Journal articles on the topic 'Music record business'

This article assesses the claims of exploitation leveled against mid-twentieth-century Jewish record company owners, focusing on Herman Lubinsky and his Savoy Records. Lubinsky faced a highly competitive economic climate as the commercial popularity of jazz waned in the 1950s. By attending solely to the few record company owners who became successful, and treating favorably those with noticeable appreciation for the music or the musicians, historians have mischaracterized owners, like Lubinsky, who prioritized risk management in their business ventures.

The affiliation between film and music is the cornerstone of modern entertainment industry synergy. This article examines one of the key chapters in that relationship: the period in the 1950s during which the major studios entered the record business. Ostensibly designed to capitalise on the emerging film soundtrack market, the flurry of mergers, acquisitions and the establishment of new record labels coincided with the rise of rock‘n’ roll and the explosion of the market for recorded popular music. The studios quickly found that in order to keep their record labels afloat, they needed to establish a foothold in popular music. The processes by which they achieved this transformed the marketing of recorded music, sparking a period of unprecedented commercial success for the record industry in the late 1960s. Simultaneously, from these record subsidiaries Hollywood learned how to market cinema to a youth audience, heralding the arrival of ‘New Hollywood’.

Radio and the recording business have, since the beginning of the last century, had a profound impact upon existing musical life whenever and wherever they have decisively and irreversibly established themselves. Their arrival restructures and redefines the social relations of music in many aspects of its production, performance and reception. Radio and recording technologies have had a significant impact on the livelihoods of all those who one way or another try to make a living from music (composers, performers and - in Europe - publishers, for instance). Performance itself is transformed as new norms are set in place which call for new levels of technique and interpretation. Finally the conditions of musical reception are reconfigured and new `taste publics' emerge, potentially in conflict with each other, as musical life is totalised into a new and complex unity.

For many years, the music industry has consisted of two main components: the concert industry and the recording music industry. Throughout the 80s and 90s, thanks mostly to CD sales, the recording music industry was dominant in terms of revenue and visibility. It reached record US sales in 1999 and 2000 (over $14.3 billion in 2000, $13.2 billion of which for CD albums), and between the years 2000 and 2007, the industry has seen a decline of 44% in its sales of physical records. Reluctantly, the recording industry has joined the digital world by signing agreements with a variety of organizations providing music downloading, in particular with Apple and its iTunes downloading service. It earned 1.4 billion dollars from music downloading in 2007 (with another billion from other digital sales such a cellular phone ringtones). Obviously, digital sales have fallen short of compensating the industry for its losses of physical record sales. The concert industry is re-emerging as the potential dominant component of the music industry. In contrast to the recording industry, its revenues have not been affected by illegal Internet downloading. On the contrary, it is making use of the Internet to increase them. Recording artists are taking advantage of the weakening of the recording labels and of the opportunities offered by the Internet to loosen their dependence on the labels. Finally, the once well-defined separation between the concert industry and the recording industry may be disappearing: concert organizers are getting into the recording business and majors are getting into the concert business.

For the music industry the age of manufacture is now over. Companies (and company profits) are no longer organised around making things but depend on the creation of rights. In the industry's own jargon, each piece of music represents ‘a basket of rights’; the company task is to exploit as many of these rights as possible, not just those realised when it is sold in recorded form to the public, but also those realised when it is broadcast on radio or television, used on a film, commercial or video soundtrack, and so on. Musical rights (copyrights, performing rights) are the basic pop commodity and to understand the music business in the 1980s we have to understand how these rights work. In this article, then, I begin and end with record companies' uses of copyright law and ideology to defend themselves against current technological and political threats to income, but I also want to ask questions about how the law itself defines music and determines the possibilities of musical ‘exploitation’. And this means putting contemporary arguments (for and against the blank tape levy, for example) in historical perspective.

The emergence and development of online music have brought a great update to traditional music industrial value chain. As consumers know, record sales, media dissemination, and peripheral income like concerts are three major sources of income of traditional music industry. Compared with that, the music industry now possesses an extensive consumer group, a new growth point, and a new development direction. Meanwhile, as laws and business rules of online music industry improving, the new online music business model need to be established. Based on value chain theory, this article sets up a brand new online music business model and analyzes the operation strategy, and services mode of the business model applying internet thinking.

The record industry in the United States was controlled until the 1950s by a half dozen major companies, which produced music directed primarily toward the white middle class. The following article uses the history of Ace Records, a small, regional, independent company, to examine the nature of the record industry in the 1950s and 1960s. The article explains the shifts in demography and technology that made possible the growth of the independents, as well as the obstacles and events that made their demise more likely. It also traces the changes that such companies, by recording and promoting rhythm and blues and early rock ‘n’ roll, introduced to the cultural mainstream.

In the American record industry, independent record companies have long held a cultural status that far exceeds the actual economic impact they have in the market-place. Independent record companies, or ‘indies’, have become understood as innovative and creative oases for new or unconventional musicians in the midst of a capital-driven and profit-oriented record business. The development of a wide range of musical genres and styles – from rhythm and blues and soul to punk and industrial – are often attributed to the small companies that operated outside of the control of the larger ‘major’ labels.

The business model for musicians relies on selling recorded music and selling concert tickets. Traditionally, demand for one format (e.g., concerts) would stimulate demand for the other format (e.g., recorded music) and vice versa, leading to an upward demand spiral. However, the market for recorded music is under pressure due to piracy and the unbundling of albums, which also entail threats for the traditional demand spiral. Despite the fundamental importance of recorded music and live concerts for the multibillion-dollar music industry, no prior research has studied their dynamic interplay. This study fills this void by developing new theory on how piracy, unbundling, artist fame, and music quality affect dynamic cross-format elasticities between record demand and concert demand. The theory is tested with a unique data set covering weekly concert and recorded music revenues for close to 400 artists across more than six years in the world's third-largest music market, Germany. The cross-format elasticity of record on concert revenue is much stronger than the reverse elasticity of concert on record revenue. The results show the key role of piracy, unbundling, and artist characteristics on these cross-format elasticities, which have implications for the business model of the music industry.

Music video has become an increasingly integral component of the music recording business over the past three decades. Major US record companies with international divisions have made music clips since the 1970s to promote their acts in the UK and continental Europe where television shows were a more important form of promotion for recording artists. However, record labels did not make a full commitment to music clips until after the premiere of MTV in August 1981 as a 24-hour US cable programme service presenting an endless stream of music videos. As MTV's popularity blossomed in the early 1980s, music video revitalised a troubled record industry suffering a prolonged recession by prompting renewed consumer interest in pop music and successfully developing several new recording acts like Madonna, Cyndi Lauper and Boy George with provocative visual images.

The intervention of digital service providers (DSPs) or platforms, such as Spotify Apple Music and Tidal, that supply streamed music has fundamentally altered the operation of copyright management organisations (CMOs) and the way song-writers and recording artists are paid. Platform economics has emerged from the economic analysis of two- and multi-sided markets, offering new insights into the way business is conducted in the digital sphere and is applied here to music streaming services. The business model for music streaming differs from previous arrangements by which the royalty paid to song-writers and performers was a percentage of sales. In the case of streamed music, payment is based on revenues from both subscriptions and ad-based free services. The DSP agrees a rate per stream with the various rights holders that varies according to the deal made with each of the major record labels, with CMOs, with representatives of independent labels and with unsigned artists and song-writers with consequences for artists’ earnings. The article discusses these various strands with a view to understanding royalty payments for streamed music in terms of platform economics, offering some data and information from the Norwegian music industry to give empirical support to the analysis.

