Journal articles on the topic 'Music appreciation – Poland – 20th century'

John Paynter's death this year has deprived British music education of its most inspirational advocate during the second half of the 20th century. John's teaching in primary and secondary schools during the 1950s played a major role in shaping his vision of music at the heart of the curriculum. With his ear for an apt phrase, John loved to quote American novelist Toni Morrison's description of the wonderful presence and power of music as ‘a way of being in the world’. During the 1960s, John trained teachers in colleges in Liverpool and Chichester, before joining the innovative music department at the University of York, where he remained until his retirement in 1997. It was with the publication in 1970 of Sound and Silence that his years of pioneering work with children and older students came to fruition and the force and originality of his ideas about music education made their first big impact.

Slovenia has had a rich and varied musical histoiy, despite the fact that it was part of the Habsburg Empire and then a constituent part of Yugoslavia. Its recent smooth transition to independence and its realignment with Central Europe have been noteworthy. In the past, Slovene or part-Slovene composers such as Gallus, Tartini and Wolf worked abroad, while in the 20th century composers normally returned to Slovenia after studying abroad. For example, Marij Kogoj and Slavko Osterc studied in Central Europe and maintained a strong musical connection with Central European modernism in the 1920s and 1930s. Kogoj's strong links with Viennese expressionism were well expressed in the opera Črne maskeof 1927, while Osterc's connections with Hindemith, Honegger and others is evident in the opera Krog s kredo and orchestral works such as Mouvement symphonique. On the other hand, Kozina, Arnič and Škerjanc developed a less advanced style and kept less contact with the rest of Europe. The political situation in the 1940s and 1950s made outside travel difficult, changing the situation dramatically. Composers such as Ramovš and Uroš Krek had different experiences: Ramovš managed to study with Frazzi and Casella in Italy, while Krek did not study abroad. Both, however, produced works in a distinctive neo-classical style that typified the immediate post-war period. Ivo Petrić's music follows the styles of Prokofiev and Shostakovich. From the late 1950s onwards the situation changed with strong contacts with Croatia, Poland and countries of the West: France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States in particular. This contact encouraged the emergence of a new avant-garde in Slovenia in the 1960s with such composers as Petrić, Ramovš, Lebič, Jež, Božič, Matičič, Globokar, Stibilj and Štuhec coming into prominence. Later they were joined by Pavel Mihelčič and Maks Strmčnik. Matičič and Globokar mostly stayed abroad, while Stibilj returned permanently later. In the decades before and after independence in 1991, a new generation of composers became established, with the most advanced composition by Aldo Kumar, Uroš Rojko, Tomaž Svete, Brina Jež-Brezavšček and Nenad Firšt. Postmodern tendencies are found in the music of Jani Golob and Marko Mihevc. Ali these composers are providing the Slovene musical scene with a wide variety of distinctive music that is both challenging and interesting.

Witold Rowicki (1914–1989) was one of the most renowned Polish conductors of the 2nd half of the 20th century who gave unique renditions of symphonic music, based on a careful selection of dynamics, tempo and sound proportions between particular groups of instruments. The range of his artistic achievements as a conductor is impressive and comprises over 600 concerts in Poland (most of them with the Warsaw Philharmonic and the Polish National Radio Symphony Orchestra in Katowice), more than 500 concerts abroad, huge concert repertoire ranging from classicism to contemporary music, performances given alongside a number of outstanding soloists, more than 100 records, compositional output, numerous arrangements and instrumentations, popularization of music, teaching activity. His biggest organizational achievement was the revival of the Polish National Radio Symphony Orchestra in Katowice (1945) and the Warsaw Philharmonic Symphony Orchestra (1951) after the World War II. Witold Rowicki was a conductor of a particular merit for Polish culture.

The article analyzes the potential sonic experiences of Bruno Schulz. The numerous references to music in his prose inspire questions about Schulz’s attitude towards music. Based on the testimonies of his family and friends, it is impossible to determine Schulz’s opinion on the art of sounds, or whether he was musical and what kind of music he listened to. The ‘acoustic biography’ presented here becomes a metaphor for Schulz’s probable auditory experiences. Arranged in the chronological order, it respects the principles of probability, and is based on the historical and cultural context of 19th- and 20th-century Poland.

The combination of the guitar and harpsichord has inspired composers all over the world for years. Łódź is the place where the greatest number of such pieces in Poland has been written by Jerzy Bauer, Bronisław Kazimierz Przybylski, Sławomir Kaczorowski, Stanisław Mroński, Andrzej Cwojdziński, and others. The creative output of the composers listed above for instruments such as the harpsichord, which is mainly associated with early music, and the guitar, which had its rebirth after WWII, is worth discussing. Composers from Łódź have made a great contribution to the development of literature for such an unusual line-up. Almost all compositions have been written for the Stefańska – Oberbek duo who were active in Cracow in the second half of the 1980s. The present article is mainly based on the materials shared by the guitarist Jan Oberbek and the Elżbieta Chojnacka Center for Contemporary Harpsichord Music. The materials have been discussed in terms of their content, which may be of value for new performers of this music. In each of these works an instrument player faces different problems and unusual solutions for a given instrument, which gives an artist the freedom of interpretation but at the same time creates a challenge related to analysing the piece and searching for a solution for a problem. The sound idiom of the guitar and the harpsichord was the inspiration for the aforementioned composers to create the literature valuable both for artists and for audiences. Unfortunately, this repertoire is hardly ever performed.

Abstract Folklorism is presented as a component of culture change. The aim of the article is to show how ethno- and musicologists, folklorists, music teachers, broadcasters, and others, have influenced traditional peasant culture in times of fundamental transformation during the 20th century, and how they have contributed to its documentation, understanding and invention of new meanings, including the Polishness of folklore in Poland. This review aims to exemplify this process. Each European country has its own history in this respect. The text consists of three parts. In the first one, folklore is confronted with social history; the second one is dedicated to generations of ethnomusicologists; the third one is dedicated to contemporary functions of music traditions and the role of ethnomusicologists, with emphasis on applied ethnomusicology. The comments on applied ethnomusicology summarise the author’s experiences acquired during field research in Poland since 1975 and attempt to demonstrate how the past (of traditional culture and music, including re/invented national values) is being transformed in the present or, rather, how history fuses with the present time.

It is evident by now that swift political changes have had an impact on music scholarship in Russia. A radical shift from rejection to appreciation of the music of Russian early 20th-century modernists was announced on the pages of Sovetskaia Muzyka in January, 1991, where the following admission appeared: ‘By silencing the activities of the musicians of the Russian avantgarde for a prolonged period of time, we have in essence artificially narrowed the complex panorama of our music history.’ In the case of Nikolai Andreevich Roslavets, the process of historical revision has included recent publication and re-publication by Muzyka of some of his piano and chamber music. At a time when paper shortage is critical in Russia, such an effort demonstrates a sincere commitment to acknowledging his work. Certainly, another welcome result of this new attitude has been access, though apparently still limited, to the Roslavets archives in Moscow. The valuable information contained therein provides biographical details which finally allow for a substantiated and more definitive statement on the life of this composer who figured so prominently among the Russian modernists.

Choral cultures begin with the old art of Notre Dame in Paris, continue with the Renaissance, Baroque, Classicism, Romanticism and end with the modern era, where the currents of Impressionism, Expressionism and Neoclassicism are often interwoven, united through the National Schools. An old tradition of Romanian musical culture continues, whose beginnings were marked by the choral, church or secular genre and whose modern foundations were finalized in the inter-war era of the 20th century. Gheorghe Duțică is one of the most representative masters of Romanian music. He has acquired a thorough knowledge of musicology, composition and pedagogy. It should be noted that each work bears the imprint of a strong originality, as well as a mastery worthy of appreciation. The charm of these works is very special, managing to describe with poetic and suggestive images.

Abstract The present paper surveys the history of the Warsaw Autumn festival focusing on changes in the Festival programming. I discuss the circumstances of organising a cyclic contemporary music festival of international status in Poland. I point out the relations between programming policies and the current political situation, which in the early years of the Festival forced organisers to maintain balance between Western and Soviet music as well as the music from the so-called “people’s democracies” (i.e. the Soviet bloc). Initial strong emphasis on the presentation of 20th-century classics was gradually replaced by an attempt to reflect different tendencies and new phenomena, also those combining music with other arts. Despite changes and adjustments in the programming policy, the central aim of the Festival’s founders – that of presenting contemporary music in all its diversity, without overdue emphasis on any particular trend – has consistently been pursued. The idea of introducing leitmotifs, different for each Festival edition (such as: music involving human voice, mainly electronic, etc.) – is not inconsistent with this general aim since the selected works represent different aesthetics, and the “main theme” is not the only topic of any given edition of the Warsaw Autumn.

Relevance of research. The nearest Ukraine in terms of geographical location, culture, centuries-old historical ties and Slavic mentality is Poland. For the history of pedagogy in particular, the system of music education of schoolchildren is interesting to explore and analyze the difficult time of reconstruction of school education in Poland after the Second Word War, which killed 17% of the population. The purpose of the study is to analyze form and content of music education of Polish schoolchildren in the postwar (40-60 years of the 20th century). Research methods. Analysis and synthesis of Polish scientific and pedagogical literature on music education of schoolchildren, regulations, school curricula and program, materials of scientific and practical conferences empirical and independent data. Research results. After the end of the Second World War and the liberation of Poland from German occupation, the reconstruction of the virtually completely destroyed school system and the creation of new education system based on different ideological, political and economic principles before the pre-war period began. The restructuring of the school education system involved, firs of all, the definition of the new educational goal, which was set before the school. It was based on the idea of harmonious development of personality. A significant role in this process was given to the musical education of schoolchildren. The subject of “Singing” was introduced into the curricula of primary schools (grades 1-7), which had two hours in grades 1-5 and one hour in grades 6-7, as well as two hours for school choir classes pre week. A significant role in the development of the system of music education of foreign teachers-musicologists: E.Jagues-Dalcroze, Z. Kodály, James L. Mursell, C. Orff and others. They adapted to the conditions and Polish educational traditions. In the 1962, the name of the subject “Singing” was changed to “Music Education”, which was in line with pedagogical functions. Conclusions. In the postwar (40-60's) the modernization of the system of music education of schoolchildren was carried out. The organization content and forms of music education in secondary schools were based on the concepts of well-known in Europe scientists, teachers, musicologists, composers [É.Jagues. Dalkroze, Z. Kodály, J. Mursell, C. Orff], who adapted in accordance with the conditions and national Polish educational traditions. The musical education of the younger generation was greatly influenced by ideological and sociopolitical factors that determined the functioning of the socialist society of the Polish People's Republic.

This article presents theoretical problems related to the renovation of historic buildings in Europe of the second half of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century. They concern the creation of scientifically justified concepts and methods of renovation aimed at preserving the authenticity and historical significance of monuments. Historical architectural developments, including buildings from different eras, determine the individual appearance of historic European cities. Architectural monuments allow one to become aware of the originality of culture and character traits of each nation. Therefore, in the context of globalization, the study, protection and use of historical objects is one of the factors shaping the national self-awareness. Practical activities related to the adaptation of historical cultural space to contemporary needs were discussed on the example of the revalorization of a 15th-century religious complex located in the historic area of the city of Częstochowa in Poland. This area, called the “Old Town”, is one of the main elements of the compositional canvas of the town’s urban layout (beginning of the 19th century). The revalorization of the St Sigismund church complex together with the monastery buildings, due to the importance for the urban layout of the city, as well as due to its historical, cultural and religious significance, constituted an essential challenge for designers, archaeologists, historians and local authorities.

