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Journal articles on the topic 'Muromachi'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Murphy, Timothy. "The Muromachi Cranes." Hudson Review 52, no. 2 (1999): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3853413.

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2

MIYAMA, Reichi. "Dangi in Muromachi Hosso Doctrine." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 47, no. 2 (1999): 729–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.47.729.

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3

TADA, Jitsudo. "Jingu and Buddhism in the Muromachi Period." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 62, no. 1 (2013): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.62.1_219.

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4

Pinnington, Noel J. "Invented origins: Muromachi interpretations of okina sarugaku." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 3 (October 1998): 492–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00019315.

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Okina , a ritual play without plot, a collection of old songs and dialogues interspersed with dances, can be seen in many parts of Japan, performed in various versions. In village festivals, it may be put on by local people using libretti derived from oral traditions, and in larger shrines professional players might be employed to perform it at the New Year. Puppets enact Okina dances at the start of Bunraku performances and Kabuki actors use them to open their season. Such Okina performances derive from Nō traditions, and as might be expected, the Nō schools have their own Okina, based on texts deriving from the Edo period, which they perform at the start of celebratory programmes. These ‘official’ versions feature, among other roles, two old men: Okina and Sanbasō (). Before the fifteenth century, when Nō traditions were being established, it was common for a third old man known as Chichi no jō () to appear as well (I shall refer to this ‘complete’ form as Shikisanban, three ritual pieces, a term used by Muromachi performers). These old men are marked out from all other Nō roles by their use of a unique type of mask, having a separated lower jaw connected by a cord (the so-called kiriago).Erika de Poorter, in her introduction to Okina, suggests that actors dropped the third section because its Buddhist content conflicted with a trend away from Buddhism towards Shinto (a trend she refers to as ‘the spirit of the times’). She supports her theory by adducing a similar ideological shift in contemporaneous interpretations of Okina and legends about the origins of Nō. De Poorter tells us little about these interpretations, as is perhaps appropriate for an introductory essay. This study, however, aims to give a full account of them, starting with a Buddhist reading, recorded near the beginning of the Muromachi period, proceeding to interpretations current among performers in the fifteenth century, and concluding with the purely Shinto explanation taught by the Yoshida lineage in the mid-sixteenth century.
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5

Yagyu, Alice Kiyomi. "O Shozoku e a corporeidade do ator Kyogen." Pitágoras 500 9, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/pita.v9i1.8655496.

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Este artigo vem expor a particularidade do Shozoku, designação para os figurinos de Kyogen - comédia clássica japonesa - que, ao manter as características de vestimentas da era Muromachi (séculos XIV a XVI) na cena, traz desafios ao corpo do ator ocidental no presente.
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6

Kusdiyana, Eman. "REFLEKSI GEKOKUJO DALAM TEKS DRAMA KYOUGEN BERJUDUL “BUAKU”." GENTA BAHTERA: Jurnal Ilmiah Kebahasaan dan Kesastraan 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47269/gb.v3i2.19.