John Playford dominated the commercial music publishing trade of mid-seventeenth-century England, encouraging musical literacy and supplying beginner books for the growing domestic amateur musical class. Playford was clearly aware of the need to attract as many customers as possible in order to succeed in a commercial business; however, very little is known about his customers. This article identifies the contemporary audiences of seventeenth-century English printed music books, building on previous scholarship including Alec Hyatt King’s Some British Collectors of Music c. 1600–1900 (1963), and provides an initial record of provenance marks in surviving copies of the publications. Placing the printed book and its customer within the wider context of music-making and bookselling in seventeenth-century England develops our understanding of the social dimensions of the printed music trade, including dissemination and distribution networks.

The contemporary retail landscape is in flux, and there is a growing perception that shopping at bricks and mortar stores is more expensive and time-consuming than shopping online. For music, illegal downloading and streaming have restructured the retail landscape and put thousands of record shops out of business. Yet, some retailers remain attractive consumption spaces. Drawing on a qualitative case study of independent record shops in Stockholm, this article considers three value-creating strategies that sustain these physical retailers in the digital age: cultivating in-store consumer experiences, creating value through curation, and tapping into global markets by going online.

This exploratory research utilised the Lumpkin and Dess (1996) Entrepreneurial Orientation (EO) construct, as a means of characterising the extent to which Australian music recording companies were entrepreneurial. Utilising the five EO dimensions, the study found those record companies that had a moderate to high entrepreneurial rating tended to be high export performers. Best practice companies were identified and a profile of some key export success factors developed. Overall, this study provides a sound starting point for business practitioners wanting to review the impact of their entrepreneurial orientation in an international setting.

This case study examines Beats by Dr. Dre on how to infuse the entrepreneurial spirit in today’s college students, given the backdrop of hip-hop culture. In more than 10 years, the legendary music record producer Jimmy Iovine and hip-hop icon Dr. Dre has turned a small subculture success into a multibillion-dollar business. With that growth of Beats by Dre, there are opportunities for universities to learn from this company. Through the lens of hip-hop, readers can observe the characteristics of effective entrepreneurship, which is essential for success in the business world. The result of this investigation is significant because the results can better assist scholars and practitioners on how to inject the entrepreneurial mind-set in young business professionals.

This article explores the design strategies of four record labels associated with the growth of an explicitly far-right sub-genre of punk in the United Kingdom between 1979 and the early 2000s: Rock-O-Rama Records, White Noise Records, Rebelles Européens and ISD Records. While Rock-O-Rama saw the inclusion of the genre as simply an extension of their existing business model, the other labels were established specifically to support the activities of a small number of explicitly far-right groups who were blacklisted by mainstream producers and distributors within the music industry. These labels were also able to develop independent, do-it-yourself approaches to marketing, promotion and distribution that bear striking similarity to other sub-genres of punk and post-punk in the United Kingdom and Europe, particularly the politically activist hardcore and anarcho-punk scenes. Earlier examples of record covers that employed ambiguous visual metaphors to evoke a mythical Aryan identity were eventually superseded by the emergence of a more extreme form of visual communication that utilized overtly racist images alongside symbols with specific coded meanings to demonstrate a commitment to the white nationalist cause. These visual strategies were to become more explicit as far-right punk scenes moved to embrace fascist ideologies in the 1990s and beyond, as connotations of brotherhood, persecution, endurance, Norse mythology and the nation eventually gave way to direct calls-to-arms and pledges of allegiance with White Power and neo-Nazi terrorist groups.

Recountings of the Washington, DC punk rock scene’s history often start with the founding of Dischord Records in 1980 and focus on the subsequent ascent of Dischord co-owner Ian MacKaye’s bands like Minor Threat and Fugazi. As seminal as Dischord remains in the narrative of DC punk ‐ a community still thriving today ‐ the years just prior to the label’s founding generated the scene’s true incunabula. Beginning with the self-released debut EP from the Slickee Boys in 1976, this first wave of DC bands ‐ also including Razz, Nurses, White Boy and others ‐ combined elements of art rock, surf, proto-punk, pub rock and power pop together to craft a protean version of punk that embraced eccentricity and humour, serving as the city’s own defiant rebuke of the staid state of 1970s rock music. No record label was more central to the nascent punk scene in DC than Limp Records. Operated by Skip Groff, Limp provided the punk community with its first proper record label. Rather than a label that centred around the efforts of a single band ‐ as most other new DC punk labels did ‐ Limp issued singles for several groups, collaborating with the fledgling Dacoit and O’Rourke labels to co-release defining singles for the Slickee Boys and Razz. DC punk would not have taken shape the way it did without Groff’s efforts, particularly considering his connections with bands like Bad Brains and the Slickee Boys and his musical and entrepreneurial influence on local teenage punks like MacKaye, Jeff Nelson and Henry Rollins. This article is a history of DC punk record labels from 1976 to 1980 and seeks to establish this overshadowed era of the scene as one of the most critical in the community’s 43-year existence. Considering the outsize influence the DC scene ultimately had on punk culture ‐ whether through the eponymous clean living philosophy inspired by the Minor Threat song ‘Straight Edge’, the unwaveringly independent business model of Dischord or the pacesetting music reliably turned out each decade by participants in the scene ‐ the impact of Groff and his first wave DC punk peers must be acknowledged.

Learning outcomes The learning outcomes of this case are product innovation, the importance of consumer insights and data in marketing and the role of consumer insights in brand revival. Case overview/synopsis This case study is a fascinating look into how the shift from music compact disc (CDs) to streaming has completely changed consumer behavior. This change in attitude led many music labels down one of two paths as follows: shutting down the business or embracing new business models. The case study aims to bring out essential learning from a company, Saregama, that was on the verge of shutting down because of the losses incurred with the shift in consumer behavior from buying music CDs to streaming music for free on every smart device. This shift led most record companies to become shuttered. However, not all were as fortunate as Saregama, who threaded its way toward profitability. This case analyzes how Saregama turned from a loss-making business unit into a profit center by launching a breakthrough product backed by innovative thinking and strong consumer research. The researcher opted for secondary research based on reports from Deloitte and McKinsey & Company and other credible sources to understand the music streaming market in India. The study also includes excerpts from the interview of Vikram Mehra (MD of Saregama India Ltd.) to various media houses and customer reviews on e-commerce sites. Complexity academic level The case is relevant for learners studying for an undergraduate or graduate program and for discussions for modules such as marketing management and international marketing with a focus on product development and strategy. Applicability the case will provide the following exposure to the learners: the difference between corporate and marketing objectives; Using frameworks such as valuable, rare, inimitable, and organization and SAP-LAP to understand the rationale behind strategic decisions; An understanding of the importance of listening to consumers; Using the right marketing elements such as segmentation, targeting and positioning and marketing mix for a competitive marketing strategy. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS: 8 Marketing.