Abstract Witold Szalonek (1927-2001) did not limit himself in his artistic activity to composing instrumental, vocal and vocal-instrumental works. He was also very active as a pedagogue, music promotor and musicologist-theorist. His writings reflect the tendency (popular among composers in the 2nd half of the 20th century) to comment on the aesthetic phenomena of historical and contemporary music culture, with particular emphasis on his own works. His views on art and selfcommentaries are contained in published and unpublished articles and manifestos. With regard to character and function, the writings that he left behind can be divided into four categories. Among the nearly thirty texts, printed mostly in Poland, we can thus distinguish: 1) essays on general musical subjects, commenting on elements of the European musical heritage important for this composer and on inspirations from non-European cultures; 2) artistic manifestos, in which sonoristic concepts play a major role; 3) self-analyses and self-commentaries on selected works, which are of major value to performers interpreting his pioneering scores; 4) critical texts on current subjects and events, coming from the first years of Witold Szalonek’s artistic work, when he was active as a music critic.

Influence of Polish ethnic musical culture in Lithuania is evident mainly in usage of European musical instruments and of folk dances repertoire as well in the religious ethnic music.European musical instruments were spread in Lithuania at the beginning of 16th – 17th cc. These instruments were adopted by Lithuanians from Poland or from Western Byelorussia, where the Catholic Church and strong traditions of Polish culture were prevailing. European folk dances were performed by the Lithuanians at the beginning of 18th – 19th cc., and the main part of these dances was spread to Lithuania from Poland. Noticeable part of folk dances repertoire consists of Polish dances. These new dances were lead by the music of the European instruments; it was the noticeable innovation, because until this period, Lithuanian games and round games, as well as in all the other nations of Europe, were performed by singing.We can notice less Polish influence in Lithuanian ethnic songs, while researching monody of Lithuanians and Poles is evident, that songs of this style of ethnic music of both nations were spread from Great Poland to Southern and Middle Lithuania, most probably, marking the common area of former culture of ethnic music. The roots of this former culture could reach the pre – historical times.Polish influence is evident in the traditions of co – called “literary” songs, which were popular in 19th – beginning of 20th cc., and in the repertoire of latest centuries of ethnic musical instruments.The ethnic music from Poland of the Additional service in Lithuania: devotions and songs of Advent Little hours of St. Mary the Virgin, devotions and songs of Mournful Whining and devotion and songs of the Žemaičių Kalvarija (Samogitia in Latin) – are the reflection of the Polish origin.In Poland and Lithuania from time immemorial on Advent Sundays, as early as before the sunrise, early Mass (Matins) has been held which begins with the words Rorate coeli and therefore it is called Rarotos (in Lithuania). Its origin in Lithuania is linked to Poland. Their basis was The Little hours of St. Mary the Virgin or Godzinki (in Poland). This cult has come to Lithuania from Cracow in the 17th century.The customs of Mournful Whining or Gorzkie Żale (in Poland) prayers and songs is known only in Lithuania and Poland. The liturgy of Rome does not have this customs. The earliest manuscript text of Gorzkie Żale was founded in Poland (Calvaria Zebrzydowska, War- saw) in 17th century. Having this religious practice originated in Poland, finally is spread in Lithuania as late as mid-19th century.The devotions and songs of the Žemaičių Kalvarija (Samogitia) are established by the model of Polish Calvaria Zebrzydowska. The cult of Žemaičių Kalvarija was born in 1637. Its religious ethnic music – the analogue Polish religious culture.Roots of the Polish influence arose not only because of the neighbourhood of the both nations, but also because of living in the common state and the same Catholic faith, which was one of the strongest common feature of the ethnic and musical culture of Lithuanians and Poles.

Abstract:Wittgenstein’s ambivalent attitude toward science (and philosophy) can be observed as early as in the Tractatus – both in the preface and toward the end, e. g. on 6.52, 6.54 and also implicitly inherent in his final sentence “Whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent.” Thus, despite his analytical method and apparently high appreciation of science, he was aware of its limits – as well as of its dangers. This awareness becomes increasingly obvious in the course of the later years, among others marked by a shift from analysis to description and a turning to other ways of knowledge than scientific ones: Ways of showing instead of saying viz. verbal and scientific explanations. These alternatives he saw in literature, art and music. However, even as concerns these fields, he sometimes holds a critical attitude toward culture, above all within the development of the civilization of his century. His resentment of the gradual moral and intellectual decline at the turn of the 20th century leads to a highly suspicious attitude toward any progress in the fields of culture and science, which he clearly expresses in his preface to the Philosophical Remarks, distancing himself from the so-called typical western scientist, whose spirit he considers “alien & uncongenial’ to his”. (Cf. CV 1998: 8e)

AbstractDevelopment of the transport infrastructure in Poland has contributed to the implementation of various technologies of construction of bridges and their components. Use of reinforced soil for construction of embankments, retaining structures (RSS walls) and abutments is one of the solutions which has been frequently used for the past twenty years. Shortly after its development, the technology proposed by Henri Vidal in 1966 also gained appreciation in Poland [4]. Reinforced soil bridge abutments started to be widely used in Poland at the turn of the 20th century. The bridge facilities at the junction of Trasa Siekierkowska route and Wał Miedzeszyński Street in Warsaw, which were built in the years 2000÷2002, are an example of structures from that period. The authors of this paper have been particularly interested in the outermost supports of the reinforced concrete flyovers which were constructed in the form of intermediate reinforced soil abutments. Offsets – the vertical displacements, in the range of 15÷25mm, emerging between the level of the road surface and the steel elements of the expansion joints which separate the flyover’s structure from the embankment – were observed in 2015, in the course of regular inspections. While accounting for the observations which have been made, the surveying measurements and the ground investigation, the paper diagnoses and describes the mechanism which led to the emergence of the offsets. Potential patterns of the occurrence of additional settlements, as the reason for emergence of the offsets, were identified and analyzed. The settlement of the outermost support (abutment), as a result of increase of relative density of alluvial sands due to the dynamic interaction of the roadways of Wał Miedzeszyński Street, was analyzed. Analytical and numeric approaches were used in the course of analysis while relying on PLAXIS and MIDAS software.

The present work focuses on the national cultures of the early 20th century in several European countries, such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Spain, Russia and Romania. Since my PhD thesis analyses the evolution of the Philharmonic “Transilvania”of Cluj between 1955-1989, there will be a thorough statistic of the concerts which were held during that period in which the orchestra performed musical pieces of the composers mentioned in this essay. For some concerts, there will also be stated the date when the concert took place, as well as the conductor who was invited to Cluj. There will also be an analysis of a piano work of the Romanian composer Constantin Silvestri (Chants Nostalgiques op. 27 no. 1) which I personally played a few years ago. The study will contain a musical bibliography, as well as several footnotes stating the documents found in the archives of the Philharmonic of Cluj.

A war is inevitably linked to changes in state borders, and the fighting armies were often occupying a territory of a hostile state by extending their power onto them. In the past, the areas occupied by a hostile state were often integrated to the victorious state (by the so-called deballatio) or subjected to various forms of dependence (e.g. a fief). Starting from the 19th century, a concept has been developed, according to which territorial changes between two belligerent countries are impermissible until the termination of military activities and the conclusion of a peace treaty . As a result of the Hague Conference of 1899 and 1907, an institution of an occupied territory was introduced into the language of international law, i.e. a state territory occupied by an enemy. An annexation, being the result of war, has a different character from the institution of an occupied territory, and a military occupation has not replaced a deballatio. They both coexisted, although they stem from a similar factual situation – a state of war and a consequent intrusion of an enemy on another state's territory. They also bring a similar effect, which is to establish the political system of the occupying state in this territory. As long as war was a legal mean of settling international disputes, the resulting transfer of a territory could not be illegal. During the ‘20s and ‘30s of the 20th century, the states were applying the practice of integrating the conquered territories rather than establishing a military occupation regime, and this met with the appreciation of the then countries. However, the author of this article puts forth a thesis that at the turn of the ‘30s and ‘40s of the 20th century, there was a prohibition of deballatio effected in violation of the then international law, and therefore with the Kellogg – Briand Pact. Territorial annexations, carried out by the Third Reich and the USSR against the territory of the Republic of Poland and other European countries after 1939, were therefore illegal. The purpose of this article is neither to comprehensively discuss the institution of military occupation, nor the prohibition of acquisition of a state territory through the use or a threat to use armed forces, or in particular – to discuss the current nature of the prohibition of deballatio. The intention of the author is to show how the prohibition of deballatio has finally emerged in the international law. When addressing this issue, it is impossible not to discuss the institution of deballatio and the international practice of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries and the institution of military occupation, whose introduction to the international law related to the analysed issue. Only when the military occupation is presented, we will discuss the attempts aiming at prohibiting deballatio which have been made since the 19th century.

Abstract Roman Palester (1907–1989) was one of the most promising and well-known composers in Poland during the inter-war period. On more than one occasion he was compared to the father of Polish contemporary music, Karol Szymanowski (1882–1937).1 As one of Poland’s leading conductors Jan Krenz noted: “We met while working on the film Zakazane piosenki [Forbidden Songs]. I remember that Palester then came to Łódź in the halo of Szymanowski’s successor. People would say ‘this is the great Roman Palester’.”2 Yet at the height of his fame, in 1951, he chose to leave his homeland and take up residency in the “free” West; subsequently he was cut off from Poland and his previous success. The 20th century was a time of great cultural, political, and artistic change in Europe with a considerable number of divergent views about what constituted ‘good’ music. Terms such as modernism, nationalism, neo-classicism, socialist realism, serialism and atonality were all used regularly when discussing music and art. There ceased to be a clear or uniform musical style in Europe. Instead a cultural polarisation emerged caused in large part by the division of the world into East and West during the Cold War. How did Palester, a Polish émigré, now residing in the West, effectively a composer in exile, adapt to these circumstances? What connection did his music have with avant- -garde trends, anti-communist sentiments, traditional aesthetics, serialism, etc.? Was Palester’s compositional voice affected by his defection? In order to determine what Palester’s post-defection compositional voice was and how it may have interreacted with events around him, this paper will examine one of Palester’s pivotal compositions, Preludes for Piano (1954). These Preludes are a significant work in Palester’s compositional output as they show a distinct shift towards a more comprehensive use of twelve-tone techniques. These techniques are employed in a variety of different ways and are often coupled with other techniques in order to create a style which is uniquely suited to Palester’s compositional desires.

Piano originated in Europe. It is a keyboard instrument invented by Italian Bartolomeo Cristofori in 1709, known as the king of musical instruments. It is often used in solo, accompaniment, ensemble and other performances. The piano came into China at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. At first, the appreciation and acceptance of the piano by Chinese people was not high. Later, foreign missionaries often used the piano in the church. As time went by, people’s acceptance of piano increased day by day. After the founding of new China, China’s pianists won many awards in international piano competitions. After the reform and opening up, China’s economy has developed rapidly, and it has also absorbed the culture from all over the world. More and more Chinese people begin to appreciate piano music and learn to play. Piano education has also entered the public’s vision. In higher education, many art colleges and universities have set up piano learning related courses. Piano is no longer a rare thing hundreds of years ago, but gradually integrated into Chinese culture. At present, China’s piano education has been orderly popularized, occupying a place in art education, but at the same time there are also some aspects worth thinking about the piano education in the cultivation of aesthetic and artistic accomplishment. From the current situation and development of China’s piano education this paper gives the corresponding countermeasures.