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AbstrakDrama Kyougen berjudul Buaku menceritakan tentang konflik sosial antara golongan sosial atas (penguasa) dengan golongan sosial bawah (petani, buruh, tukang dan pedagang) yang terjadi di Jepang pada zaman Muromachi (1350—1573). Secara sosiologis yang ditekankan pada cerita Buaku ini adalah konflik sosial berupa perlawanan golongan sosial bawah terutama petani desa terhadap golongan sosial atas(Shugo Daimyo, Daikan) yang dikenal dengan istilah Gekokujo (bawahan melawan atasan). Dalam gerakan Gekokujo esensinya adalah rakyat bangkit, berpikir kritis, bersatu, dan menciptakan rasa kebersamaan diantara golongan sosial bawah khususnya petani desa untuk melawan para penguasa yang memeperlakukan golongan sosial bawah secara tidak manusiawi. Kajian ini mencoba untuk melihat sajauh mana cerita Buaku ini merefleksikan pertentangan antara golongan sosial ba wa h d enga n golongan sosial a ta s yang diwujud kan d alam be ntuk Gekokujo.Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan sosiologis dengan metode deskriptif analitis dan hermeneutik. Pengumpulan data menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan dan terjemahanserta teknis analisis menggunakan metode wacana kritis. Hasil kajian dan pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa cerita Buaku ini sarat dengan pencerminan Gekokujo yaitu perlawanan golongan sosial bawah (petani, pelayan) terhadap golongan sosial atas (tuan atau majikan) pada zaman Muromachi.Golongan sosial bawah pada zaman Muromachi berada pada posisi masyarakat yang hidupnya mendapat tekanan dari penguasa, sehingga hidupnya penuh dengan penderitaan. Oleh sebab itu, golongan sosial bawah melakukan perlawanan terhadap penguasa yang dikenal dengan Gekokujo. Perlawanan yang dilakukan berdasarkan azas keadilan dan kemanusiaan yang mengedepankan bahwa manusia dalam kehidupannya harus adil, bijaksana serta menjunjung perikamunisaan. Kata kunci: Kyougen, Buaku, konflik sosial, Gekokujo AbstractDrama of Kyougen entitled “Buaku” tells about a social conflict between the high-social class (authority) and the low-social class (peasants, laborers, craftsmen, and traders) happened in Japan in the era of Muromachi (1350-1573). Sociologically, Buaku tells about a social conflict, namely an opposition between the low-social class, especially village peasants against the high-social class (Shugo Daimyo, Daikan) known as Gekokujo rebellion (superiors against inferiors). The essence of Gekokujo was that the people arose, critical, united to achieve the sense of togetherness among the low-social class especially viallage peasants against the high- social class who treated them inhumanely. This study tries to find out to what extent Buaku reflects the conflict between the high-social classand the low-social class realized in Gekokujo. The approach used as the grand theory in the study was the sociological approach with the analytical-descriptive method and hermeneutic. Data were collected through the library studies and translation. The technique analysis used the critical discourse. The result shows that Buaku isfull of the reflection of the opposition ofthe low-social class (peasants and employees) against the high-social class (masters or employers) in the era of Muromachi. The low-social class in the era Muromachi are in position of society that is under pressure on his life. So that his life is full of suffering. Therefore, the low-social class figting against the ruler know as Gekokujo. The resistance is based on the principle of justice and humanity. Human beings must be just and uphold humanity. Keywords: Kyougen, Buaku, social conflict, Gekokujo
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7

YAMADA, Toru. "Shomu-sata of Muromachi-Shogunate and its Change." Legal History Review 2007, no. 57 (2007): 41–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5955/jalha.2007.41.

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8

Arntzen, Sonja, and Joseph D. Parker. "Zen Buddhist Landscape Arts in Early Muromachi Japan (1336-1573)." Monumenta Nipponica 55, no. 1 (2000): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2668401.

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9

Arkenstone, Quillon. "Late Muromachi and Furyū Nō : Two Plays by Kanze Nagatoshi." Asian Theatre Journal 30, no. 2 (2013): 466–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2013.0040.

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10

Marra, Michele. "The Buddhist Mythmaking of Defilement: Sacred Courtesans in Medieval Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (February 1993): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059144.

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When buddhist institutions directed their efforts to the evangelization of the common people during the Kamakura and Muromachi periods (1192–1573), they met a set of popular beliefs that were deeply entrenched in the lives of their new audience. In spite of local variations in the names of the deities worshiped and in the details of ritual performances, a series of “defiling” practices that were perceived as dangerous taboos (imi) provided Japanese worshipers with a common denominator that transcended geographic, linguistic, and time boundaries.
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11

KATO, Hyakuichi. "The Feast of Court Noble and Warrior Class in MUROMACHI Period." JOURNAL OF THE BREWING SOCIETY OF JAPAN 98, no. 10 (2003): 716–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.6013/jbrewsocjapan1988.98.716.

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12

KATO, Hyakuichi. "The Feast of Court Noble and Warrior Class in MUROMACHI Period." JOURNAL OF THE BREWING SOCIETY OF JAPAN 98, no. 11 (2003): 775–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.6013/jbrewsocjapan1988.98.775.

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13

KATO, Hyakuichi. "The Feast of Court Noble and Warrior Class in MUROMACHI Period." JOURNAL OF THE BREWING SOCIETY OF JAPAN 98, no. 12 (2003): 840–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.6013/jbrewsocjapan1988.98.840.

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14

KISHI, Yasuko. "THE NAISHI-DOKORO DURING THE WARRING STATES PERIOD (LATE MUROMACHI PERIOD)." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 69, no. 583 (2004): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.69.143_3.

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15

Westerhout, Gart T. "Muromachi Musicals: Resetting Kyōgen in a Modern Medium." Asian Theatre Journal 24, no. 1 (2007): 262–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2007.0027.