The article examines the rapidly developing area of blockchain finance as a potential opportunity for new creative ventures to obtain external investment funding and generate revenues. We focus on the music industry, as an example of how alternative Internet-based finance utilizing blockchain could provide opportunities for start-up funding and ongoing revenue streams. Our pioneering pilot research findings are drawn from literature review and emerging case studies, and are grounded in the academic literature of start-up funding gaps. Although some expect blockchain technology to remove intermediaries, facilitating a direct relationship between artist and fan, initial findings are that intermediation in some form will remain. The article’s central focus is the crucial emerging role of these facilitator organizations – the new breed of financial intermediaries or ‘infomediaries’. We examine this evolving process through adoption and development of financial intermediation theory, exploring the wider financial intermediary concept of incubators and accelerators as expert investors and promoters of new and very early-stage ventures – including artists. The article poses the question of whether blockchain technology offers a new, more cooperative approach for creative ventures, or merely the reinvention of existing corporate structures, for instance, the three major record labels that currently dominate recorded music. The article identifies four possible paths for the adoption of blockchain technology within the music industry, ranging from the anarcho-libertarian to the corporate and from the ‘utopian’ to the ‘dystopian’.

In the article the described sphere of musical work is musically-computer technologies as a result of process of informatization, that is conditioned by mushroom growth of electronic musical instruments from the simplest synthesizers to the powerful musical computers. There was the new interdisciplinary sphere of professional activity, related to creation and application of the specialized musicalhardware and softwarefacilities that require knowledge and abilities both in a musical sphere, and in area of informatics. Such basic directions of introduction of information technologies are certain in music: the use in scientific researches, organization of academic association and work with a musical inheritance. Many-sided nature, global applicability of electronic and computer music, give new, essentially, boundless possibilities of self-realization, stimulate swift development of intellect, destroying music on a new level.Compatibility of electronic music with traditional musical technologies creates terms for the succession of musical epochs and styles, their interpenetration and synthesis, strengthening interest in a musical culture on the whole. Success with the modern use of the similar systems lies in integration of all computer possibilities. Investigating history of becoming of digital music, influence of MIDI- of technologies is described, as leading direction in a computer musical studio. MIDI- technology gave possibility to recreate a voice record in any rate and in any key, vocalists and bandsmen got possibility to conduct even independent employments after accompaniment and to do the detailed analysis of piece of music, that does irreplaceable the marked technology in musical educational establishments. Also, principle of transmission of audioinformation is explained for MIDI- of protocol. The marked home achievements of modern composers are in relation to embodiment of computer technologies in a musical art. Feather orientation of work of the Ukrainian composers from withstand general stamps on the deeply personality understanding of sociocultural processes is accompanied by the search of new intellectual senses in music. Influence of digital technologies is analysed onpublishing house of notes business and distribution of electronic editions, that assists distribution of musical information from one side, and from other, requires the specification of matter of authorial law and intellectual property. Advantage of new type ofto printed preparation of musical collections above an old method is undoubted, but the most valuable is seemed by that humanity got around the decision of question of the "unheard" piece of music.

Abstract The Dave Brubeck Quartet's 1958 tour on behalf of the U.S. State Department, part of the grand Cold War project of propagating American-style democracy in opposition to communism, did not advance in an orderly and self-evident manner. Rather it was an extremely contingent enterprise enacted through countless individual actions and statements by a motley assortment of bureaucrats and businessmen, and frequently teetered on the brink of chaos. The story of Brubeck's tour, including its evolution and impact, is complex and multifaceted, involving overlapping and conflicting agendas, governmental secrecy, high-minded idealism, and hard-nosed business. The narrative also raises issues of race and race relations in the context of the Cold War struggle against communism and brings into focus the increasing cultural prestige of jazz and other popular genres worldwide during the period when the ideological premises of the Cold War were being formulated. Thirty years later——in 1988, as the Cold War was waning——the Quartet performed in Moscow at the reciprocal state dinner hosted by President Ronald Reagan for General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev during their fourth summit meeting. The sequence of events leading up to this occasion, including the Quartet's long-anticipated tour of the Soviet Union during the previous year, reveals Brubeck to have been not only a talented musician but a canny entrepreneur as well. By the late 1980s the cultural and political landscape had shifted so dramatically as to be virtually unrecognizable to the Cold Warriors of the 1950s. By all accounts, Brubeck's tours in the 1950s and 1980s were among the most successful of their kind. Though Brubeck attributes their efficacy primarily to the power of an influential idea that came into its own toward the beginning of the Cold War——namely, jazz as democracy——the documentary record makes clear that the impact of his travels involved a multifarious nexus of other factors as well, including reputation, personality, and marketability.

My life is real. So when I hear about an editor asking: What’s up with my output? I’m like: What’s up with you even commenting on my life? Niggas don’t know my life. That’s the bourgeoisie approach that I get offended by because this ain’t no bubble. This ain’t no vacuum we doing this music out of. That’s why people connect to the pain in it. Because it’s real. That’s the part they should respect. These radio hits, these charts, they don’t validate the truth and the message. That’s when I start to be like, “Okay, you ain’t got a record on radio. You ain’t put an album out officially, so you’re an underachiever.” That’s where I get offended because let’s restart this whole situation. The metrics and the gauge of success, and of impact on the culture. It don’t got shit to do with Billboard, it don’t got shit to do with SoundScan. It don’t got shit to do with any of these platforms that the business created. This shit is a culture. This shit is our life. You understand? So in between my projects does it take a year or two, or another artist that live a real life? Does it take them a year to put a project out? Because he wants to retain ownership. He wants to do what they refuse to let you do and that’s control his own destiny. He don’t wanna be exploited by the music industry that been traditionally exploitive to our creators. Then he end up on lists like the Top 25 Underachievers.

Boy bands embody contradictory representations of their own individuality and authenticity and the corporate nature of their genesis and presentation. Boy band members, the impresarios and entrepreneurs behind them, and the producers of television shows about them must contend in their work and relationships with the social and symbolic conventions of their historical moment. In this article I analyse representations of boy bands on the American TV shows The Monkees (1966-8) and Making the Band (2000-) in order to highlight shifts in the ways the performers and production personnel have been represented and have sought to represent themselves. The internal push for legitimacy and autonomy of the young stars of these shows, acting from within a perceived but unstable gap between ‘musician’ and ‘employee’, exists in tension with the external push of TV and music producers, network, record label and marketing departments for rational, predictable products and behaviours that fit within an overall business plan. While the rock ideology of authenticity has lost much of the force it had in the 1960s and change in representational conventions seem to indicate a general acceptance of the overt commercialism of chart-busting pop, this article shows that even within the mainstream flows a strong current of concern over issues of authenticity, legitimacy and autonomy.