The article analyses how the folk singing tradition of the Lithuania Minor developed in the late 20th and in the early 21st centuries. It examines the activities of the folklore groups in the Klaipėda Region during the period of 1971–2020, focusing on those that assert fostering of the lietuvininkai singing tradition as their mission or one of their goals. The study employs the previously unused materials, which allow revising the former research results regarding the revival of the Lithuanian ethnic music and show the folklore ensembles working in the Klaipėda Region as a significant part of the Lithuanian folklore movement and the revival of the ethnic music, emerging from the 1960s. Special emphasis is placed on the early phase in adoption of the lietuvininkai singing tradition related to the activities of the folklore ensemble “Vorusnėˮ established in 1971 at the Klaipėda faculties of the State Conservatory of the former LSSR, and the role it had in prompting the creation of other folklore groups in Klaipėda, as well as its impact on the broader cultural and educational processes taking place in the Klaipėda Region.In the 20th century, the prevailing narrative regarding the Lithuanian inhabitants of the Lithuania Minor maintained that books, hymns, schools, church, social and cultural organizations, and choral or theatre activities were the most significant factors influencing the cultural expression of lietuvininkai, while the Lithuanian folklore was hardly practiced anymore or even considered an inappropriate thing. Judging from the folklore recordings, the folk singing tradition supported by the lietuvininkai themselves disappeared along with the singers born in the late 19th century. However, after the WWII, it was adopted and continued by the folklore groups appearing the Klaipėda Region. These groups included people from the other regions of Lithuania who had settled there. This is essentially the process of reviving the ethnic music, which began in Europe during the Enlightenment period and continues in many parts of the world.“Vorusnėˮ was founded in 1971 as the first institutional student folklore ensemble in Klaipėda Region. For 27 years, its leader was a young and talented professor of the Baltic languages Audronė Jakulienė (later Kaukienė). She became the founder of the linguistic school at the Klaipėda University (KU). In the intense and multifaceted activities of the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble, two different stages may be discerned, embracing the periods of 1971–1988 and 1989–2000.In 1971–1988, the ensemble mobilized and educated students in the consciously chosen direction of fostering the Lithuanian ethnic culture, sought contacts with the native lietuvininkai, collected and studied ethnographic and dialectal data, prepared concert programs based on the scholarly, written, and ethnographic sources, gave concerts in Lithuania and abroad, and cooperated with folklore groups from other institutions of higher education.In 1989–2000, the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble engaged in numerous other areas of activity. The children‘s folklore ensemble “Vorusnėlėˮ was established in 1989; both “Vorusnėˮ and “Vorusnėlėˮ became involved in the activities of the community of the Lithuania Minor founded in 1989. The leader of the ensemble and its members contributed to the establishment of the Klaipėda University, which became an important research center of the Prussian history and culture. The leader of the ensemble and her supporters created a new study program of the Lithuanian philology and ethnology at the KU, which during its heyday (2011–2014) had developed three levels of higher education, including bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral studies. The Folklore Laboratory and Archive was established at the Department of the Baltic Linguistics and Ethnology, headed by Kaukienė, and young researchers in philology, ethnology, and ethnomusicology were encouraged to carry out their research there. In the course of over two decades, Kaukienė initiated organizing numerous research conferences dealing with lietuvininkai language and culture.Until 1980, “Vorusnėˮ was the only folklore ensemble in the Klaipėda Region, but in 1985, there were already ten folklore ensembles. These ensembles developed different creative styles that perhaps most notably depended on the personal structure of these ensembles and their leaders’ ideas and professional musical skills. Generally, at the beginning of their activity, all these ensembles sang, played and danced the folklore repertoire comprising all the regions of Lithuania. The activities of “Vorusnėˮ and other folklore ensembles in Klaipėda until 1990 showed that revival of folklore there essentially followed the lines established in other cities and regions of Lithuania.During the first decade after the restoration of independence of Lithuania in 1990, folklore was in high demand. In Klaipėda, the existing ensembles were actively working, and the new ones kept appearing based on the previous ones. The folklore ensembles of the Klaipėda Region clearly declared their priorities, embracing all the contemporary contexts. Some of them associated their repertoire with the folklore of lietuvininkai, others with Samogitian folklore.The lietuvininkai singing tradition was adopted and developed in two main directions.The first one focused on authentic reconstruction, attempting recreation with maximumaccuracy of the song‘s dialect, melody, and manner of singing, as well as its relationship tocustoms, historical events or living environment. The second direction engaged in creativedevelopment, including free interpretations of the songs, combining them with other stylesand genres of music and literature, and using them for individual compositions. These twoways could be combined as well. Lietuvininkai are not directly involved in these activities, butthey tolerate them and participate in these processes in their own historically and culturallydetermined ways.The contemporary artistic expression of the promoters of the lietuvininkai singing tradition is no longer constrained by the religious and ideological dogmas that were previously maintained in the Lithuania Minor and in a way regulated performance of these songs. It is determined nowadays by consciousness, creativity, resourcefulness, and knowledge of its promoters. The dogmas of the Soviet era and modernity have created a certain publicly displayed (show type) folklore. The ensembles took part of the institutionalized amateur art, subsequently becoming subject to justified and unjustified criticism, which is usually levelled on them by the outsiders studying documents and analyzing processes. However, favorable appreciation and external evaluation by the participants of the activities and the local communities highlight the meaning of this activity.

Folk musicians belonging to the older generations and playing various instruments have been subject to rather exhaustive research in Lithuania since the end of the 20th century until the present. Various aspects of their music making, including the repertoire, changes in the style of their performance, the musician’s image, role and place in the community have also received considerable attention. However, traditional musicians belonging to the younger generation and their music making have scarcely fallen into the focus of study so far. The modern ethnomusicologists researching and appreciating the traditional music making devote considerable attention to the perspectives of the musicians and their surrounding community. Such a two-fold research, taking into consideration both the musician’s and the community’s approach, enables evaluating the general situation of the traditional instrumental and vocal instrumental music making in the community. By comparing the expressed views of the Lithuanian traditional musicians belonging to the younger generation and the perspectives of the surrounding community, the author of the article attempts establishing the kind of musicians that is in demand in the Lithuanian villages and small towns of the end of the 20th – beginning of the 21st century. The author of the article combines qualitative research (the in-depth partly structured multiple interviews) with documentary and biographical methods.According to the analysis, not only the roles of the traditional musician and the community, but also their mutual relationship has suffered considerable shifts in the nowadays culture. The functions of the musician as bearer, promoter and reviver of the tradition have become much more prominent. By adapting to the altering wedding traditions, the musician does not decline performing not only the functions of the former main participants of the wedding, but also those of the presenter of the whole event. The individual musical faculties and skills do not bear such importance in the eyes of the community members, as they do to the musicians themselves. The community mostly appreciates the universal capacities of the traditional musician, also ascribing importance to his tight relationship with the local traditions. The latter quality is important to the musicians as well; it includes the inherent feeling of the local music and its appreciation (from instrumentation and familiarity with the traditional local repertoire, to the live music making, and to the knowledge of customs and rituals, which are particularly important during various festive events and weddings). Since the tradition of the ritual communal singing is increasingly in decline, the capacity of the musicians to sing well and to start the appropriate songs as means of preserving and supporting this tradition is especially meaningful. It is safe to maintain that traditional musicians are currently people sensitively reacting to the changes in the traditional musical culture and actively participating in the local musical life until nowadays. To the contrary, rejection of the musical innovations renders the traditional musician incapable of competing with the requirements of the modern musical market. In such case, the musician may even have to stop playing and surrender his place to the professional or semi-professional wedding musicians with virtually no knowledge of the local musical customs, or even to the sound recordings.

Abstract The paper is an attempt at a synthetic presentation of the Polish composer Grażyna Bacewicz’s (1909–1969) musical output and artistic career, presented against the background of events in her personal life, and of major events in Polish and European history in the first seven decades of the 20th century. Bacewicz was called ‘the Polish Sappho’ already in the years between World Wars I and II, when there were very few women-composers capable of creating works comparable to the most eminent achievements of male composers. Her path to success in composition and as a concert soloist leads from lessons with her father, the Lithuanian Vincas Bacevičius, to studies at the Łódź and Warsaw Conservatories (violin with Józef Jarzębski, composition with Kazimierz Sikorski), and later with Nadia Boulanger at the École Normale de la Musique, as well as violin lessons with André Tourret. Her oeuvre has for many years been linked with neoclassicism, and folkloric inspirations are evident in many of her works. Her crowning achievement in the neoclassical style is the Concerto for String Orchestra of 1948, while influences from folklore can distinctly be heard in many concert pieces and small forms. The breakthrough came around 1958, under the influence of avant-garde trends present in West European music, which came to be adapted in Poland thanks to the political transformations and the rejection of socialist realism. In such pieces as Music for Strings, Trumpets and Percussion of 1958, Bacewicz transforms her previously fundamental musical components (melody, rhythm, harmony) into a qualitatively new type of sound structures, mainly focused on the coloristic aspects. Grażyna Bacewicz also applied the twelve-note technique, albeit to a limited extent, as in String Quartet No. 6 (1960). Her last work was the unfinished ballet Desire to a libretto by Mieczysław Bibrowski after Pablo Picasso’s play Le désir attrapé par la queue.

Zakryte Zaryte, or Zakopane art where cultures met. Digressions following the reading of WitkacyThe article is an attempt to describe the cultural phenomenon of Zakopane in the early 20th century on the basis of Witkacy’s Pożegnanie jesieni [Farewell to Autumn]. In the dynamic and multi-layered plot of his novel Witkacy, emotionally involved but also with his usual sarcastic and critical distance, presents a collection of characters who make up a collective model of a specific group of residents of Zakopane set against the background of a clearly defined mountain space the action of the novel takes place in Zakopane. The key motifs of the novel correspond to the narcotic Zakopane demonism — a style characteristic of the Zakopane culture at the turn of the centuries and using the legend and creative capital of the Young Poland movement in the Tatras. An important pla­ne bringing together the protagonists’ sentimental sublimations in the novel is music as a universal form of art, using the power of sound, i.e. communication tool available to all sensitive recipients. Two protagonists compose and perform it Żelisław Smorki and Prince Azalin Prepudrech, others listen to it. Smorski is a pupil of Karol Szymanowski who lived in Zakopane at the time; the name of the composer recurs several times, which testifies to the author’s intention to make his literary fiction credible. The model of the protagonists’ pianistic interpretation also draws on the virtuoso method of Egon Petri, who in the inter-war period ran his own piano school in Zakopane.

Attempting to investigate works of music through frank examination of possible influences is a delicate thing, sometimes maybe dangerous - as has been suggested by Jonathan Cross in his book, The Stravinsky Legacy. While the originality of a composer may appear to be threatened with such types of critique, for musicologists it is important to draw upon a deeper appreciation for how a composer searched for his/her own creative voice. The music of Ljubica Maric (1909-2003), one of the most important Serbian composers of the 20th century, has been chosen to demonstrate how composers need different influences during different phases of their maturation and how they deeply integrate them in order to create an individual utterance. Ljubica Maric first studied composition with Josip Slavenski at the Belgrade Music School (1925-29), and continued her studies with Josef Suk at the Master School of the Prague Conservatory (1929-32) where she obtained her diploma. Finally, she took Alois H?ba?s course in quarter-tone music at the same institution from 1936 to 1937. The works she composed during the 1930?s were characterized by a radical will to break ties with traditional, mainly romantic music, so she chose to be influenced by the free atonal pre-dodecaphonic works of Arnold Schoenberg. Following World War II, she introduced some changes of expression that were more in keeping with links from the past. Her music became tonally stabilized, and thematic-motivational developments were rediscovered, resulting in an expression that became milder. But the changes need not necessarily be linked exclusively to the post-war climate of socialist realism. Rather, the previous style may have met up with some type of impasse - the sort that confounds or ultimately transforms an artist. For Ljubica Maric, however, it appears she was never truly satisfied with her first post-war works (1945-1950). What is certain is that she composed nothing during the several years that preceded her first masterpiece, the cantata The Songs of Space (1956). It is however worth examining whether or not they were really "dry years". It is certain that for Ljubica Maric, they were fresh discoveries of Serbian traditional singing, both folk and church, poetic and artistic treasures of the Middle Ages - but she also revived earlier experiences (from the pre-war decade) that she had rejected at the time, mainly the music of Stravinsky, Bart?k and Slavenski. Although those influences can be detected in the score of The Songs of Space, the work has a strong individual imprint, an identity of its own. In the works that followed, The Passacaglia for orchestra and in several compositions belonging to the cycle Musica octoicha (Octoicha 1, The Byzantine Concerto, Ostinato super thema octoicha, The Threshold of Dreams) original traits of Ljubica Maric?s poetics became even more pronounced. The last works that she produced (in the 1980?s and 1990?s) are all for instrumental soloists or chamber ensembles. They continue with, and refine the main characteristics of the earlier ones. Ljubica Maric?s evolvement thus presents a search for originality of expression that was reached only after a process of selective assimilation and creative transformation of tradition had been fulfilled - but not until any "anxiety of influences" had been abandoned. It has been shown that Ljubica Maric, like other artists needed to be ready to be influenced, in order to absorb such influences in a creative way.

