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Journal articles on the topic 'Muscovite autocracy'

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1

Soldat, Cornelia. "The limits of Muscovite autocracy." Cahiers du monde russe 46, no. 46/1-2 (2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.2789.

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2

SOLDAT, Cornelia. "The limits of Muscovite autocracy." Cahiers du monde russe 46, no. 46/1-2 (2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.8801.

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3

Kivelson, Valerie. "Merciful Father, Impersonal State: Russian Autocracy in Comparative Perspective." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (1997): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017091.

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Comparative analyses traditionally have done Russian history no favors. Invidious comparisons have situated Russia firmly in a context of backwardness relative to the West. The term ‘medieval’ customarily applies to Russia until the era of Peter the Great, that is, until the early eighteenth century, and even the least condemnatory scholars point out similarities between Muscovite Russia of the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries and early medieval tribal formations of northern Europe. Along with ‘backwardness,’ comparative history has customarily found in Russia an example of extraordina
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4

Wirtschafter, Elise Kimerling, and Valerie A. Kivelson. "Autocracy in the Provinces: The Muscovite Gentry and Political Culture in the Seventeenth Century." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 1 (1998): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/310077.

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5

Alexander, John T. "Autocracy in the Provinces: The Muscovite Gentry and Political Culture in the Seventeenth Century." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (1997): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525308.

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6

Rowland, Daniel, and Valerie A. Kivelson. "Autocracy in the Provinces: The Muscovite Gentry and Political Culture in the Seventeenth Century." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (1998): 1650. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650075.

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7

Blank, Stephen. "Putin's Presidency and Russian History." Russian History 36, no. 1 (2009): 88–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633109x412311.

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AbstractThe regime crafted by Vladimir Putin and extended now with the election of Dmitry Medvedev in many ways represents a continuation of the Muscovite paradigm delineated by Professor Hellie in his earlier work. Indeed, we are witnessing the consolidation of a fourth version of the Muscovite service state and in the military a kind of serfdom still reigns. This continuity is not just a question of the autocracy of the Tsar but also of the tenuous situation regarding property rights which are not fully established. Furthermore, it is quite clear that government is still a service state wher
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8

Kollmann, Nancy Shields. "The Complexity of History." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 1 (2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440106.

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This article finds Steven Pinker’s argument for a decline of violence too Eurocentric and generalizing to fit all cases. Study of the early modern Russian criminal law, and society in general, shows that different states can develop radically different approaches to violence when influenced by some of the same factors (in this case Enlightenment values). The centralized Muscovite autocracy in many ways relied less on official violence and exerted better control over social violence than did early modern Europe, while at the same time it supported violence in institutions such as serfdom, exile
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9

Makhanko, Maria. "Veneration of the Holy Emperors and Empresses of Byzantium in Muscovite Rus’ According to the Attachments and Epigraphy of the Reliquaries of the 16th and 17th Centuries." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015766-1.

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Old Russian reliquaries of the 16th and the 17th centuries, i. e. the Late Medieval era of emerging autocracy, are valuable historical sources and masterpieces of art. The appearance of certain relics is associated with the external contacts of medieval states and churches, reflecting various aspects of spiritual life of the time. Among the attachments to reliquaries, either preserved up to now or known from written sources, parts of relics of saint Emperors and Empresses of the 4th to the 10th centuries Byzantium are of special interest. The article attempts to collect information about such
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10

Soldat, Cornelia. "Novgorod Counter Histories around 1700. The Story about Ivan the Terrible’s Raid of Novgorod Reconsidered." Russian History 48, no. 3-4 (2022): 231–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340031.

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Abstract Muscovite chronicle material is very disparate about Ivan the Terrible’s Raid of Novgorod in 1570. Novgorod and Pskov Chronicles show Ivan’s brutal behavior in detail. In this article I argue that in the second half of the 17th century many chronicles were reworked in order to support an open discussion about dissatisfaction with the tsarist government in Novgorod and Pskov. Chronicle writing was used to disseminate the image of the terrible tsar Ivan. This image functioned as an allegory for the tsars of the end of the 17th century who were under pressure from a wider public that cri
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11

Crummey, Robert O. "Autocracy in the Provinces: The Muscovite Gentry and Political Culture in the Seventeenth Century. By Valerie A. Kivelson. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. xx, 372 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. Illustrations. Figures. Tables. Maps. Hard bound." Slavic Review 56, no. 4 (1997): 777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502134.