AbstractThis research creates a progressive or innovative keroncong rhythm pattern. Keroncong music is one of the musical genres that exist in Indonesia, which is a hybrid music from Javanese (Central Java and Yogyakarta) gamelan music, 'pop' music and Western diatonic orchestras. Keroncong music consists of vocals, ukulele or 'cuk' (derived from Hawai'i), 'cak' (Portugal), flute, violin, cello, and contrabass (instruments derived from Western diatonic orchestral instruments). Since the 1950s until today, the keroncong rhythm pattern has had very little development, so it needs to be developed. There are several rhythm patterns in keroncong music but the ones that are often played are 'engkel' and 'double' rhythm patterns. The aim of this research is to create a progressive keroncong rhythm pattern so that keroncong music is more interesting and it is hoped that it will have more fans. The creation of this progressive rhythm pattern is used in the compositions of the author's Kidung Panyuwun. This study used descriptive and experimental analytical methods with the following steps. First, examine the audio recording, transcribe, analyze, and conclude; second analyzes rhythm patterns on multiple references; the third records (audio-video) a 'standard' rhythm pattern; fourth, exploration of progressive rhythm patterns; the fifth recorded a progressive keroncong rhythm pattern. This research resulted in the creation of several rhythmic patterns and several formulations, namely: 1) the creation of a vertical progressive keroncong rhythm pattern (one-instrument solo, two-instrument solo, three-instrument solo) and 2) the creation of a horizontal progressive keroncong rhythm pattern (two-bar pattern and four-dimensional pattern). time frame). The important thing that has the meaning is the temuah cirikhas or 'ruh' keroncong music as the 'jati diri'.Keywords: rhythm; pattern; keroncong; progressive AbstrakPenelitian ini menciptakan pola irama keroncong progresif atau inovatif. Musik keroncong merupakan salah satu genre musik yang ada di Indonesia merupakan musik hibrid dari karawitan Jawa (Jawa Tengah dan Yogyakarta), musik ‘pop’ dan orkestra diatonis Barat. Musik keroncong terdiri dari vokal, ukulele atau ‘cuk’ (berasal dari Hawai’i), ‘cak’ (Portugal), flute, biola, cello, dan contrabass (merupakan instrumen-instrumen yang berasal dari instrumen orkestra diatonis Barat). Sejak tahun 1950-an sampai hari ini, pola irama keroncong sedikit sekali perkembangannya sehingga perlu dikembangkan. Ada beberapa pola irama dalam musik keroncong tetapi yang sering dimainkan hanya pola irama ‘engkel’ dan ‘dobel’. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menciptakan pola irama keroncong progresif sehingga musik keroncong lebih menarik dan diharapkan lebih banyak penggemarnya. Penciptaan pola irama progresif ini digunakan pada komposisi Kidung Panyuwun ciptaan penulis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analitik deskriptif dan eksperimental dengan lankah-langkah sebagai berikut. Pertama mencermati rekaman audio, mentranskrip, menganalisis, dan menyimpulkan; kedua menganalisis pola irama pada beberapa referensi; ketiga merekam (audio-video) pola irama ‘pakem’; keempat eksplorasi pola irama progresif; kelima merekam pola irama keroncong progresif. Penelitian ini menghasilkan beberapa ciptaan pola irama dan beberapa formulasi, yaitu: 1) penciptaan pola irama keroncong progresif vertikal (solo satu instrumen, solo dua instrumen, solo tiga instrumen) dan 2) penciptaan pola irama keroncong progresif horizontal (pola dua birama dan pola empat birama). Hal penting yang bermakna adalah temuah cirikhas atau’ruh’ musik keroncong sebagai ‘jatidiri’nya.Kata kunci: pola irama; keroncong; progresif

Since Thailand's Copyright Act became law in 1979 an indigenous music industry has emerged. In the past, the small recording business was concentrated on two aspects: the sale of imported records and the manufacture of popular, mainly Lukkroong music, and classical records. However, the organisation of the Association of Music Traders – an immediate reaction to the enforcement of the Copyright law – coupled with the advent of cassette technology, has transformed the faltering gramophone trade. Today, middle-class youngsters appreciate Thai popular music in contrast to the previous generation who grew up with western pop and rock. Young people in the countryside have begun to acquire a taste for the same music as well as enjoy a wider range of Pleng Luktoong, the country music with which they identify. How did this change which has resulted in the creation of a new pleasure industry come about? And what are some of the consequences of this transformation.

Abstract The Archivio Storico Ricordi holds the historical records of one of the most important music publisher of all times. For almost two hundred years, beyond their main business as music publishers, the Ricordis were also impresarios, agents, and cultural organisers, and played a central and unique mediating role within Italian musical life. This role is very well documented by some 30,000 autograph letters addressed to Casa Ricordi by composers, writers, librettists, singers, and conductors, and an impressive and neatly ordered collection of around 600,000 sent letters. The whole collection will be published online bit by bit. The goal of the project is to connect the letters not only with the relevant records of the Ricordi archive (ledgers, contracts, stage designs, scores, pictures...), but also with other music archives over the web.

Trends of changes on the music market in PolandThe music market is a very dynamically growing segment of the worldwide economy. Modern solutions, for example music streaming, cause significant changes in the phonogram distribution process on a world scale. For this reason more and more listeners choose internet platforms, which offer a rich library of records for a subscription fee. The objective of this article is to provide a detailed description of the music market, to present marketing operations carried out by businesses from the music sector and to present results of survey studies on the impact of marketing operations on buyer’s behavior on the music market in Poland. This work is based on primary and secondary research concerned with buyers’ behaviors and a structural analysis of the music market.

Popular culture broadcast from electronic media in this paper is aimed at introdution children to the importance of good moral messages in addition to being a medium of Islamic religious education transfer in the matters of worship or moral and social values. Animated Upin Ipin film produced in Malaysia, the business management, creative ideas, and quality of the image could deliver the Upin & Ipin film in getting some awards. In 2008, Upin & Ipin was awarded International Achievement Appreciation Award, Best of Media Entertainment Category-Merit Award (MSC Malaysia APICTA 2008), and President's Award (Malaysia-Canada Business Council Business Excellence 2008). Meanwhile, in 2009, it was awarded Winner of MSC-Malaysia Management Game 2009, IT Frank 2009 (Global Emerging Innovative Enterpreneur), First 3D Animation Feature Film (Malaysia Book of Records), Viewer Choice Award (Kids Film Festival), Anugerah Khas Juri and Anugerah Box Office (Malaysia Film Festival), Best on Screen Chemistry Awards (Shout Awards), and Best Editing and Best Music (MSC Creative Digital Contents Conference). These awards have once again marked the high quality of Upin & Ipin series and Upin & Ipin technology innovation in Malaysia.

Abstract The creative and cultural arts sector in the United Kingdom, most often termed the 'arts and cultural industries' in 2011 had a turnover of £12.4 billion published in Create Arts Council England. The Centre for Economic and Business Research (CEBR) stated that the arts and cultural industry in 2016 was responsible for £21.2 billion direct turnover, which involved 137,250 jobs. This sector pays 5% more than the UK median salary and so makes a positive contribution to an average household. This industry also plays an important role in supporting wider commercial activity. This includes tourism spend estimated as £856 million and this includes film production advertising, design and crafts all of which is also showcased overseas. In addition, this sector's work is seen to have a wider benefit for health and wellbeing. For example, those who attended a cultural place or event in the preceding twelve months were 60% more likely to report good health and in terms of spend, people valued being in an audience for the arts as they spent £2000 a year on events, which is more than for sport, as cited in the Arts Council England report of 2014. The continued need for reports and advocacy for the value of the arts and how that value should be ascribed is frustrating as there is a continued and pervasive sense that these areas are still of less value when compared with STEM learning and industrial activity, yet there are an estimated 89,000 jobs in museums, galleries and libraries and 296,000 jobs in music, performing and visual arts. In 2018, the number of jobs in the creative industries sector stood at just over two million, an increase of 1.6% from 2017. The sector accounted for 6.2% of UK jobs in 2018. The number of jobs in the creative industries has increased by 30.6% from 2011: three times the growth rate of employment in the United Kingdom overall (10.1%) (Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport [DCMS] 2018). The cultural sector had a workforce of 659,000, a fall of 2.1% from 674,000 in 2017 (a record number). The sector accounted for 2.0% of all UK jobs in 2018. Since 2011, the cultural sector workforce has grown by 21.0%.All of these sectors do not include tourism; however, we know that when people are tourists, they are doing and seeing stuff which is most often in the realm of cultural and creative sector developed activity. Across Europe and by their different methodologies of definition of the cultural sector, defined anyone employed in an economic sector defined as 'cultural', irrespective of whether they are employed in a cultural occupation and all persons with occupations relating to culture are included, even if the people concerned are employed in non-cultural sectors ‐ the number is 8.7 million people (European Union Labour Force Survey: EU-LFS).

