nigh, 2002; Bucheli et al., 2018). However, the concept of institutional voids is very broad and still rather abstract in nature. Hence, scholars have yet to fully understand what types of institutional voids may drive MNE foreign subsidiary political tie intensity in varying governance contextsThe authors’ study attempts to contribute to this important line of research by investigating how one type of institutional void, namely, perceived deficiencies in the legal service sector, can influence the intensity of political ties in varying governance environments.
42
Inshakova, Agnessa. "Extremism as a Threat to National Security: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow." Legal Concept, no. 2 (July 2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2020.2.1.
Full textAbstract:
The editor-in-chief paper is devoted to one of the most serious problems of Russia’s national security, extremist activities, which poses a real threat to the life of the state, encroaches on the constitutional rights and freedoms of Russian citizens, sovereign democracy and public order. It is noted that for the Russian Federation, as a multinational state, extremism is a particular danger, since it undermines the peaceful coexistence of various ethnic and social groups. When describing the relevance of the problem, the paper takes into account the features and relationship of extremism with the predicted negative consequences in the context of globalization of the world economic relations and information and technological development of society in the era of neoindustrialization. The author questions the stereotype that exists in the public consciousness, according to which the extremist organizations, movements, the propaganda of radical views and crimes of an extremist nature are, to a greater extent, already a historical phenomenon, which are characteristic, first of all, of the 90-ies of the XX century. It is argued that the problem under consideration “mutates” and takes on new guises in the conditions of modern reality. It is established that the new legal tools and mechanisms developed over the years are being added as a result of scientific and technological progress. Thus, in the conditions of the sixth technological paradigm, there appear new varieties of extremism, for example, cyberextremism. At the same time, cybersecurity serves as a binding condition for the successful development and operation of industry 4.0 technologies. Based on the results of a comprehensive analysis of the research conducted by the author, as well as taking into account the opinions of the scientists expressed in the main topic of the issue, it is concluded that in the era of the deepening processes of digital interdependence, the international organizations, both intergovernmental and non-governmental, as well as the scientists and practitioners dealing with the security issues should accumulate their efforts to expand digital cooperation in order to protect human rights and eliminate the threats of cyberextremism. The shared human values such as equality, privacy, dignity, freedom, inclusiveness, respect and sustainability should serve as a beacon for legal scholars in the digital age. Modern technologies bring great benefits to all mankind. Moreover, they help protect human rights, but these same technologies can and are already being used to infringe on human rights by both the states and the private sector.
43
Kucera, David Charles, and Marco Principi. "Democracy and foreign direct investment at the industry level: evidence for US multinationals." Review of World Economics 150, no. 3 (January 17, 2014): 595–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10290-013-0183-0.
Full text
44
Meyers, William K. "Pancho Villa and the Multinationals: United States Mining Interests in Villista Mexico, 1913–1915." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (May 1991): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014024.
Full textAbstract:
Pancho Villa is an intriguing figure of the Mexican Revolution. His popular movement dominated northern Mexico from 1913 to 1915, greatly influencing the revolution's course and the character of modern Mexican politics. As a revolutionary, Villa remains immortalised as a bold and charismatic military leader who rose from poverty to attack the wealthy and powerful while championing peasants' and workers' rights. He also stands as a prominent symbol of national pride, a leader who fought against foreign domination and dared to attack the United States directly. But how ‘revolutionary’ were Villa and the Villista movement? What did they actually accomplish? If Francisco Madero stands for political rights and democracy, Emiliano Zapata for land reform, and Venustiano Carranza for nationalism and the 1917 Constitution, whatdoes Villa represent?
45
Millard, Gregory. "The Secession Reference and National Reconciliation: A Critical Note." Canadian journal of law and society 14, no. 2 (1999): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100006050.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn its judgement on the constitutionality of a unilateral declaration of independence by Quebec, the Supreme Court claimed to be guided by the implicit or explicit constitutional principles of democracy, federalism, rule of law, and respect for minorities. French-English duality, as part of a “multination” conception of Canada, was not among these, despite being crucially implicit in the Court's reasoning. Had the principle of duality been articulated, it would have enhanced the theoretical cohesion of the judgement; more importantly, it would have furthered a necessary dialogue outside Quebec, insofar as national reconciliation requires the recognition of Quebec's distinctiveness by the rest of Canada. The secession reference was therefore a significant opportunity missed.
46
Davies, H. W. E., R. Hayter, J. Pickles, K. Willis, and N. M. Coe. "Reviews: Urban and Environmental Planning in the UK, Economics of Science, Technology and Innovation. Volume 12. The Geography of Multinational Firms, Dilemmas of Transition: The Environment, Democracy and Economic Reform in East Central Europe, Housing the Homeless in Ecuador: Affordable Housing for the Poorest of the Poor, Making Microchips: Policy, Globalization and Economic Restructuring in the Semiconductor Industry." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 31, no. 8 (August 1999): 1513–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a311513.
Full text
47
Veggeland, Noralv. "European Capitalism Developments." Journal of Economics and Technology Research 1, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): p25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jetr.v1n1p25.
Full textAbstract:
In Europe, where the financial crisis was transformed into national debt crises in several countries, the current phase of the denial cycle marked by an official policy approach predicated on the assumption that normal restored through a mix of austerity, privatization and less state involvement came through (anti-Keynes). The other view is this. Governmental investments – and financial decision-making to regulate the effective demand in national economies is based on the basic principles introduced by John Maynard Keynes in his ‘General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936), The solution of the temporary crisis of the democratic capitalism might be linked to Keynes by his successors the neo-Keynesians. However, the representative democracy has become weak and fragmented, and under control of international powerful multinationals. The citizens not any longer look upon their national government as their representatives but as representatives for interest of foreign states and international organizations. Poor public politics and policies are what come out of it.
48
Erk, Jan. "‘Two Souls, Alas, Reside in my Chest’: The Constitutional Foundations of Belgium between a Popular Democracy and a Multination Federation." Political Quarterly 84, no. 2 (June 21, 2013): 278–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2013.12015.x.
Full text
49
Krüger, L. P. "South African managers’ perceptions of black economic empowerment (BEE): A ‘sunset’ clause may be necessary to ensure future sustainable growth." Southern African Business Review 18, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1998-8125/5646.
Full textAbstract:
Transformational policies in South Africa, such as black economic empowerment (BEE), have increasingly and inextricably become part of the everyday political, economic and social life of all South Africans since the founding of the new democracy in April 1994. In this regard, South African businesses are subject to a whole array of mandatory regulations which specifically influence their operational capabilities and competitiveness to compete effectively and efficiently in both national and global markets. In a survey among 500 individual managers in South African businesses ranging from small, medium to large multinationals companies, it was found that BEE is well integrated into most of these organisations. However, the mounting resistance to and rejection of BEE that exists at management level can also increasingly be seen at the intellectual level of the population through public discourse in the daily newspapers, in which BEE is essentially viewed as a perpetuation of past injustices. The African National Congress (ANC) government must take cognisance of the negative influence that BEE has had on South Africa over the last more or less ten years and accept that a ‘sunset’ or termination clause needs to be set before too much further damage is done to the economy of the country and its world competiveness ranking.
50
Romanenko, S. A. "РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 23(2018) part: 23/2018 (September 27, 2019): 78–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2019.2018.36610.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.