[The correspondence between Rev. Prof. Jan Fijałek and Rev. Dr Jan Kwolek in the years 1919–1936] This paper presents a collection of a few dozen letters written between 1919 and 1938. Their authors were two eminent representatives of the humanities and of the Polish Catholic Church at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. One of them, Reverend Professor Jan Nepomucen Fijałek, represented the Kraków Archdiocese, though professionally he was associated with the University of Lviv and the Jagiellonian University. As an outstanding scholar and expert on sources to the history of medieval Church and spiritual culture of Poland, as well as a distinguished pedagogue, he enjoyed great renown in the world of science. The other correspondent, Reverend Doctor Jan Kwolek, a lawyer, lecturer at the Theological Institute of the Latin rite in Przemyśl, chancellor of the Episcopal Curia, organizer and director of a Diocesan Archive, a model for the whole country, unceasingly developed his interests in canon studies, history of the Church, and showed great concern for preserving the archive heritage of the Przemyśl Diocese. The majority of the letters were written by Rev. Kwolek, though they are not complete; the addressee had collected them meticulously, sometimes adding brief commentaries. The Przemyśl priest must not have attached a lot of weight to collecting the letters of the Kraków mentor, as only over a dozen of them have been preserved. The sources present very interesting material. The “supplicant” here is definitely Rev. Kwolek, seeking in the unquestionable scientific authority of Rev. Fijałek advice on organizing the Przemyśl archive but also methodological and factual guidelines for archive research and publications. In the course of time the distance between the two scholars was gradually decreasing, though it never crossed accepted social boundaries. What confirms that is the elaborate titles both correspondents addressed each other with. The subject matter of the letters is rather diverse and includes several themes. The dominant one is Rev. Kwolek’s requests to be recommended relevant literature necessary to complete a reference library needed in research and scholarly work. Quite a lot of space is also devoted to the Przemyśl priest’s reports on the progressing work on completing and organizing the archive of the Episcopal Curia in Przemyśl. Rev. Prof. Fijałek, apparently did not hide his sincere appreciation of the activity of the junior priest, indefatigable archive fanatic, encouraging him, providing him with expert instruction and warning him against naïve faith in the patronage of successive bishops. Another extensive motif is common and readily produced by church circles gossip on different Church dignitaries in Kraków and Przemyśl, as well as expectations of personal reshuffles and new careers with the start of every new pontificate. Without a doubt, the presented material deserves publication, as it shows the effort of creating and then preserving pioneer initiatives on scholarly and religious ground, particularly in Przemyśl in the first half of the 20th century.

Abstract Some of Fryderyk Chopin’s letters were published individually or in groups already in the 2nd half of the 19th century. With the passage of time, more letters from and to Chopin were printed in monographs dedicated to his life and work. The first editions of Chopin’s collected letters come from the 1st half of the 20th century (by Scharlitt and von Guttry in Germany, Henryk Opieński – in Poland). B.E. Sydow’s Fryderyk Chopin’s Correspondence of 1955 continues to be used as the basic source edition by Chopin biographers. It has many strong points, but has become largely outdated. The research project dedicated to the new source edition of Chopin’s correspondence is implemented at the Institute of Musicology, University of Warsaw by Zofia Helman, Zbigniew Skowron and Hanna Wróblewska-Straus. It aims to edit and publish all the preserved letters written to and from Chopin. As a result of many historical cataclysms in the 19th and 20th centuries, some of Chopin’s letters have been lost or dispersed. Our edition consists of 3 volumes (Vol. I – Warszawa 2009, Vol. II – in print, Vol. III – in preparation). All the letters have been edited from sources: the preserved autographs by Chopin and other persons, autograph reproductions in various publications (if the original is now lost or inaccessible), and if reproductions are also unavailable – on the basis of a selected edition (not necessarily the first). Our edition is also the first to include summaries of lost letters to Chopin (based on Karłowicz’s publication of 1904). In comparison with earlier editions, the number of published letters has increased, and we added descriptions of the autograph sources that we used as the basis for our edition. Earlier dating of letters which contain no date in the manuscript has been verified, and some dates – changed or established for the first time. Commentaries and notes accompanying the letters are significantly more extensive in this edition than in any previous one, and they include: remarks on text edition, biographical notes for persons mentioned in the letters, explanations concerning places, identification of musical and literary works, theatrical plays and other works of art referred to in the letters; historical commentary on the events described; information concerning cultural life (concerts, opera and theatre performances). We have frequently had to confront confabulated material repeated for many years in musicological studies and deeply rooted in collective awareness. We have also corrected numerous misspelt surnames and thus pointed to the true identity of many hitherto unidentified figures. Our research on the letters has made it possible to establish or confirm some facts from Chopin’s life, such as new details of his stays in Munich and Stuttgart on the way to Paris in 1831, the exact date of his arrival in Paris (5th October 1831), details of Chopin and Hiller’s trip to Aachen to the music festival of the Lower Rhine, to Düsseldorf (in May 1834), as well as the definite date of the Polish concert in the Parisian Théâtre-Italien (4th April 1835).

Slobidska Ukraine is an area of late settlement, the folklore of which had been formed for over three centuries under the influence of various socio-historical factors. A significant role in the preservation of ethno-cultural information was played by the mechanism of intergenerational diachronic communication, which reproduced the genres of the entire folklore scope. The dynamic 20th century made its adjustments to the existence of tradition, as the destruction of monocentric rural institutions affected the ways of functioning of the authentic folklore, destruction of certain genres and rituals, their transition from the active form to passive, and further into an artificial plane of life. Our purpose was to mark, which links of the once powerful chain of “civil culture” had been damaged. what exactly caused these damages, and how in this closed system of the rural environment, where there was an awareness of meanings that were equally understood and appreciated by society, the line of misunderstanding and oblivion started to appear. Recollections of elderly people who were witnesses of social changes in Kharkiv Region in 1920–50, as well as documentary data were used as the material for the analysis. Modern functional methods – the development of sociological questionnaires, the involvement of the materials from our own field research – allowed us to create a factual basis for the research and determined the scientific novelty. The evidence of the oldest generation of traditions carriers showed the shocking consequences of the artificial transformation of the society in the 1920–30s, which included not only the destruction of folklore as a type of culture within a holistic social awareness, but also the intruding of a new socio-cultural conglomerate of “parallel culture” of club institutions, which was broadcast not diachronically, horizontally, as is customary in the oral tradition, but imperativelyhierarchically, i.e. vertically, according to the directives from the “above”. In the rural environment, a situation of shaky balancing between “traditional” and “pseudo-folklore” culture arose, not in favor of the first. Thus, the communicative functions, due to which the society’s objective perception of traditional meanings and its self-regulation were possible, was destroyed, and folklore became a field where various political forces were constructing new cultural meanings to the detriment of the traditional. In the conditions of the gradual disappearance of the music of the authentic tradition, with the aim of same understanding and appreciation within the community of its inherent cultural meanings, the communicative discourse can become a regulator and a corrective factor.

Music education is an important factor of students’ development. The positive effect of music training is evident in all areas, from the intellectual, psychomotor to social and emotional ones, and therefore music classes in the music school should focus both on music making and on experience, understanding and evaluating music, as well as on expressing one’s own ideas, feelings and thoughts. In ear training classes it can be achieved through the area of music listening. Didactical initiatives of the 19th and 20th century contributed to the recognition of the advantages of the auditory approach, while technological innovations allowed the practical application of music listening. Although there are examples that point to fostering the emotional experience in music classes, music listening is still focused on giving assignments of cognitive type and learning about music components. Some exceptions pertain to the application of multimodality in music teaching using both musical and extra-musical areas. The paper is aimed at pointing to the value of the cognitive-emotional music listening and to the possibilities it opens in ear training classes. The cognitive-emotional music listening focuses on experiencing, understanding and appreciation of classical music aimed at shaping students’ worldview and improving their music competences. It can be achieved by the multimodal and interdisciplinary approach to a musical piece. Students learn about the musical-historical context of the emergence of a piece in a given time and circumstances, about the composing approach and the theoretical and harmony features of the work, they develop their musical and critical thinking, make music, and evaluate both music and their own achievements. Repeated listening to a musical piece or excerpts from it, observing and familiarizing with the piece from different perspectives and discussion about the piece and experience after listening make it possible to better understand the piece and its specifics, as well as to discover and improve one’s own self and accept others and the different.

Հոդվածը նվիրված է Կոմիտասի «Անտունի» երգին: XX դարասկզբին Փարիզում Կոմիտասի դասախոսությունների և համերգների շնորհիվ ֆրանսիացի անվանի գործիչները ծանոթացան հայ հոգևոր և ժողովրդական երաժշտության գլուխգործոցներին: Դրանք արժանացան Ռոմեն Ռոլանի, Գաբրիել Ֆորեի, Լուի Լալուայի և այլոց բարձր գնահատականին: Ի թիվս այլ երգերի՝ հնչեց «Անտունին», որը խորապես հուզեց հատկապես Կլոդ Դեբյուսիին: Սույն հոդվածում փորձ է արվում լուսաբանելու Դեբյուսիի բարձր գնահատականի շարժառիթները: Վերլուծվում է բանաստեղծական տեքստը, մեղեդին, այնուհետև Կոմիտասի՝ երգից բխեցրած դաշնամուրային նվագակցությունը: Անշուշտ, Դեբյուսին նկատած կլիներ Կոմիտասի զգայուն, յուրօրինակ վերաբերմունքն առանձին հնչյունին, նրբերանգներին, լուսաստվերներին, ինչը բնորոշ էր հատկապես իմպրեսիոնիստներին: Օրինակ՝ «Անտունի» երգի միայն վերջին 12 տակտում Կոմիտասը զետեղել է 35 կատարողական ցուցում: Ավելին՝ հատկանշական են նվագակցության և ռեգիստրների հնչուժի հուժկու հակադրումները, բևեռացումները՝ հատկապես 37-38-րդ տակտերում: Այստեղ վոկալի հնչողությունը երկու ֆորտեից նվազում է մինչև երկու պիանո, մինչդեռ նվագակցությունը հնչում է երկու ֆորտե: Դաշնամուրի այդ «մռնչյունը», տիեզերական կոչը հոդվածագիրը համեմատում է Հրեշտակապետի փողի հետ, որը «Ցասման օրը» պիտի ազդարարի «Ահեղ Դատաստանի» սկիզբը: Նման սուբյեկտիվ մեկնաբանությունը չի բացառվում, քանի որ երգն ունի նաև գոյաբանական հնչեղություն: Բացի այդ՝ նախքան ձայնի մուտքը դաշնամուրային նախաբանը նմանակում է եկեղեցական զանգերին, ինչը ոչ միայն երգի համար ստեղծում է հնչյունային դաշտ, այլ նրան հաղորդում է խորհրդավոր բնույթ: Ահա նաև այս զանգերն են, որ կարող էին Դեբյուսիի հոգում արթնացնել իր իսկ «Զանգեր սաղարթի միջով» և «Ջրասույզ տաճարը» դաշնամուրային պիեսների կերպարները: This article is dedicated to the song Antuni by Komitas.At the beginning of the 20th century, thanks to Komitas's lectures and concerts held in Paris, famous French figures got acquainted with the masterpieces of Armenian folk and sacred music. They were highly praised by Romain Rolland, Gabriel Faure, Louis Laloy, and others. Among other songs, Antuni was performed there, which deeply touched Claude Debussy. This article attempts to shed light on the reason of Debussy’s high appreciation. The poetic text, the melody, and then the piano accompaniment are analyzed which are derived from the song itself. Debussy would have noticed Komitas's sensitive and unique attitude to individual sounds and nuances, which was especially typical of the Impressionist artists. For example, in the last twelve bars of the song Antuni, Komitas has written as much as 35 performance marks. Moreover, the strong contrasts of dynamics in different ranges in the accompaniment are to be noted, especially in the bars 37-38. Here the volume of the voice decreases from ff to pp, while the accompaniment continues sounding ff. The author of the article compares this "roar" of the piano, the cosmic call, to the trumpet of the Archangel, which will announce the beginning of the “Day of Wrath” on the “Doomsday.” Such a subjective interpretation is not excluded, as the song also has an ontological meaning. In addition, before the voice enters, the piano accompaniment imitates church bells, which not only creates a sound environment for the song, but also endows it with a mysterious character. These are the bells that could awaken in Debussy's soul the characters of his own piano works.