ABSTRACTJohn Lawrence Geib has remained an often-cited but poorly known builder of keyboard instruments since the eighteenth century. Although historians have noted his patent for an escapement mechanism used on early English square pianos after 1787, little has been written about him, and much of that has now proven to be incomplete or untrue. A letter written by Geib to Benjamin Franklin has recently been made public. It outlines his early years in London and provides the foundation for further research into the remaining records and extant instruments. This information allows one to draw a more complete and historically correct picture of Geib and to place him in perspective with the other builders operating at the time. This article gives new details about his principal invention – the escapement mechanism – and the nature of his business during his early years in London. A full reproduction of the patent is included as an appendix.

In 2018, the American singer Lady Gaga celebrates a decade of the release of her first pop album, The Fame. Ten years ago, the world through a series of more successful and awarded songs of the new generation, capable of breaking records in the disputed music industry. As every product has its lifecycle, Lady Gaga's music has come to decline, but the singer has been able to react and maintain her competitive edge. In the ups and downs of the market, Lady Gaga is a strong analogy of product changes, amalgamating itself to revitalize her sector, articulating the internal activities, repositioning herself; an image of the challenge that is accomplished in reinventing herself. Thus, from this historical analysis in which the organisation is viewed as a persona, this work reflects on survival strategies in an environment of rapid change and that requires at the same time, identity and constant adaptation. The approach is qualitative and descriptive, based on real cases of the corporate context that work as parallel to the storytelling created from the Gaga case. As a result, a conceptual model on business strategy in competitive environments is presented, which aggregates different schools of thought of the organizational strategy and that can be verified in future researches.

This article examines the recontextualization of 1950s rock in the form of “Oldies” in teen films of the 1970s and 1980s. Specifically, the article highlights the peculiar phenomenon of scenes featuring teenagers lip-synching to oldies songs in films like Risky Business (1983), Pretty in Pink (1986), Ferris Bueller's Day Off (1986), and Adventures in Babysitting (1987).In these scenes, like in the cover versions of rhythm and blues records popularized by white artists in the fifties, white teens embody black cultural forms, “covering” over the racial and sexual politics that characterized rock and roll's emergence. The transformation of rock 'n' roll from “race music” to the safe alternative for white bourgeois males in the face of new wave, punk, disco and hip hop, reflected in the establishment of oldies radio formats and revival tours, was aided and abetted by oldies soundtracks to Hollywood film.

Purpose: Nasheed is an art and media of da’wah in Islam. In Malaysia, the songs of da’wah and divine is always welcome although various genres of new music are present. This study aims to examine the relationship between da’wah and entrepreneurship by one of the famous nasheed group in Malaysia which is Inteam. Methodology: This methodology of this study is qualitatively conducted where entrepreneurs were interviewed via open ended questions. The specialist informants and interviewers were the tools employed for data gathering purpose. Main findings: This study help to understand the concepts of entrepreneurs and its relationship with da’wah. It is hoped that the findings of this study would add a larger knowledge about entrepreneurs especially among Muslim entrepreneurs in Malaysia. Limitations: This study is focused on two persons those were interviewed, which are Mr. Muhammad Hazamin and Mr. Mohd Syahril at Inteam records, at Damansara Kuala Lumpur. Their feedback were quite good because those respondent perfectly answered the questions. Implications of the study will be elaborated together with recommendations for future studies. The originality in this studies is, it should introduce element of da’wah even doing a business to be a good Muslim.

Eric Wolfensohn was one of a small group of British lighting designers to emerge in the 1940s. In this article, Nigel Morgan records how, as he plied his trade, Wolfensohn established a blueprint for the working pattern of the modern freelance lighting designer. Starting as a technician and operator, he progressed to designer and consultant, crossing between the genres of ballet, opera, and plays, and moving seamlessly into shop display, exhibition, film and television, borrowing techniques from each particular form and fusing styles in a quest for aesthetic satisfaction. Nigel Morgan qualified as a music teacher, and playing in a rock band introduced him to the stage and a fascination for stage design and technology. For the next twenty years he followed a career in theatre, lighting world premieres of plays by Caryl Churchill, Stephen Jeffreys and Tom Kempinski. He developed a highly successful lighting business in retail, with Harrods and Daks-Simpsons the principal London clients. Parallel to this, he was the innovator of lighting programmes in higher education, including the first European undergraduate programme in lighting design at Rose Bruford College in 1996. Nigel gained a PhD in 2003 for researching the origins of lighting design in Britain, and has published Stage Lighting for Theatre Designers and Stage Lighting in Britain: the Emergence of the Lighting Designer.

OBJECTIVES/GOALS: To describe preliminary results of Alzheimer’s and dementia caregivers’ (CGs) mobile app use and intention to adopt mHealth apps for their own chronic condition self-management. To discuss implications for designing and implementing mHealth interventions for CGs. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: This study aims to recruit 110 racially and ethnically diverse family caregivers (CGs) who have a chronic condition, provide care for persons with Alzheimer’s disease or related dementias, and have access to a mobile device. This is a cross-sectional correlational study collecting data with computer-assisted telephone interviews stored through REDCap. The study survey was created using existing surveys about mobile app use; relevant, well-validated research instruments; and questions from the U.S. Census and other national surveys. CGs are being actively recruited from the Baltimore-Washington metropolitan area using various recruitment strategies that have been effective in prior studies. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: The majority of CGs used websites (86%), mobile devices (68%) or apps (53%) to manage their own health. CGs using health-related apps were tracking their exercise (60%), diet (60%), medical records (50%), and physical health measures (50%). More than 4 out of 5 (82%) predicted they would use mobile apps to self-manage their chronic condition, though only 68% actually planned to use them. 86% of CGs were using mobile apps for non-health related purposes, with the most popular app being weather (90%), followed by social media (74%), music/entertainment (68%), and banking/business apps (63%). CGs used weather and social media apps most often (2 or more times/day) and spent 9 hours/week on apps. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Websites and mobile apps appear to be feasible modes to deliver health interventions to CGs. Researchers should consider including features of apps most frequently used by CGs, such as the weather, ways to connect with others, and music/entertainment, when delivering mHealth interventions to CGs.

Disintermediation - the process of removing superfluous agents in a transaction chain - has been a major promise of e-commerce. Disintermediation offers the benefits of lowering prices to consumers and a better information-feedback loop between producers and consumers. In this paper, I propose a systematic model of disintermediation in the recorded-music business. Were such a model successful and tied to digital distribution, prices to consumers would fall considerably, artist compensation would rise, online piracy would drop, and the information-feedback loops necessary for signaling consumer tastes back to artists would become far more efficient as information asymmetries were mitigated. Such a model would leverage recommender systems as a way to determine consumer choices beyond the use of simple sales figures.