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16

Choo, Lim Beng. "Leo Shingchi Yip, China Reinterpreted: Staging the Other in Muromachi Noh Theater." Japanese Studies 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371397.2017.1297180.

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17

Lee, Kyunghee, and Gumhwa Kim. "Color Culture of Japanese Medieval Age: Focusing on Kamakura & Muromachi Periods." Fashion business 19, no. 1 (February 28, 2015): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.12940/jfb.2015.19.1.95.

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18

Nam-lin Hur. "War and Faith: Ikkō Ikki in Late Muromachi Japan (review)." Journal of Japanese Studies 35, no. 1 (2009): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.0.0056.

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19

Ryu, Catherine. "Power Play: Re-Envisioning Muromachi Politics through the Nō Play "Sōshi arai Komachi"." Japanese Language and Literature 40, no. 2 (October 1, 2006): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30198008.

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20

Ito, Nobuhiro. "Productions agricoles et mesures contre les famines aux époques de Muromachi et d’Edo." Géographie et cultures, no. 86 (September 1, 2013): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/gc.2870.

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21

Lee, Jungeun. "Politics of Ashikaga Shoguns’ Formal Interior Display (zashiki kazari) in the Muromachi Period." Art History Forum 41 (December 31, 2015): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14380/ahf.2015.41.63.

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22

Reider, Noriko T. "YAMAUBA: REPRESENTATION OF THE JAPANESE MOUNTAIN WITCH IN THE MUROMACHI AND EDO PERIODS." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2005): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591405000112.

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This paper discusses the nature of the yamauba and the transformation of its image over time through an examination of its appearance in literature, folktales and art, focusing on, but not limited to, the early modern period. Literally, “yamauba” means an old woman who lives in the mountains, an appellation indicating a creature living on the periphery of society. Medieval Japanese literature equates the yamauba to a female oni (ogre/demon), sometimes devouring human beings who unwittingly cross her path. She is, however, not entirely negative or harmful. She is also credited with nurturing aspects, though these attributes are not always at the forefront of her character. Indeed, the emphasis on attributes imparted to that character changes significantly over time. A portrayal of the yamauba in the medieval period is predominantly of a witch-like white-haired hag, but by the end of the seventeenth century, the yamauba had come to be considered the mother of Kintarō, a legendary child with Herculean strength. By the eighteenth century, with a help of favorable depictions of the yamauba in puppet and Kabuki plays, she is portrayed by ukiyo-e artists as an alluring, beautiful woman who dotes on her son. The paper concludes that the yamauba remains a familiar figure in present-day Japanese society, and is still identified as a character of the disenfranchised “other.”
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23

Kagaya, Shinko. "China Reinterpreted: Staging the Other in Muromachi Noh Theatre by Leo Shingchi Yip." Asian Theatre Journal 35, no. 1 (2018): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2018.0007.

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24

MIZOGUCHI, Masato. "THE BUILDING "NI-KAI" IN THE ARISTCRATIC RESIDENCE FROM HEIAN TO MUROMACHI PERIOD." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 59, no. 457 (1994): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.59.189_2.

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25

Young, Lee Sung. "A Study on Yeontak of Chinese Characters at Shomono in the Period of Muromachi." Korean Journal of Japanology 104 (August 30, 2015): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15532/kaja.2015.02.104.73.

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26

Lee, Sung Young. "A Study on Yeontak of Chinese Characters at Shomono in the Period of Muromachi." Korean Journal of Japanology 104 (August 31, 2015): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15532/kaja.2015.08.104.73.

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27

FUJIMOTO, Kentsu. "Activities of the Pure Land School in the Hokuriku District during the Muromachi Period." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 40, no. 2 (1992): 794–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.40.794.

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28

Rath, Eric C. "Another Stage: Kanze Nobumitsu and the Late Muromachi Noh Theater by Lim Beng Choo." Asian Theatre Journal 31, no. 2 (2014): 631–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2014.0030.

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29

Oyler, Elizabeth. "Another Stage: Kanze Nobumitsu and the Late Muromachi Noh Theater by Lim Beng Choo." Journal of Japanese Studies 41, no. 2 (2015): 476–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2015.0040.

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30

Quinn, Shelley Fenno. "Another Stage: Kanze Nobumitsu and the Late Muromachi Noh Theater by Lim Beng Choo." Monumenta Nipponica 69, no. 1 (2014): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2014.0007.