If you live through this with me, I swear that I would die for you— Hole, “Asking for It” (1994)The 1990s was a curious decade – post-1980s excess and the Black Monday correction, we limped into the last decade of the 20th century with a whimper, not a bang. The baby boomers were in ascendency, shaking off the detritus of a century of extremes behind closed doors.It’s easy now to think that the disaffection manifesting in Generation X and in particular in the grunge music scene was a put on, an act. But in most big game cultures the emerging generation was caught between old school regimes that refused to recognise very obvious failures and what appeared to be distant, no access futures. This point has been compellingly made by Mark Davis, the author of one of the essays in this 'nineties' issue of M/C Journal.The editors of this issue came of age in 1990s Australia. Or, to paraphrase grunge act Hole, we lived through this. And what a time to be alive! How appropriate to revisit the twentieth century’s swansong as the second decade of the twenty-first century nears its own denouement.When we sat down to work on this issue, one clear question arose: How to explain this 1990s nostalgia? Commentators have proffered a slew of explanations. These have ranged from the “20 year cycles” for nostalgia in popular culture (Tucker) to a desire for an apparently simpler, more trouble-free and, well, less connected time. As Atkinson wryly observes: “While we had the internet in the grunge era, it didn't necessarily dominate your life at that point. Your existence was probably a bunch more focused on IRL than URLs.”Some contributors invoke 1990s nostalgia. Paul Stafford provides a reverential and autoethnographic account of his experiences as a fan of grunge music during that genre’s early 1990s heyday. Renee Middlemost describes the excoriating response from fans to The Simpsons’ episode “That 90s Show”. Middlemost’s essay reminds us of the program’s brilliance prior to “jumping the shark” in the 2000s.Yes, the 1990s hosted transgressive, test of time-standing examples of popular culture. This includes the ‘grunge’ music genre that arose in the US circa the early 1990s, in the work of bands such as Hole, Nirvana, Pearl Jam and Soundgarden (see Stafford’s essay). Grunge music and its associated sub-cultural markers went on to flourish globally in countries such as Poland, as Marek Jezinski and Lukasz Wojtkowski describe in their contribution.The 1990s also saw lesser known, but no less significant, pop cultural phenomena. Julian Novitz revisits the Doctor Who novels published between 1991 and 1997. These novels are particularly significant given that the 1990s have commonly been regarded as the “wilderness years” for that franchise.The 1990s saw an increased feminist visibility in popular culture. This visibility is suggested in Jessica Ford’s essay on Roseanne/Roseanne Barr’s feminism, Claire Knowles’s reading of Agent Scully (of X Files fame) as feminist icon, and Justine Ettler’s reflection on her meeting with US “post-punk-feminist” Kathy Acker. Ettler is the author of the breakout Australian novel The River Ophelia (1995), which was influenced by Acker’s oeuvre, and of which Acker was evidently a fan.Yet, 1990s feminisms had their limitations. They lacked, for example, the focus of intersectionality that was conceptualised by African-American legal scholar Kimberle Crenshaw during the late 1980s, and that is only now (in the 21st century) really starting to take shape, albeit not without a struggle. Ford makes this point when analysing the “whiteness” of Roseanne/Roseanne’s gender politics in the 90s and 2018.In other areas, too, the 90s were not “all good”. There was no such thing as regional arts development funds. There was no reconciliation or Beyond Blue. No #MeToo or #TimesUp. No kombucha or viral campaigns or shops open after five. No royal commissions into child abuse. Australia was yet to have a female prime minister or governor general. Mentioning global warming meant you were a crackpot. Gender reassignment was something your nanna and your neighbour had never heard about.Put simply, then, the 1990s cannot be described in entirely affirmative or negative terms. The 1990s (as with any decade, really) is too complex for such summations.In some ways the 1990s was about what was started (internet insurgence), what was set on fire (Die Yuppy Die), and what came after the ashes drifted. Many of our writers have taken this comparative view, exploring the then(s) and now(s) and the enormous gaps between that don’t just register in years. Mark Davis, for example, argues the Alt Right is far more nightmarish in the new millennium than even he could have imagined.Some contributors have explored the merger of old and new, past and future in creative and idiosyncratic ways. Chris Campanioni theorises “the cover and the glitch, two performative and technological enactments that fomented the collapse between author-reader and user-machine.” Campanioni’s exploration focuses, in particular, on the Y2K bug and David Lynch’s cult series Twin Peaks (1990-91), and the much hyped reboot in 2017.In his feature essay contribution, Mitch Goodwin reminds us that 1999 — and its anticipation of technological dystopia (Y2K anxieties ahoy!) — “could not have happened” without 1995. Goodwin teases out this point via readings of two futuristic thrillers Johnny Mnemonic and Strange Days.As Goodwin puts it:It might seem strange now but tapping into the contents of Keanu Reeve’s brain was a utopian data moment in 1995. This was still the digital frontier when the network was as yet not fully colonised by corporate America. The Lo-Teks effectively delivering a global moment of healing via satellite. These were the dreams we had in the nineties.While no single collection could hope to encapsulate the complexity of the period spanning 1990 to 1999. The contributors to the ‘Nineties’ issue of M/C Journal have given this one helluva go.References Bernstein, Sara. “Why Gen X Isn’t Psyched for the ‘90s Revival.” Vox. 13 Mar. 2018. <https://www.vox.com/2018/3/13/17064842/gen-x-90s-revival>.Crenshaw, Kimberle. “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics.” University of Chicago Legal Forum 1 (1989): 139-167.Davis, Mark. Gangland: Cultural Elites and the New Generationalism. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1997.Hole. “Asking for It.” Live through This. Georgia, US: City Slang, 1994.

Jamming culture has become associated with digital manipulation and reuse of materials. As well, the term jamming has long been used by musicians (and other performers) to mean improvisation, especially in collaborative situations. A practice that gets to the heart of both these meanings is live coding; where digital content (music and/or visuals predominantly) is created through computer programming as a performance. During live coding performances digital content is created and presented in real time. Normally the code from the performers screen is displayed via data projection so that the audience can see the unfolding process as well as see or hear the artistic outcome. This article will focus on live coding of music, but the issues it raises for jamming culture apply to other mediums also. Live coding of music uses the computer as an instrument, which is “played” by the direct construction and manipulation of sonic and musical processes. Gestural control involves typing at the computer keyboard but, unlike traditional “keyboard” instruments, these key gestures are usually indirect in their effect on the sonic result because they result in programming language text which is then interpreted by the computer. Some live coding performers, notably Amy Alexander, have played on the duality of the keyboard as direct and indirect input source by using it as both a text entry device, audio trigger, and performance prop. In most cases, keyboard typing produces notational description during live coding performances as an indirect music making, related to what may previously have been called composing or conducting; where sound generation is controlled rather than triggered. The computer system becomes performer and the degree of interpretive autonomy allocated to the computer can vary widely, but is typically limited to probabilistic choices, structural processes and use of pre-established sound generators. In live coding practices, the code is a medium of expression through which creative ideas are articulated. The code acts as a notational representation of computational processes. It not only leads to the sonic outcome but also is available for reflection, reuse and modification. The aspects of music described by the code are open to some variation, especially in relation to choices about music or sonic granularity. This granularity continuum ranges from a focus on sound synthesis at one end of the scale to the structural organisation of musical events or sections at the other end. Regardless of the level of content granularity being controlled, when jamming with code the time constraints of the live performance environment force the performer to develop succinct and parsimonious expressions and to create processes that sustain activity (often using repetition, iteration and evolution) in order to maintain a coherent and developing musical structure during the performance. As a result, live coding requires not only new performance skills but also new ways of describing the structures of and processes that create music. Jamming activities are additionally complex when they are collaborative. Live Coding performances can often be collaborative, either between several musicians and/or between music and visual live coders. Issues that arise in collaborative settings are both creative and technical. When collaborating between performers in the same output medium (e.g., two musicians) the roles of each performer need to be defined. When a pianist and a vocalist improvise the harmonic and melodic roles are relatively obvious, but two laptop performers are more like a guitar duo where each can take any lead, supportive, rhythmic, harmonic, melodic, textual or other function. Prior organisation and sensitivity to the needs of the unfolding performance are required, as they have always been in musical improvisations. At the technical level it may be necessary for computers to be networked so that timing information, at least, is shared. Various network protocols, most commonly Open Sound Control (OSC), are used for this purpose. Another collaboration takes place in live coding, the one between the performer and the computer; especially where the computational processes are generative (as is often the case). This real-time interaction between musician and algorithmic process has been termed Hyperimprovisation by Roger Dean. Jamming cultures that focus on remixing often value the sharing of resources, especially through the movement and treatment of content artefacts such as audio samples and digital images. In live coding circles there is a similarly strong culture of resource sharing, but live coders are mostly concerned with sharing techniques, processes and tools. In recognition of this, it is quite common that when distributing works live coding artists will include descriptions of the processes used to create work and even share the code. This practice is also common in the broader computational arts community, as evident in the sharing of flash code on sites such as Levitated by Jared Tarbell, in the Processing site (Reas & Fry), or in publications such as Flash Maths Creativity (Peters et al.). Also underscoring this culture of sharing, is a prioritising of reputation above (or prior to) profit. As a result of these social factors most live coding tools are freely distributed. Live Coding tools have become more common in the past few years. There are a number of personalised systems that utilise various different programming languages and environments. Some of the more polished programs, that can be used widely, include SuperCollider (McCartney), Chuck (Wang & Cook) and Impromptu (Sorensen). While these environments all use different languages and varying ways of dealing with sound structure granularity, they do share some common aspects that reveal the priorities and requirements of live coding. Firstly, they are dynamic environments where the musical/sonic processes are not interrupted by modifications to the code; changes can be made on the fly and code is modifiable at runtime. Secondly, they are text-based and quite general programming environments, which means that the full leverage of abstract coding structures can be applied during live coding performances. Thirdly, they all prioritise time, both at architectural and syntactic levels. They are designed for real-time performance where events need to occur reliably. The text-based nature of these tools means that using them in live performance is barely distinguishable from any other computer task, such as writing an email, and thus the practice of projecting the environment to reveal the live process has become standard in the live coding community as a way of communicating with an audience (Collins). It is interesting to reflect on how audiences respond to the projection of code as part of live coding performances. In the author’s experience as both an audience member and live coding performer, the reception has varied widely. Most people seem to find it curious and comforting. Even if they cannot follow the code, they understand or are reassured that the performance is being generated by the code. Those who understand the code often report a sense of increased anticipation as they see structures emerge, and sometimes opportunities missed. Some people dislike the projection of the code, and see it as a distasteful display of virtuosity or as a distraction to their listening experience. The live coding practitioners tend to see the projection of code as a way of revealing the underlying generative and gestural nature of their performance. For some, such as Julian Rohrhuber, code projection is a way of revealing ideas and their development during the performance. “The incremental process of livecoding really is what makes it an act of public reasoning” (Rohrhuber). For both audience and performer, live coding is an explicitly risky venture and this element of public risk taking has long been central to the appreciation of the performing arts (not to mention sport and other cultural activities). The place of live coding in the broader cultural setting is still being established. It certainly is a form of jamming, or improvisation, it also involves the generation of digital content and the remixing of cultural ideas and materials. In some ways it is also connected to instrument building. Live coding practices prioritise process and therefore have a link with conceptual visual art and serial music composition movements from the 20th century. Much of the music produced by live coding has aesthetic links, naturally enough, to electronic music genres including musique concrète, electronic dance music, glitch music, noise art and minimalism. A grouping that is not overly coherent besides a shared concern for processes and systems. Live coding is receiving greater popular and academic attention as evident in recent articles in Wired (Andrews), ABC Online (Martin) and media culture blogs including The Teeming Void (Whitelaw 2006). Whatever its future profile in the boarder cultural sector the live coding community continues to grow and flourish amongst enthusiasts. The TOPLAP site is a hub of live coding activities and links prominent practitioners including, Alex McLean, Nick Collins, Adrian Ward, Julian Rohrhuber, Amy Alexander, Frederick Olofsson, Ge Wang, and Andrew Sorensen. These people and many others are exploring live coding as a form of jamming in digital media and as a way of creating new cultural practices and works. References Andrews, R. “Real DJs Code Live.” Wired: Technology News 6 July 2006. http://www.wired.com/news/technology/0,71248-0.html>. Collins, N. “Generative Music and Laptop Performance.” Contemporary Music Review 22.4 (2004): 67-79. Fry, Ben, and Casey Reas. Processing. http://processing.org/>. Martin, R. “The Sound of Invention.” Catapult. ABC Online 2006. http://www.abc.net.au/catapult/indepth/s1725739.htm>. McCartney, J. “SuperCollider: A New Real-Time Sound Synthesis Language.” The International Computer Music Conference. San Francisco: International Computer Music Association, 1996. 257-258. Peters, K., M. Tan, and M. Jamie. Flash Math Creativity. Berkeley, CA: Friends of ED, 2004. Reas, Casey, and Ben Fry. “Processing: A Learning Environment for Creating Interactive Web Graphics.” International Conference on Computer Graphics and Interactive Techniques. San Diego: ACM SIGGRAPH, 2003. 1. Rohrhuber, J. Post to a Live Coding email list. livecode@slab.org. 10 Sep. 2006. Sorensen, A. “Impromptu: An Interactive Programming Environment for Composition and Performance.” In Proceedings of the Australasian Computer Music Conference 2005. Eds. A. R. Brown and T. Opie. Brisbane: ACMA, 2005. 149-153. Tarbell, Jared. Levitated. http://www.levitated.net/daily/index.html>. TOPLAP. http://toplap.org/>. Wang, G., and P.R. Cook. “ChucK: A Concurrent, On-the-fly, Audio Programming Language.” International Computer Music Conference. ICMA, 2003. 219-226 Whitelaw, M. “Data, Code & Performance.” The Teeming Void 21 Sep. 2006. http://teemingvoid.blogspot.com/2006/09/data-code-performance.html>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brown, Andrew R. "Code Jamming." M/C Journal 9.6 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0612/03-brown.php>. APA Style Brown, A. (Dec. 2006) "Code Jamming," M/C Journal, 9(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0612/03-brown.php>.