Abstract This paper investigates the current legitimate digital music business trends and models created by the innovation of new digital technologies and examines their pertinence in the Nepalese music industry. Further, it scrutinises neighbouring music markets and juxtaposes the Nepalese music market against their current market trends. Based on eight in-depth semi-structured interviews with executives and stakeholders of different major, medium and independent Nepalese record labels, the paper examines two questions: what is preventing Nepalese recorded music from being found digitally and accessible legally; and what are the opportunities, gaps and requirements that confront the search for a commercially viable route for the optimal digital music business model to make Nepalese music digitally and legally accessible, both locally and globally?

AbstractThe digitization of music has changed how we consume, produce, and distribute music. In this paper, we explore the effects of digitization and streaming on the globalization of popular music. While some argue that digitization has led to more diverse cultural markets, others consider that the increasing accessibility to international music would result in a globalized market where a few artists garner all the attention. We tackle this debate by looking at how cross-country diversity in music charts has evolved over 4 years in 39 countries. We analyze two large-scale datasets from Spotify, the most popular streaming platform at the moment, and iTunes, one of the pioneers in digital music distribution. Our analysis reveals an upward trend in music consumption diversity that started in 2017 and spans across platforms. There are now significantly more songs, artists, and record labels populating the top charts than just a few years ago, making national charts more diverse from a global perspective. Furthermore, this process started at the peaks of countries’ charts, where diversity increased at a faster pace than at their bases. We characterize these changes as a process of Cultural Divergence, in which countries are increasingly distinct in terms of the music populating their music charts.

This article examines the growing internationalization of English Canada’s independent sound recording sector, largely defined by Canadian ownership. Although Canada’s music industry has had considerable links with the global music business for decades, the independent sector remained focused on the production of recordings by Canadian artists for sale in the domestic market. Recently, the links between Canadian music and Canadian-owned record companies have weakened, such that each is less reliant on the other. The article discusses the ways in which this dissociation has occurred within the context of the transformation of the global music industry over the past 15 years and considers the implications for future Canadian music industry policy.Cet article examine l’internationalisation croissante du secteur d’enregistrement sonore indépendant au Canada anglais (secteur caractérisé par le fait d’avoir des propriétaires canadiens). L’industrie de la musique canadienne a depuis des décennies noué de nombreux liens avec l’industrie mondiale, mais le secteur indépendant s’est concentré sur la production d’artistes canadiens pour le marché canadien. Récemment, cependant, les liens entre musique canadienne et compagnies de disques appartenant à des Canadiens se sont affaiblis, de manière à ce que l’un dépende moins de l’autre. Cet article commente les manières dont cette dissociation a eu lieu au cours des quinze dernières années dans le contexte de transformations mondiales de l’industrie de la musique et considère les conséquences pour l’avenir de politiques relatives à la musique au Canada.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 30.6pt 0pt 0.5in;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: x-small;">According to the entertainment industry, the digital revolution is usurping its product and undermining its profit. Internet Service Providers have shown reluctance to interfere in the private domain of their users so at the behest of Hollywood, Congress in 1998 passed the Digital Millennium Copyright Act.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>Nonetheless, the Recording Industry Association of America alleges that rampant Net piracy has precipitated a five percent worldwide decline of music sales in both 2000 and 2001.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The personal computer has become an expedient means of downloading songs from peer-to-peer file-sharing services or &ldquo;burning&rdquo; CD copies onto a blank disk. To ensure compliance with the Act, some record labels have embraced technology that distorts the error correction codes on illegally copied CDs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>However, this copy control solution is beset with various problems, including consumer aversion and technical fallibility.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>After examining the dialectical tension between business cost and consumer choice, this paper proposes some other options.</span></p>