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31

이승영. "A Study on the Sino-Japanese of Final-m at Rhyme Texts in Muromachi Period." Journal of Japanese Language Education Association ll, no. 80 (June 2017): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26591/jpedu.2017..80.004.

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32

MATSUZONO, Junichiro. "Ando and Sigyo in the Legal Procedure of the Muromachi Shogunate." Legal History Review 61 (2012): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5955/jalha.61.51.

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33

Chang, Chinsung. "Muromachi Ink Painting and Early Joseon Landscape Painting The Cases of Shūbun, Shūbun, and Bunsei." Art History Forum 36 (June 30, 2013): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14380/ahf.2013.36.33.

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34

MORIMOTO, IWATARO. "Abrasion of icisors of women in Asuka and Muromachi age presumed by ramie spinning work." Anthropological Science 103, no. 5 (1995): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1537/ase.103.447.

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35

von Verschuer, Charlotte. "Illustrated Debate over Wine and Rice (Shuhanron Emaki): Dining and Socializing in Late Muromachi Japan." Monumenta Nipponica 72, no. 2 (2017): 189–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2017.0023.

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36

MAKI, Rie, and Tadafumi SHIBA. "The Landscape Composition of Gardens in Muromachi Period, a case study in Joei-ji Garden." Journal of The Japanese Institute of Landscape Architecture 74, no. 5 (2011): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5632/jila.74.375.

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37

MARUYAMA, Nami. "STUDY ON THE FIELD OF SARUGAKU OF THE MUROMACHI SHOGUNATE SIX SHOGUN YOSHINORI ASHIKAGA PERIOD." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 85, no. 772 (2020): 1275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.85.1275.

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38

Amstutz, Galen. ":War and Faith: Ikkō Ikki in Late Muromachi Japan.(Harvard East Asian Monographs, number 288.)." American Historical Review 114, no. 3 (June 2009): 738–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.3.738.

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39

Porath, Or. "The Cosmology of Male-Male Love in Medieval Japan." Journal of Religion in Japan 4, no. 2-3 (2015): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00402007.

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Scholars have investigated the Japanese tradition of male-male love that arose in the context of the secular and commercial culture of the early modern era. Less often noted is the role of male-male sexuality within a religious framework. This article sheds light on the unexplored religious dimension of medieval Japanese male-male sexuality through an analysis of Ijiri Matakurō Tadasuke’s Nyakudō no kanjinchō (1482) and its Muromachi variant. Both works glorify male-male sexual acts and endorse their proper practice. I suggest that Kanjinchō attempts to perpetuate power relations that maintain the superiority of adult monks over young acolytes. Kanjinchō achieves this through constructing its own cosmology, built on a Buddhist cosmogony, soteriology, a pantheon of divinities and ethical norms, which, in effect, endows homoeroticism with sacrality. My analysis of Kanjinchō provides a nuanced understanding of male-male sexuality in Japanese Buddhism and the ideological context in which the text is embedded.
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40

Lee, sungyoung. "A Study on the Sino-Japanese of ““Chinese Characters Contained Final /t/”at Rhyme Texts in Muromachi Period." Korean Journal of Japanology 120 (August 31, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15532/kaja.2019.08.120.1.

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41

Sugioka, Nahoko, Masahiro Kitada, and Masahiko Nishijima. "Metallurgical Microstructure of the Spear Blade Manufactured from the End of the Muromachi Period to the Edo Period." Journal of the Japan Institute of Metals and Materials 77, no. 5 (2013): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2320/jinstmet.j2012069.

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42

PARK, SEON OK. "The various aspects of the coined word of Hybrid words in the Kamakura period to the Muromachi period." Comparative Japanese Studies 47 (December 31, 2019): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31634/cjs.2019.47.243.

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43

Makoto, Hayashi. "The Tokugawa Shoguns and Onmyōdō." Culture and Cosmos 10, no. 1 and 2 (October 2006): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01210.0207.