Introduction Films with deaf characters often do not focus on the condition of deafness at all. Rather, the characters seem to satisfy a role in the story that either furthers the plot or the audience’s understanding of other hearing characters. The deaf characters can be symbolic, for example as a metaphor for isolation representative of ‘those without a voice’ in a society. The deaf characters’ misunderstanding of auditory cues can lead to comic circumstances, and their knowledge can save them in the case of perilous ones. Sign language, because of its unique linguistic properties and its lack of comprehension by hearing people, can save the day in a story line. Deaf characters are shown in different eras and in different countries, providing a fictional window into their possible experiences. Films shape and reflect cultural attitudes and can serve as a potent force in influencing the attitudes and assumptions of those members of the hearing world who have had few, if any, encounters with deaf people. This article explores categories of literary function as identified by the author, providing examples and suggestions of other films for readers to explore. Searching for Deaf Characters in Film I am a sign language interpreter. Several years ago, I started noticing how deaf characters are used in films. I made a concerted effort to find as many as I could. I referred to John Shuchman’s exhaustive book about deaf actors and subject matter, Hollywood Speaks; I scouted video rental guides (key words were ‘deaf’ or ‘disabled’); and I also plugged in the key words ‘deaf in film’ on Google’s search engine. I decided to ignore the issue of whether or not the actors were actually deaf—a political hot potato in the Deaf community which has been discussed extensively. Similarly, the linguistic or cultural accuracy of the type of sign language used or super-human lip-reading talent did not concern me. What was I looking for? I noticed that few story lines involving deaf characters provide any discussion or plot information related to that character’s deafness. I was puzzled. Why is there signing in the elevator in Jerry Maguire? Why does the guy in Grand Canyon have a deaf daughter? Why would the psychosomatic response to a trauma—as in Psych Out—be deafness rather than blindness? I concluded that not being able to hear carried some special meaning or fulfilled a particular need intrinsic to the plot of the story. I also observed that the functions of deaf characters seem to fall into several categories. Some deaf characters fit into more than one category, serving two or more symbolic purposes at the same time. By viewing and analysing the representations of deafness and deaf characters in forty-six films, I have come up with the following classifications: Deafness as a plot device Deaf characters as protagonist informants Deaf characters as a parallel to the protagonist Sign language as ‘hero’ Stories about deaf/hearing relationships A-normal-guy-or-gal-who-just-happens-to-be-deaf Deafness as a psychosomatic response to trauma Deafness as metaphor Deafness as a symbolic commentary on society Let your fingers do the ‘talking’ Deafness as Plot Device Every element of a film is a device, but when the plot hinges on one character being deaf, the story succeeds because of that particular character having that particular condition. The limitations or advantages of a deaf person functioning within the hearing world establish the tension, the comedy, or the events which create the story. In Hear No Evil (1993), Jillian learns from her hearing boyfriend which mechanical devices cause ear-splitting noises (he has insomnia and every morning she accidentally wakes him in very loud ways, eg., she burns the toast, thus setting off the smoke detector; she drops a metal spoon down the garbage disposal unit). When she is pursued by a murderer she uses a fire alarm, an alarm/sprinkler system, and a stereo turned on full blast to mask the sounds of her movements as she attempts to hide. Jillian and her boyfriend survive, she learns about sound, her boyfriend learns about deafness, and she teaches him the sign for orgasm. Life is good! The potential comic aspects of deafness may seem in this day and age to be shockingly politically incorrect. While the slapstick aspect is often innocent and means no overt harm or insult to the Deaf as a population, deafness functions as the visual banana peel over which the characters figuratively stumble in the plot. The film, See No Evil, Hear No Evil (1989), pairing Gene Wilder with Richard Pryor as deaf and blind respectively, is a constant sight gag of lip-reading miscues and lack-of-sight gags. Wilder can speak, and is able to speech read almost perfectly, almost all of the time (a stereotype often perpetuated in films). It is mind-boggling to imagine the detail of the choreography required for the two actors to convince the audience of their authenticity. Other films in this category include: Suspect It’s a Wonderful Life Murder by Death Huck Finn One Flew over the Cuckoo’s NestThe Shop on Main StreetRead My Lips The Quiet Deaf Characters as Protagonist Informants Often a deaf character’s primary function to the story is to give the audience more information about, or form more of an affinity with, the hearing protagonist. The deaf character may be fascinating in his or her own right, but generally the deafness is a marginal point of interest. Audience attitudes about the hearing characters are affected because of their previous or present involvement with deaf individuals. This representation of deafness seems to provide a window into audience understanding and appreciation of the protagonist. More inferences can be made about the hearing person and provides one possible explanation for what ensues. It is a subtle, almost subliminal trick. There are several effective examples of this approach. In Gas, Food, Lodging (1992), Shade discovers that tough-guy Javier’s mother is deaf. He introduces Shade to his mother by simple signs and finger-spelling. They all proceed to visit and dance together (mom feels the vibrations on the floor). The audience is drawn to feel ‘Wow! Javier is a sensitive kid who has grown up with a beautiful, exotic, deaf mother!’ The 1977 film, Looking for Mr. Goodbar presents film-goers with Theresa, a confused young woman living a double life. By day, she is a teacher of deaf children. Her professor in the Teacher of the Deaf program even likens their vocation to ‘touching God’. But by night she cruises bars and engages in promiscuous sexual activity. The film shows how her fledgling use of signs begins to express her innermost desires, as well as her ability to communicate and reach out to her students. Other films in this category include: Miracle on 34th Street (1994 version)Nashville (1975, dir. Robert Altman)The Family StoneGrand CanyonThere Will Be Blood Deaf Characters as a Parallel to the Protagonist I Don’t Want to Talk about It (1993) from Argentina, uses a deaf character to establish an implied parallel story line to the main hearing character. Charlotte, a dwarf, is friends with Reanalde, who is deaf. The audience sees them in the first moments of the film when they are little girls together. Reanalde’s mother attempts to commiserate with Charlotte’s mother, establishing a simultaneous but unseen story line somewhere else in town over the course of the story. The setting is Argentina during the 1930s, and the viewer can assume that disability awareness is fairly minimal at the time. Without having seen Charlotte’s deaf counterpart, the audience still knows that her story has contained similar struggles for ‘normalcy’ and acceptance. Near the conclusion of the film, there is one more glimpse of Reanalde, when she catches the bridal bouquet at Charlotte’s wedding. While having been privy to Charlotte’s experiences all along, we can only conjecture as to what Reanalde’s life has been. Sign Language as ‘Hero’ The power of language, and one’s calculated use of language as a means of escape from a potentially deadly situation, is shown in The River Wild (1996). The reason that any of the hearing characters knows sign language is that Gail, the protagonist, has a deaf father. Victor appears primarily to allow the audience to see his daughter and grandson sign with him. The mother, father, and son are able to communicate surreptitiously and get themselves out of a dangerous predicament. Signing takes an iconic form when the signs BOAT, LEFT, I-LOVE-YOU are drawn on a log suspended over the river as a message to Gail so that she knows where to steer the boat, and that her husband is still alive. The unique nature of sign language saves the day– silently and subtly produced, right under the bad guys’ noses! Stories about Deaf/Hearing Relationships Because of increased awareness and acceptance of deafness, it may be tempting to assume that growing up deaf or having any kind of relationship with a deaf individual may not pose too much of a challenge. Captioning and subtitling are ubiquitous in the USA now, as is the inclusion of interpreters on stages at public events. Since the inception of USA Public Law 94-142 and section 504 in 1974, more deaf children are ‘mainstreamed’ into public schools than ever before. The Americans with Disabilities Act was passed in 1993, opening the doors in the US for more access, more job opportunities, more inclusion. These are the external manifestations of acceptance that most viewers with no personal exposure to deafness may see in the public domain. The nuts and bolts of growing up deaf, navigating through opposing philosophical theories regarding deaf education, and dealing with parents, siblings, and peers who can’t communicate, all serve to form foundational experiences which an audience rarely witnesses. Children of a Lesser God (1986), uses the character of James Leeds to provide simultaneous voiced translations of the deaf student Sarah’s comments. The audience is ushered into the world of disparate philosophies of deaf education, a controversy of which general audiences may not have been previously unaware. At the core of James and Sarah’s struggle is his inability to accept that she is complete as she is, as a signing not speaking deaf person. Whether a full reconciliation is possible remains to be seen. The esteemed teacher of the deaf must allow himself to be taught by the deaf. Other films in this category include: Johnny Belinda (1949, 1982)Mr. Holland’s OpusBeyond SilenceThe Good ShepherdCompensation A Normal Guy-or-Gal-Who-Just-Happens-to-Be-Deaf The greatest measure of equality is to be accepted on one's own merits, with no special attention to differences or deviations from whatever is deemed ‘the norm.’ In this category, the audience sees the seemingly incidental inclusion of a deaf or hearing-impaired person in the casting. A sleeper movie titled Crazy Moon (1986) is an effective example. Brooks is a shy, eccentric young hearing man who needs who needs to change his life. Vanessa is deaf and works as a clerk in a shop while takes speech lessons. She possesses a joie de vivre that Brooks admires and wishes to emulate. When comparing the way they interact with the world, it is apparent that Brooks is the one who is handicapped. Other films in this category include: Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance (South Korea, 1992)Liar, LiarRequiem for a DreamKung Fu HustleBangkok DangerousThe Family StoneDeafness as a Psychosomatic Response to Trauma Literature about psychosomatic illnesses enumerates many disconcerting and disruptive physiological responses. However, rarely is there a PTSD response as profound as complete blockage of one of the five senses, ie; becoming deaf as a result of a traumatic incident. But it makes great copy, and provides a convenient explanation as to why an actor needn't learn sign language! The rock group The Who recorded Tommy in 1968, inaugurating an exciting and groundbreaking new musical genre – the rock opera. The film adaptation, directed by Ken Russell, was released in 1975. In an ironic twist for a rock extravaganza, the hero of the story is a ‘deaf, dumb, and blind kid.’ Tommy Johnson becomes deaf when he witnesses the murder of his father at the hands of his step-father and complicit mother. From that moment on, he is deaf and blind. When he grows up, he establishes a cult religion of inner vision and self-discovery. Another film in this category is Psych Out. Deafness as a Metaphor Hearing loss does not necessarily mean complete deafness and/or lack of vocalization. Yet, the general public tends to assume that there is utter silence, complete muteness, and the inability to verbalize anything at all. These assumptions provide a rich breeding ground for a deaf character to personify isolation, disenfranchisement, and/or avoidance of the harsher side of life. The deafness of a character can also serve as a hearing character’s nemesis. Mr. Holland’s Opus (1995) chronicles much of the adult life of a beleaguered man named Glenn Holland whose fondest dream is to compose a grand piece of orchestral music. To make ends meet he must teach band and orchestra to apparently disinterested and often untalented students in a public school. His golden son (named Cole, in honor of the jazz great John Coltrane) is discovered to be deaf. Glenn’s music can’t be born, and now his son is born without music. He will never be able to share his passion with his child. He learns just a little bit of sign, is dismissive of the boy’s dreams, and drifts further away from his family to settle into a puddle of bitterness, regrets, and unfulfilled desires. John Lennon’s death provides the catalyst for Cole’s confrontation with Glenn, forcing the father to understand that the gulf between them is an artificial one, perpetuated by the unwillingness to try. Any other disability could not have had the same effect in this story. Other films in this category include: Ramblin’ RoseBabelThe Heart Is a Lonely HunterA Code Unkown Deafness as a Symbolic Commentary on Society Sometimes films show deafness in a different country, during another era, and audiences receive a fictionalized representation of what life might have been like before these more enlightened times. The inability to hear and/or speak can also represent the more generalized powerlessness that a culture or a society’s disenfranchised experience. The Chinese masterpiece To Live (1994) provides historical and political reasons for Fenxi’s deafness—her father was a political prisoner whose prolonged absence brought hardship and untended illness. Later, the chaotic political situation which resulted in a lack of qualified doctors led to her death. In between these scenes the audience sees how her parents arrange a marriage with another ‘handicapped’ comrade of the town. Those citizens deemed to be crippled or outcast have different overt rights and treatment. The 1996 film Illtown presents the character of a very young teenage boy to represent the powerlessness of youth in America. David has absolutely no say in where he can live, with whom he can live, and the decisions made all around him. When he is apprehended after a stolen car chase, his frustration at his and all of his generation’s predicament in the face of a crumbling world is pounded out on the steering wheel as the police cars circle him. He is caged, and without the ability to communicate. Were he to have a voice, the overall sense of the film and his situation is that he would be misunderstood anyway. Other films in this category include: Stille Liebe (Germany)RidiculeIn the Company of Men Let Your Fingers Do the ‘Talking’ I use this heading to describe films where sign language is used by a deaf character to express something that a main hearing character can’t (or won’t) self-generate. It is a clever device which employs a silent language to create a communication symbiosis: Someone asks a hearing person who knows sign what that deaf person just said, and the hearing person must voice what he or she truly feels, and yet is unable to express voluntarily. The deaf person is capable of expressing the feeling, but must rely upon the hearing person to disseminate the message. And so, the words do emanate from the mouth of the person who means them, albeit self-consciously, unwillingly. Jerry Maguire (1996) provides a signed foreshadowing of character metamorphosis and development, which is then voiced for the hearing audience. Jerry and Dorothy have just met, resigned from their jobs in solidarity and rebellion, and then step into an elevator to begin a new phase of their lives. Their body language identifies them as separate, disconnected, and heavily emotionally fortified. An amorous deaf couple enters the elevator and Dorothy translates the deaf man’s signs as, ‘You complete me.’ The sentiment is strong and a glaring contrast to Jerry and Dorothy’s present dynamic. In the end, Jerry repeats this exact phrase to her, and means it with all his heart. We are all made aware of just how far they have traveled emotionally. They have become the couple in the elevator. Other films in this category include: Four Weddings and a FuneralKnowing Conclusion This has been a cursory glance at examining the narrative raison d’etre for the presence of a deaf character in story lines where no discussion of deafness is articulated. A film’s plot may necessitate hearing-impairment or deafness to successfully execute certain gimmickry, provide a sense of danger, or relational tension. The underlying themes and motifs may revolve around loneliness, alienation, or outwardly imposed solitude. The character may have a subconscious desire to literally shut out the world of sound. The properties of sign language itself can be exploited for subtle, undetectable conversations to assure the safety of hearing characters. Deaf people have lived during all times, in all places, and historical films can portray a slice of what their lives may have been like. I hope readers will become more aware of deaf characters on the screen, and formulate more theories as to where they fit in the literary/narrative schema. ReferencesMaltin, Leonard. Leonard Maltin’s 2009 Movie Guide. Penguin Group, 2008.Shuchman, John S. Hollywood Speaks. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988. Filmography Babel. Dir. Alejandro Gonzalez Inarritu. Central Films, 2006. DVD. Bangkok Dangerous. Dir. Pang Brothers. Film Bangkok, 1999. VHS. Beyond Silence. Dir. Caroline Link. Miramax Films, 1998. DVD. Children of a Lesser God. Dir. Randa Haines. Paramount Pictures, 1985. DVD. A Code Unknown. Dir. Michael Heneke. MK2 Editions, 2000. DVD. Compensation. Dir. Zeinabu Irene Davis. Wimmin with a Mission Productions, 1999. VHS. Crazy Moon. Dir. Allan Eastman. Allegro Films, 1987. VHS. The Family Stone. Dir. Mike Bezucha. 20th Century Fox, 2005. DVD. Four Weddings and a Funeral. Dir. Mike Newell. Polygram Film Entertainment, 1994. DVD. Gas, Food, Lodging. Dir. Allison Anders. IRS Media, 1992. DVD. The Good Shepherd. Dir. Robert De Niro. Morgan Creek, TriBeCa Productions, American Zoetrope, 2006. DVD. Grand Canyon. Dir. Lawrence Kasdan, Meg Kasdan. 20th Century Fox, 1991. DVD. Hear No Evil. Dir. Robert Greenwald. 20th Century Fox, 1993. DVD. The Heart Is a Lonely Hunter. Dir. Robert Ellis Miller. Warner Brothers, 1968. DVD. Huck Finn. Stephen Sommers. Walt Disney Pictures, 1993. VHS. I Don’t Want to Talk about It. Dir. Maria Luisa Bemberg. Mojame Productions, 1994. DVD. Knowing. Dir. Alex Proyas. Escape Artists, 2009. DVD. Illtown. Dir. Nick Gomez. 1998. VHS. In the Company of Men. Dir. Neil LaBute. Alliance Atlantis Communications,1997. DVD. It’s a Wonderful Life. Dir. Frank Capra. RKO Pictures, 1947. DVD. Jerry Maguire. Dir. Cameron Crowe. TriSTar Pictures, 1996. DVD. Johnny Belinda. Dir. Jean Nagalesco. Warner Brothers Pictures, 1948. DVD. Kung Fu Hustle. Dir. Stephen Chow. Film Production Asia, 2004. DVD. Liar, Liar. Dir. Tom Shadyac. Universal Pictures, 1997. DVD. Looking for Mr. Goodbar. Dir. Richard Brooks. Paramount Miracle on 34th Street. Dir. Les Mayfield. 20th Century Fox, 1994. DVD. Mr. Holland’s Opus. Dir. Stephen Hereck. Hollywood Pictures, 1996. DVD Murder by Death. Dir. Robert Moore. Columbia Pictures, 1976. VHS. Nashville. Dir. Robert Altman. 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Introduction Tiffany and Co. is an American luxury jewellery and specialty retailer with its headquarters in New York City. Each piece of jewellery, symbolically packaged in a blue box and tied with a white bow, encapsulates the brand’s unique diamond pieces, symbolic origin story, branded historical contributions and representations in culture. Cultural brands are those that live and thrive in the minds of consumers (Holt). Their brand promise inspires loyalty and trust. These brands offer experiences, products, and personalities and spark emotional connotations within consumers (Arvidsson). This case study uses Tiffany & Co. as a successful example to reveal the importance of understanding consumers, the influential nature of media culture, and the efficacy of strategic branding, advertising, and marketing over time (Holt). It also reveals how Tiffany & Co. earned and maintained its place as an iconic cultural brand within consumer culture, through its strong association with New York and products from abroad. Through its trademarked logo and authentic luxury jewellery, encompassed in the globally recognised “Tiffany Blue” boxes, Tiffany & Co.’s cultural significance stems from its embodiment of the expected makings of a brand (Chernatony et al.). However, what propels this brand into what Douglas Holt terms “iconic territory” is that in its one hundred and seventy-nine years of existence, Tiffany’s has lived exclusively in the minds of its consumers.Tiffany & Co.’s intuitive prowess in reaching its target audience is what allows it to dominate the luxury jewellery market (Halasz et al.). This is not only a result of product value, but the alluring nature of the “Tiffany's from New York” brand imagery and experience (Holt et al.), circulated and celebrated in consumer culture through influential depictions in music, film and literature over time (Knight). Tiffany’s faithfully participates in the magnetic identity myth embodied by the brand and city, and has become globally sought after by consumers near and far, and recognised for its romantic connotations of love, luxury, and New York (Holt). An American Dream: New York Affiliation & Diamond OriginsIt was Truman Capote’s characterisation of Holly Golightly in his book (1958) and film adaption, Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961) that introduced the world to New York as the infatuating “setting,” upon which the Tiffany’s diamond rested. It was a place, that enabled the iconic Holly Golightly to personify the feeling of being abroad in New York and to demonstrate the seductive nature of a Tiffany’s store experience, further shaping the identity myth encompassed by the brand and the city for their global audience (Holt). Essentially, New York was the influential cultural instigator that propelled Tiffany & Co. from a consumer product, to a cultural icon. It did this by circulating its iconography via celebrity affiliations and representations in music, film, and literature (Knight), and by guiding strong brand associations in the minds of consumers (Arvidsson). However, before Tiffany’s became culturally iconic, it established its place in American heritage through historical contributions (Tiffany & Co.) and pledged an association to New York by personifying the American Dream (Mae). To help achieve his dream in a rapidly evolving economy (Elliott), Charles Lewis Tiffany purportedly brought the first substantial gemstones into America from overseas, and established the first American jewellery store to sell them to the public (Halasz et al.). The Tiffany & Co. origin story personifies the alluring nature of products from abroad, and their influence on individuals seeking an image of affluence for themselves. The ties between New York, Tiffany’s, and its consumers were further strengthened through the established, invaluable and emblematic nature of the diamond, historically launched and controlled by South African Diamond Cartel of De Beers (Twitchell). De Beers manipulated the demand for diamonds and instigated it as a status symbol. It then became a commoditised measurement of an individual’s worth and potential to love (Twitchell), a philosophy, also infused in the Tiffany & Co. brand ideology (Holt). Building on this, Tiffany’s further ritualised the justification of the material symbolisation of love through the idealistic connotations surrounding its assorted diamond ring experiences (Lee). This was projected through a strategic product placement and targeted advertising scheme, evident in dominant culture throughout the brand’s existence (Twitchell). Idealistically discussed by