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12

Bondaruk, Tetyana. "Some aspects of the Orthodox component of the state regime of Mоscovіі (XIV–XVII centuries)." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, № 35 (1 вересня 2024): 299–305. https://doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2024-35-299-305.

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Introduction. Counteraction to Russian aggression, the goal of which is the destruction of the Ukrainian state, necessitates the analysis of racism as a totalitarian ideology and practice, the foundation of which is history, culture, Orthodoxy and their reflection in state-legal processes. The aim of the article is a consideration of the main stages of the institutional and ideological design of Moscow Orthodoxy as a component of the state regime of muscovii. Results. The beginnings of Moscow/Russian Orthodoxy are associated with the «sitting at the tables» of representatives of the Rurik dyna
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13

Omeliyanchuk, Igor Vladimirovich. "Moscow monarchist organizations." Российская история, no. 6 (December 15, 2023): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x2306007x.

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The article examines the creation and activities of monarchical organizations in Moscow, which has become one of the centers of the right-wing movement in Russia. The Moscow nobility played a key role in the creation of right-wing organizations. However, the events of the First Russian Revolution involved many representatives of other social groups and strata in the political process, some of whom found themselves on the side of the autocracy, usually adhering to extreme right-wing beliefs. This explains the creation in Moscow of many different monarchical organizations, most of which had a pr
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14

PATER, Ivan. "MYKHAILO HAVRYLKO: ARTIST-CARVER, POET, PATRIOT." Contemporary era 11 (2023): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2023-11-207-226.

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The article examines the formation of Mykhailo Havrylko as a national artist, a conscious Ukrainian citizen, the beginnings of his revolutionary activities, his fascination with the creative works and liberating ideas of Taras Shevchenko, and his ardent desire to embody the image of the Kobzar in sculpture. Emphasis is placed on the «burning hatred» of the young artist towards the despised Russian autocracy, his participation in the organization of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen Legion at the beginning of World War I. The cultural and educational work of the sculptor among Ukrainian prisoners of
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15

Pezda, Janusz. "Spowiedź Sadyka." Krakowskie Pismo Kresowe 15 (December 16, 2023): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/kpk.15.2023.15.08.

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CONFESSION OF SADYK: THE LAST LETTER OF MICHAŁ CZAYKOWSKI TO HIPOLIT BŁOTNICKIMichał Czaykowski (Sadyk Pasha) is a figure whose assessment remains challenging to this day. His path to national and religious apostasy was complex and winding. At the beginning of his emigration, his dedication to the Polish cause earned him applause and recognition among fellow emigrants. He tirelessly worked in emigrant diplomacy, establishing the extensive Eastern Agency of the Hotel Lambert as a Polish agent in the East. After the Crimean War, he gradually distanced himself from Polish affairs. He deemed the J
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16

"Autocracy in the provinces: the Muscovite gentry and political culture in the seventeenth century." Choice Reviews Online 35, no. 01 (1997): 35–0434. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.35-0434.

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17

Kollmann, Nancy S. "Adventus and Entry? Symbolic Communication Between Ruler and Ruled in Sixteenth-Century Russia." Journal of Early Modern History, March 10, 2025, 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10100.

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Abstract This article explores how relations between the Muscovite ruler and his subjects were envisioned in political theory by exploring visual representations of such encounters in the Illuminated Chronicle of the mid-sixteenth century. In contrast to the Byzantine adventus and medieval and early modern European royal entries, where rulers met with representatives of social and political groups, in these images Russian rulers were surrounded by anonymous, adoring masses, united with him in piety. Only where Moscow conquered a more complex society, as in Smolensk in 1514, did a more pluralis
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18

"Valerie A. Kivelson. Autocracy in the Provinces: The Muscovite Gentry and Political Culture in the Seventeenth Century. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1996. Pp. xx, 372." American Historical Review, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.5.1650.

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