Getting the Family Together: A Fieldwork Account The final gig of Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band’s 2013 tour is a hometown show at New Lambton Community Hall in Newcastle on the coast of New South Wales, Australia. The tour had already covered Newcastle and surrounds at various locations within 50 to 100km of the Newcastle CBD. In addition to lead singer and guitarist Bob Corbett, there are three main members of the Roo Grass Band, Sue Carson on fiddle and mandolin, Dave Carter on banjo, bass and bagpipes and Robbie Long on guitar, mandolin and bass. I enter the building and at the top of the stairs a tall, slim woman with a shock of red hair rushes to greet me with a hug, “It is so good to see you!”This is Veronica, Bob Corbett’s Mum. She’s been busy setting up the merchandise desk, taking tickets, and greeting almost every member of the audience by name. Veronica has functioned as de facto tour manager throughout the band’s Lucky Country Hall Tour. As well as running the merchandise desk and ticketing, she’s occasionally acted as roadie, and has supervised the packing of cars and trailers. These day-to-day jobs on the tour have been done with help from either her sister Roberta or, for most of the tour, a close friend of the band, Jenny. I deposit home-made chocolate brownies and biscuits in the kitchen, setting them up alongside fruit brownies made by Veronica for the audience. Bob’s wife, Kirrily, comes and says hello, followed by their son Marley, who heads straight for the goodies. Their daughter Matilda is running around with her best friend and next-door neighbour, Sophie. Dave, who plays banjo, bass and bagpipes in the band, greets his wife Karen as she arrives with their kids. The band’s fiddle player, Sue, is pacing around, looking fractious. I ask if she’s okay. “Yeah, it is just that my family is meant to be here already and they’re running late. They’re going to miss it.”Not long after, Sue’s partner, Michael (who is also Veronica’s brother, Bob’s uncle) arrives with their son Elijah and his son Gabe, in time for the show. This final gig of the tour seemed to have been largely arranged for the families of the band, and there was little advertising for it. In the way of family get-togethers a mix of tension and excitement fill the room. But once the band starts playing things calm down, a group of kids occupy the dance floor, twirling, swaying, skipping and running along with the music. Family, Authenticity, and Commercial Practices in Australian Country MusicI open with this fieldwork account to illuminate how the presence and involvement of family, through parents, spouses, aunts, uncles, children and even close friends are central to the experience of what it is to be a country music artist in Australia. In the case of Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band, for example, band members make choices to involve family in the activity of “being” a band—touring, performing, engaging with fans—and these choices have emotional value for them, but are also yoked to broader discourses of family which circulate in the field of Australian country music. This field story reveals that “family” is not something carved off from artists’ public engagement with the field of Australian country music but is central to it. Discourses of and around “family” are implicit in the practices of Australian country music artists and are strategically used by artists to define what country music is and what is valued in the field. Crucially, the discourse of family is used to support claims to authenticity within country music culture. Ideas about and associated practices concerning, “authenticity” permeate the culture of country music. The discourse reaches across all aspects of the field, and all participants in the scene are compelled to at least turn their minds to questions of authenticity, and develop strategies for dealing with them. Value is conferred on artists seen to convey so-called “true” and “genuine” personas. Indeed the country music community demands something referred to as “honesty” from performers. It needs to be noted that country music is a commercial popular music form and culture. Many agents in the scene have an uneasy symbolic relationship with the commercial aspects of country music, but it is a basic premise within the field: the music exists to make money. This is not to say that financial and popular success (in their quantifiable forms: money made, units sold, crowd sizes, radio spins) is the only thing valued in country music. As a form of cultural capital, authenticity is also valued. But within Australian country music a tension exists between the part of field underpinned by commercial logic and the idea of the popular and those underpinned by notions of creativity, independence and musical integrity. Authenticity is deployed to distinguish country music from other styles of music in a number of keys ways. Authenticity can be taken as an essential quality of music, which “honestly” reflects or expresses an identity or experience (e.g., Australian national identity, rural experience, heartbreak) (Watson, Volume 1; Watson, Volume 2; Sanjek); as a proper way of relating music, artist and audience (Smith); as a ideological watchword which tempers commerciality (Sanjek); or as something “fabricated” or constructed in the codification of the genre (Akenson; Peterson; Carriage and Hayward). I am not positing authenticity as a feature unique to Australian country music. A number of authors have highlighted the role authenticity plays in many forms of popular music to navigate, understand or obfuscate the functions of the commercial music industry and shape its output (Frith; Sanjek; Barker and Taylor). The scholarship on country music and popular music in general often explores how authenticity is inscribed in the products of country music, rather than the processes and practices behind those products: the everyday, extra-musical activities of participants in the scene. This article is concerned then with how discourses of authenticity are sutured to business, musical and promotional practices, and how such tropes function alongside discourses and practices concerning “family” in the negotiation of commercial realities in Australian country music. Rather than looking at end products, my research takes a ground-up approach, exploring what people are doing and how they talk about their practices and decisions. Discourses of “family”, and practices around kin, provide one of many possible entry points for this exploration. MethodologyThis article is based on ethnographic research on Australian country music. Between 2012-2014 I spent many months of focused immersion with Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band at festivals and on tour. This research was part of broader participant observation I conducted which included attending more than 150 country music events across New South Wales and Queensland. I also conducted hundreds of informal interviews at these events, as well as in-depth, semi-structured interviews with key informants, including band members Bob Corbett, Sue Carson, Robbie Long, and Michael Carpenter (sometimes drummer).Bob Corbett was recognised by the “mainstream” Australian country music scene in 2012 after winning the Star Maker competition. Since the win Bob and the band’s success within the field has increased—higher album sales, larger crowds, more airplay, recognition, sponsorships and nomination for Golden Guitar Awards (the main Australian country music industry awards). They play a mercurial mix of styles including bluegrass, Western swing, pop folk, and rock. At the core is a concern with storytelling and live, acoustic based performance is central. Bob and the band are primarily engaging with the field of Australian country music (through festivals, media, and self-identification), rather than the folk or bluegrass scenes, which, while related, are distinct fields with different logics, rules and relations.The conceptual framework for this article is indebted to Pierre Bourdieu. In using the term “field” to talk about Australian country music, I understand it as a discrete, relatively autonomous social microcosm, which is located within the social space of Australian society and the broader music industry, yet it is ruled by logics which are “specific and irreducible to those that regulate other fields” (Bourdieu in Bourdieu and Wacquant 97). Australian country music consists of systems of relations, which define the occupants of the field—country musicians, country music stars, or country music fans (to name but a few)—and shape the products and practices of the field. Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band are participants in the field of Australian country music, and work to differentiate their position, and gain a monopoly over authority and influence within the field—to be recognised as successful, authentic country music artists (Bourdieu and Wacquant 100). This framework allows analytic space for exploring and understanding a tension between authenticity, as a form of cultural capital, and the commercial imperatives of country music as a popular music form.Family Bands and the Family BusinessThe significance and foregrounded presence of “family” within Australian country music is a result of the history of the field in which family bands have been prominent. The practice of touring with your spouse, children or other kin has been connected to a discourse of the “Family Band” in Australian country music. Slim Dusty and his family, as pioneers in the Australian country music industry, and arguably the most commercially and culturally successful artists in the scene’s history, are held up as an example par excellence of the country music canon, and provide the model for how country music should or could be done as a family. Slim, his wife Joy, daughter Anne Kirkpatrick and other extended family worked as a “family band” touring, performing, songwriting, recording, and being country music artists. As the “first family” Australian country music band (Baker; Ellis) they dominate the social and cultural imaginary of Australian country music. They represent a tradition of family involvement in the business of country music as a way of dealing with the practical realities of touring, providing emotional support and enjoyment, and as a part of a relatively conservative set of values drawn from country life­. These features work together to discursively distance the “family band” from the commercial music industry and imbue integrity and naturalness in those artists’ engagement with the music business. Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band is a family band: fiddle player Sue is Bob’s aunty; her partner Michael Stove, Bob’s uncle, was an original member of the Roo Grass Band. But more than that, the band understands themselves as a “family”. Sometimes-drummer in the band, Michael Carpenter, talked at length about the “Roo Grass Family” when I interviewed him, including the affective value he places on those relationships:I love it when Bob says… ‘Michael’s been a part of the Roo Grass family for a long time’ … it’s a very country music thing to say … when Bob says it, it actually means something, there’s a certain level of weight to it, because I know the way he treats his bands, I know the way he treats the people who are involved ... it does make them feel like they are a part of something special and so, and that’s beyond just doing a gig … it kind of creates this sense of loyalty that is important to me.The other members of the band also understand and value their involvement with the band in a similar way, and it spills into the chemistry the band has on stage, and the enjoyment they derive from playing together. The idea of the family band opens out beyond the actual band as well: the “Roo Grass Family” includes friends, fans and others with strong ties and involvement with the band.Practical, on the ground support (both on tour and also at home) offered by family to artists in Australian country music is a significant source of capital for those artists. However, participants also talk about this family help as a chance to spend time together, and couch it within discourses of loyalty, love, fun and commitment. Practices and discourses of small, DIY business are also sutured to discourse of family, as a way of reinforcing the fierce independence from big business and record companies. The fieldwork account at the beginning of this article reveals some of the work done by family on tour for Bob and the band, mainly through the presence of Bob’s mum, Veronica, as defacto tour manager. During the gig Bob offered a series of acknowledgments for the tour. After thanking the audiences and tour sponsors, he moved on to family:Bob: I’d like to thank my aunty Roberta, she came along and helped us on a tour leg … Ah, I’m going to forget people, I’m going to leave the special ones to last … I would like to thank Kirrily personally, but as Sue said, all partners and stuff, so I love you Kiz. But the most special one of all: Mrs Veronica Corbett [loud applause and cheers]. She’s the backbone! Of the tour, so thanks mum, thanks for everything.Veronica: Absolute pleasure Bobby.Bob: It’s been, it’s been a pleasure. You love doing it.Veronica: I love it.Bob: Yeah, you do love doing it, it’s been great, you know. I don’t want to get too, too sentimental, but, um just before dad died, he turned to me and said ‘look after mum’, and I don’t, I don’t look after mum, but in a way, just sharing all these experiences, like, we’re looking after each other, so, thank you for doing that.In this account, I am interested in the ways in which Bob, Veronica and Sue talk about the labour provided by family. There are a number of ways that participants talk about the practice of getting family to help do the work of touring and performing country music, which emerge here, and are consistently used by Bob and the band. It is spoken of in terms of “spending time” with each other, and of loving that time. Discourses of enjoyment and sociality permeate Bob, Veronica, and others’ discussions of the practical reality of people giving up their time to help. This is part of the cultural capital of authenticity: being a professional country music band out on the road is about more than hard slog, making money and cold business; it is an enjoyable experience, underpinned with love. To be authentic, it should be about more than the dollars.While the involvement of family in the activities of the band is discussed and understood as a chance to spend time together, an enjoyable experience, there are also discourses of support and help tied to these practices by those in and around the band. It is often acknowledged as a practical reality that family members are involved in the activities of the band (or in maintaining the home front) as a source of free or cheap labour which makes touring and performing possible. Sue acknowledged the importance of family support to the band, particularly as an independent band, in the interview: Main sources of support? … the management from Toyota and everything … after winning Star Maker, that was really great, so they’ve really helped … and also family … you certainly need that support, because you can’t, you’ve got to get out there and do it, that’s the only way to do it … it’s very personal support in a lot of ways … we’re not at that stage where, we’re not at a bigger level where there’s plenty of money being thrown around by record companies, that sort of support.In acknowledging the role of family at home while the band tours, as well as the “personal support” given to the band, Sue binds the practices of individuals staying at home, minding kids and maintaining home life, to the discourse of family. She is also linking the practices to the band’s “independent” status and the lack of “money being thrown around by record companies” as the reason this support and other on the road, tour based work, is essential. Within Sue’s account here, and at other times during my fieldwork, there was a sense that she saw the need for family support as a sign of inadequacy, a sign that the band had not yet “made it” to the level where the support comes from record companies, and there will be money thrown around to support the activities of the band. This touches on a broader set of discourses that circulate in the country music community about professionalism and amateurism, which are also linked to ideas about family. While the foregrounding of family has value within the field of country music, there is something else going on here. A division is often drawn between “commercial” and “creative” endeavours in Australian country music. By linking practices involving kin and discourses of family, Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band position themselves as authentic, or real, grass roots, and with creative freedom, in contrast to being creatively constrained or selling out. Within this division, a reliance on one’s family can be understood in some ways as a rejection of the commercial, business networks of country music. In the case of Sue’s account above there is a sense that it is also a way of negotiating success when you do not have access to a record label or other big business support, which may seem the easier route. Sue’s view differs somewhat from Bob’s in this respect. Bob often expressed pride in the fact that they are “doing it on their own” and boasting an independent DIY model of music business (for example through ticketing, tour organisation and production); a business model that relies on the support of their family, but which is respected and valued within Australian country music. ConclusionArtists such as Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band all occupy “positions” in the field of Australian country music, and the discourses of “commercial”, “creative”, and “authentic” all work to categorise artists, and their position in the field. Economic and material circumstances limit, enable or influence the decisions to involve families or not: for Bob, a desire to remain in control of his creative output and career, and the need to maximise income to feed his family makes DIY ticketing, and taking his mum and friends on the road a good choice. But these material factors work with symbolic and cultural factors, in the game of cultural legitimisation about what it is to be a country music artist. The way in which Bob and the band invoked particular discourses of family, loyalty, fun and enjoyment, to talk about the on-the-ground practices of having family involved (or not) in their working lives as musicians is part of the work these bands and artists are doing to represent themselves to the country music community; they are attempting to establish themselves as adequately, legitimately and authentically “country”. In the process they are also shaping what it is to be a country music artist and what is valued within the field—in this case “family”. The constant struggles over what country music is, what is “authentic” country and what represents success, are struggles over the “schemata of classification … which construct social reality” (Bourdieu 20). Bob Corbett and the Roo Grass Band are using strategies in this struggle, in this case the strategies link practices involving kin to discourses of honesty and openness by collapsing public and private, heritage and tradition through the family band, and authenticity, professionalism, and success in the way family support can limit the need to rely on record labels and big business. ReferencesAkenson, James E. “Australia, The United States and Authenticity.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. Philip Hayward. Gympie, QLD: aicmPress for the Australian Institute of Country Music, 2003. 187–206. Baker, Glen A. “Liner Notes - Annethology: The Best of Anne Kirkpatrick.” July 2010.Barker, Hugh, and Yuval Taylor. Faking It: The Quest for Authenticity in Popular Music. New York: W.W. Norton, 2007.Bourdieu, Pierre. “Social Space and Symbolic Power.” Sociological Theory 7.1 (1989): 14–25. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Loïc J. D. Wacquant, eds. An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 1992. Carriage, Leigh, and Philip Hayward. “Heartlands: Kasey Chambers, Australian Country Music and Americana.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. Philip Hayward. Gympie, QLD: aicmPress for the Australian Institute of Country Music, 2003. 113–143. Ellis, Max. “Liner Notes: The Slim Dusty Family Reunion CD.” 2008.Frith, Simon. Music for Pleasure: Essays in the Sociology of Pop. Oxford: Polity Press, 1988.Peterson, Richard A. Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997.Sanjek, David. “Pleasures and Principles: Issues of Authenticity in the Analysis of Rock’n’Roll.” Journal of Popular Music Studies 4.2 (1992): 12-21.Sanjek, David. “Blue Moon of Kentucky Rising Over the Mystery Train: The Complex Construction of Country Music.” In Reading Country Music: Steel Guitars, Opry Stars, and Honky-tonk Bars. Ed. Cecelia Tichi. Durham: Duke UP, 1998. 22–44. Smith, Graeme. Singing Australian: The History of Folk and Country Music. North Melbourne, VIC: Pluto Press Australia, 2005. Watson, Eric. Eric Watson’s Country Music in Australia, Volume 1. Pennsylvania: Rodeo Publications, 1982. Watson, Eric. Eric Watson’s Country Music in Australia, Volume 2. Pennsylvania: Rodeo Publications, 1983.