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Onmyōdō was widely disseminated in Japan from around the tenth century. Astronomy, calendar making, yin-yang practices, and the allotment of time were under the jurisdiction of the Onmyōryō (Ministry of Yin-Yang), but Onmyōdō soon developed from a yin-yang practice into religious practice. Onmyōdō rituals were created in Japan under the influence of kami worship, Buddhism, and Daoism. The study of Onmyōdō was initially focused on activities performed within the aristocratic society, but increasingly new research is being conducted on the relationship between the military government (bakufu) and Onmyōdō. The interest in political history has encouraged the study of the different ways in which the shoguns of the Kamakura, Muromachi and Edo periods have utilized yin-yang practitioners (onmyōji) and conducted rituals. Source evidence suggests that Tokugawa shoguns were not afraid of astronomical irregularities (with the one exception of the fifth Shogun). During the rule of Tsunayoshi, a new calendar, created by Shibukawa Shunkai, made it possible to predict solar and lunar eclipses more accurately, and consequently people were no longer afraid of these phenomena. At the same time, the Tsuchimikado family was given official sanction to control the onmyōji of all provinces.
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44

Kugiya, Natsuko, Kazuhiro Nagata, and Masahiro Kitada. "Manufacturing Technique of Steel Chains Used for Japanese Armatures from the End of the Muromachi to the Edo Period." Journal of the Japan Institute of Metals and Materials 78, no. 4 (2014): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2320/jinstmet.j2013054.

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45

Takeishi, Masanobu. "COREDO Muromachi(IES Illumination Awards 2011 AWARDS OF MERIT, Japanese Illumination Designs Highly Recognized in Overseas as Well 2011)." JOURNAL OF THE ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING INSTITUTE OF JAPAN 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2150/jieij.96.32.

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46

Nakajima, Keiichi. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SILVER CURRENCY IN KYOTO." International Journal of Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (July 2008): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591408000156.

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AbstractThe discovery in 1526 of the Iwami Ōmori silver deposits enabled Japan to become, by the 1540s, China's largest supplier of silver. This status was surpassed only in the 1570s, when large amounts of South American silver began to be delivered to southeast China via Manila. Despite the popularity of silver in the conduct of foreign trade, until the end of the sixteenth century it rarely played a part in Japanese domestic transactions. Even in Kyoto, capital of medieval Japan, it was gold, not silver, that was used for gifts and remittances. When for political reasons the Mōri clan donated the Ōmori silver mine to the court and Muromachi Bakufu, the flow of silver into Kyoto commenced in earnest. During the late 1560s gold assumed the characteristics of a fully functional currency, a development that paved the way for silver too, by the end of that decade, to become a major form of currency for domestic transactions involving imported items. During the 1570s usage of silver expanded to include other types of transactions. The 1580s and 1590s witnessed its firm establishment as currency, thus laying the foundation for the role of Kyoto in the early modern sphere of silver currency usage.
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47

Saito, Mika. "From The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter to Princess Kaguya: Metamorphoses of the Tale in Manga and Beyond." Japanese Language and Literature 55, no. 1 (April 21, 2021): 181–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jll.2021.153.

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There are currently numerous manga adaptations of Japanese literary classics of the Heian period. Many of them have been created for educational purpose. It is debatable, however, whether they truly serve such a purpose. In this paper, I will discuss the case of Taketori monogatari (The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter, beginning of 10th century). Like all present-day adaptations of ancient texts, manga versions of Taketori monogatari differ significantly from its premodern counterparts. In this paper, I will examine the adaption of the theme, representations of the characters Princess Kaguya (Kaguya-hime) and the bamboo cutter, and manners in which Taketori monogatari metamorphosed into Kaguya-hime over time and when this metamorphosis occurred. Comparing manga representations with premodern versions, I will argue that government-sanctioned textbooks that began to be published in the early twentieth century have played some role in the transformation because they share common characteristics with the modern version Kaguya-hime. In addition, I will compare manga versions to Nara-emaki and Nara-ehon (picture scrolls and picture books produced between the late Muromachi and Edo periods). Comparing these premodern sources with modern manga will help us see some of the differences in the ways the tale has been adapted over the centuries and to consider some of the factors that contributed to new interpretations.
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48

Park, Su-Cheol. "The Political Ideology of the Structure of Kō-Bu(公武) Synthesis: Kō(公) and Bu(武) during the Muromachi Era." Korean History Education Review 133 (March 31, 2015): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2015.03.133.193.

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49

Kameda Toshitaka. "The functional division of Kannrei-Shigyoujyou in Muromachi Shogunate after the coup d'état in 1379 (Kouryaku-no-Seihenn) - In research of Kishinnjyou-Shigyoujyou -." Journal of North-east Asian Cultures 1, no. 29 (December 2011): 533–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17949/jneac.1.29.201112.030.

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50

Levine, Gregory P. "Zen Buddhist Landscape Arts of Early Muromachi Japan (1336–1573). By Joseph Parker. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. xiv, 302 pp. $24.95." Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 4 (November 1999): 1150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658542.

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