Purinton, this is also what exemplified, for consumers, the enticing cultural symbolism of the crystal rock from New York (Halasz et al.). Brand Essence: Experience & Iconography Prior to pop culture portraying the charming Tiffany’s brand imagery in mainstream media (Balmer et al.), Charles Tiffany directed the company’s ascent into luxury jewellery (Phillips et al.), fashioned the enticing Tiffany’s “store experience”, and initiated the experiential process of purchasing a diamond product. This immediately intertwined the imagery of Tiffany’s with New York, instigating the exclusivity of the experience for consumers (Holt). Tiffany’s provided customers with the opportunity to participate in an intricately branded journey, resulting in the diamond embodiment which declared their love most accurately; a token, packaged and presented within an iconic “Tiffany Blue” box (Klara). Aligning with Keller’s branding blueprint (7), this interactive process enabled Tiffany & Co. to build brand loyalty by consistently connecting with each of its consumers, regardless of their location in the world. The iconography of the coveted “blue box” was crafted when Charles Tiffany trademarked the shade Pantone No. 1837 (Osborne), which he coined for the year of Tiffany’s founding (Klara). Along with the brand promise of containing quality luxury jewellery, the box and that particular shade of blue instantly became a symbol of exclusivity, sophistication, and elegance, as it could only be acquired by purchasing jewellery from a Tiffany’s store (Rawlings). The exclusive packaging began to shape Tiffany’s global brand image, becoming a signifier of style and superiority (Phillips et al.), and eventually just as iconic as the jewellery itself. The blue box is still the strongest signifier of the brand today (Osborne). Ultimately, individuals want to participate in the myth of love, perfection and wealth (Arvidsson), encompassed exclusively by every Tiffany’s “blue box”. Furthermore, Tiffany’s has remained artistically significant within the luxury jewellery landscape since introducing its one-of-a-kind Tiffany Setting in 1886. It was the first jewellery store to fully maximise the potential of the natural beauty possessed of diamonds, while connotatively reflecting the natural beauty of every wearer (Phillips et al.). According to Jeffrey Bennett, the current Vice President of Tiffany & Co. New York, by precisely perching the “Tiffany Diamond” upon six intricately crafted silver prongs, the ring shines to its maximum capacity in a lit environment, while being closely secured to the wearer’s finger (Lee). Hence, the “Tiffany Setting” has become a universally sought after icon of extravagance and intricacy (Knight), and, as Bennett further describes, even today, the setting represents uncompromising quality and is a standard image of true love (Lee). Alluring Brand Imagery & Influential Representations in CultureEmpirical consumer research, involving two focus groups of married and unmarried, ethnically diverse Australian women and conducted in 2015, revealed that even today, individuals accredit their desire for Tiffany’s to the inspirational imagery portrayed in music, movies and television. Through participating in the Tiffany's from New York store experience, consumers are able to indulge in their fantasies of what it would feel like to be abroad and the endless potential a city such as New York could hold for them. Tiffany’s successfully disseminated its brand ideology into consumer culture (Purinton) and extended the brand’s significance for consumers beyond the 1960s through constant representation of the expensive business of love, lust and marriage within media culture. This is demonstrated in such films as Gentlemen Prefer Blondes (1953), Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961), Sleepless in Seattle (1993), Legally Blonde (2001), Sweet Home Alabama (2002), The Great Gatsby (2013), and in the influential television shows, Gossip Girl (2007—2012), and Glee (2009—2015).The most important of these was the film Breakfast at Tiffany’s (1961), and the iconic embodiment of Capote’s (1958) Holly Golightly by actress Audrey Hepburn (Wasson). Hepburn’s (1961) portrayal of the emotionally evocative connotations of experiencing Tiffany’s in New York, as personified by her romantic dialogue throughout the film (Mae), produced the image that nothing bad could ever happen at a Tiffany’s store. Thus began the Tiffany’s from New York cultural phenomenon, which has been consistently reiterated in popular media culture ever since.Breakfast at Tiffany’s also represented a greater struggle faced by women in the 1960s (Dutt); that of gender roles, women’s place in society, and their desire for stability and freedom simultaneously (Sheehan). Due to Hepburn’s accurate characterisation of this struggle, the film enabled Tiffany & Co. to become more than just jewellery and a symbol of support (Torelli). Tiffany’s also allowed filming to take place inside its New York flagship store to which Capote’s narrative so idealistically alludes, further demonstrating its support for the 1960s women’s movement at an opportune moment in history (Torelli). Hence, Tiffany’s from New York became a symbol for the independent materialistic modern woman (Wasson), an ideal, which has become a repeated motif, re-imagined and embodied by popular icons (Knight) such as, Madonna in Material Girl (1985), and the characterisations of Carrie Bradshaw by Sarah Jessica Parker, Charlotte York by Kristin Davis (Sex and the City), and Donna Paulsen by Sarah Rafferty (Suits). The iconic television series Sex and the City, set in New York, boldly represented Tiffany’s as a symbol of friendship when a fellow female protagonist parted with her lavish Tiffany’s engagement ring to help her friend financially (Sex and the City). This was similarly reimagined in the popular television series Suits, also set in New York, where a protagonist is gifted two Tiffany Boxes from her female friend, as a token of congratulations on her engagement. This allowed Tiffany & Co. to add friendship to its symbolic repertoire (Manning), whilst still personifying a symbol of love in the minds of its consumers who were tactically also the target audiences of these television shows (Wharton).The alluring Tiffany’s image was presented specifically to a male audience through the first iconic Bond Girl named Tiffany Case in the novel Diamonds Are Forever (Fleming). The film adaption made its cultural imprint in 1971 with Sean Connery portraying James Bond, and paired the exaggerated brand of “007” with the evocative imagery of Tiffany’s (Spilski et al.). This served as a reminder to existing audiences about the powerful and seductive connotations of the blue box with the white ribbon (Osborne), as depicted by the enticing Tiffany Case in 1956.Furthermore, the Tiffany’s image was similarly established as a lyrical status symbol of wealth and indulgence (Knight). Portrayed most memorably by Marilyn Monroe’s iconic performance of Diamonds Are a Girl’s Best Friend (Gentlemen Prefer Blondes). Even though the song only mentions Tiffany’s lyrically twice (Vito et al.), through the celebrity affiliation, Monroe was introduced as a credible embodiment of Tiffany’s brand essence (Davis). Consequently, she permanently attached her image to that of the alluring Tiffany Diamonds for the target audience, male and female, past and present (Vito et al.). Exactly thirty-two years later, Monroe’s 1953 depiction was reinforced in consumer culture (Wharton) through an uncanny aesthetic and lyrical reimagining of the original performance by Madonna in her music video Material Girl (1985). This further preserved and familiarised the Tiffany’s image of glamour, luxury and beauty by implanting it in the minds of a new generation (Knight). Despite the shift in celebrity affiliation to a current cultural communicator (Arvidsson), the influential image of the Tiffany Diamond remains constant and Tiffany’s has maintained its place as a popular signifier of affluence and elegance in mainstream consumer culture (Jansson). The main difference, however, between Monroe’s and Madonna’s depictions is that Madonna aspired to be associated with the Tiffany’s brand image because of her appreciation for Marilyn Monroe and her brand image, which also intrinsically exuded beauty, money and glamour (Vito et al.). This suggests that even a musical icon like Madonna was influenced by Tiffany & Co.’s hold on consumer culture (Spilski et al.), and was able to inject the same ideals into her own loyal fan base (Fill). It is evident that Tiffany & Co. is thoroughly in tune with its target market and understands the relevant routes into the minds of its consumers. Kotler (113) identifies that the brand has demonstrated the ability to reach its separate audiences simultaneously, with an image that resonates with them on different levels (Manning). For example, Tiffany & Co. created the jewellery that featured in Baz Luhrmann’s 2013 cinematic adaption of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s novel, The Great Gatsby (1925). Through representing a signifier of love and lust induced by monetary possessions (Fitzgerald), Tiffany’s truthfully portrayed its own brand image and persuaded audiences to associate the brand with these ideals (Holt). By illustrating the romantic, alluring and powerful symbolism of giving or obtaining love, armed with a Tiffany’s Diamond (Mae), Tiffany’s validated its timeless, historical and cultural contemporary relevance (Greene).This was also most recently depicted through Tiffany & Co.’s Will You (2015) advertising campaign. The brand demonstrated its support for marriage equality, by featuring a real life same-sex couple to symbolise that love is not conditional and that Tiffany’s has something that signifies every relationship (Dicker). Thus, because of the brand’s rooted place in central media culture and the ability to appeal to the belief system of its target market while evolving with, and understanding its consumers on a level of metonymy (Manning), Tiffany & Co. has transitioned from a consumer product to a culturally relevant and globally sought-after iconic brand (Holt). ConclusionTiffany & Co.’s place-based association and representational reflection in music, film, and literature, assisted in the formation of loyal global communities that thrive on the identity building side effects associated with luxury brand affiliation (Banet-Weiser et al.). Tiffany’s enables its global target market to revel in the shared meanings surrounding the brand, by signifying a symbolic construct that resonates with consumers (Hall). Tiffany’s inspires consumers to eagerly exercise their brand trust and loyalty by independently ritualising the Tiffany’s from New York brand experience for themselves and the ones they love (Fill). Essentially, Tiffany & Co. successfully established its place in society and strengthened its ties to New York, through targeted promotions and iconographic brand dissemination (Nita).Furthermore, by ritualistically positioning the brand (Holt), surrounding and saturating it in existing cultural practices, supporting significant cultural actions and becoming a symbol of wealth, luxury, commitment, love and exclusivity (Phillips et al.), Tiffany’s has steadily built a positive brand association and desire in the minds of consumers near and far (Keller). As a direct result, Tiffany’s earned and kept its place as a culturally progressive brand in New York and around the world, sustaining its influence and ensuring its survival in today’s contemporary consumer society (Holt).Most importantly, however, although New York has become the anchor in every geographically exemplified Tiffany’s store experience in literature, New York has also become the allegorical anchor in the minds of consumers in actuality (Arvidsson). Hence, Tiffany & Co. has catered to the needs of its global target audience by providing it with convenient local stores abroad, where their love can be personified by purchasing a Tiffany Diamond, the ultimate symbol of authentic commitment, and where they can always experience an allusive piece of New York. ReferencesArvidsson, Adam. Brands: Meaning and Value in Media Culture. New York: Routledge, 2006.Balmer, John M.T., Stephen A. 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IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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