Among the professional roles in the recording industry, studio musicians have received relatively little academic attention. Who has played on a record and who has developed the rhythms, melodies and fills are secrets that remain hidden behind closed studio doors. Since the little public media available mainly recollects memories of past stars or musical developments from more than twenty years ago, little is known about more recent biographies, individual skills and working practices of average studio musicians from different parts of the world. Against this backdrop, the present study explored the skillset of studio musicians in Germany’s popular music recording industry. The interviewees provided rare insights into their careers, expressed their views on technological developments and depicted their economic realities. With increasing power and affordability of music production resources, new business models for studio musicians were developing along with a change of skills. For a long time, the successful studio musician had incredible playing skills, stylistic flexibility and was an excellent sight-reader. These requirements seem to have shifted; today’s musicians must have a broader skillset and be experts beyond their instruments. A repertoire of ideas and sounds to be offered spontaneously in a recording session are highly valuable next to empathy, social skills and a likeable and humble personality. The musicians must be both unique and flexible to serve a project and compete with the many fellow musicians and programmers of computer instruments.

AbstractMusical instruments provide material evidence to study the diversity and technical innovation of music in space and time. We employed a cultural evolutionary perspective to analyse organological data and their relation to language groups and population history in South America, a unique and complex geographic area for human evolution. The ethnological and archaeological native musical instrument record, documented in three newly assembled continental databases, reveals exceptionally high diversity of wind instruments. We explored similarities in the collection of instruments for each population, considering geographic patterns and focusing on groupings associated with language families. A network analysis of panpipe organological features illustrates four regional/cultural clusters: two in the Tropical Forest and two in the Andes. Twenty-five percent of the instruments in the standard organological classification are present in the archaeological, but not in the ethnographic record, suggesting extinction events. Most recent extinctions can be traced back to European contact, causing a reduction in indigenous cultural diversity.