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Journal articles on the topic 'Muslim Americans'
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1
Bagasra, Anisah, and Mitchell Mackinem. "Assessing Aspects of Acculturation in a Muslim American Sample: Development and Testing of the Acculturation Scale for Muslim Americans." Religions 10, no. 1 (2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10010026.
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Acculturation of Muslims into the American culture continues to be a topic of deep interest. The purpose of this study was to examine acculturation in a sample of both American-born and Immigrant Muslim Americans. Two hundred and fifty five Muslim Americans completed a scale designed to assess two aspects of acculturation within the population: adherence to Islamic identity and conformity to American social norms. The survey was distributed in both a paper-based and online anonymous format consisting of demographic questions and the acculturation scale designed for this study. Results revealed that both immigrants and U.S. born Muslim Americans demonstrate a strong adherence to their Islamic identity and low levels of conformity to American social norms. American-born Muslims scored significantly lower on conformity to American social norms than immigrant Muslims. Study findings are consistent with previous research suggesting that Muslim Americans are less likely to sacrifice religious values to assimilate. Specific item results provide insight into what aspects of American culture Muslims are more willing to adopt, and which they are likely to shun. These findings demonstrate the challenges Muslim Americans face integrating in an increasingly hostile host culture.
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Mohamed, Besheer. "Muslim Americans: Debating the Notions of American and Un-American (by Nahid Kabir)." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 2 (2019): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i2.585.
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Muslim Americans: Debating the Notions of American and Un-American is an ambitious attempt to explore how American Muslims, especially immigrants and their children, see the US and are seen by it. It uses the voices of Muslim Americans to explore what peoples and cultures can be considered American, and which are not. The author offers it as “a counter-narrative to the reactionary thinking of academics ... and some media and politicians who have place Islam/Muslims as the Other.”
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Karataş, İbrahim. "Turks and Other Muslims in the US: An Analysis of Perceptions." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 16, no. 1 (2021): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol16no1.7.
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Surveys show that, in the United States, Americans have a less favorable view of Muslims due to various reasons as opposed to American Muslims who conversely favor the American state and population. In line with this fact, this study tries to understand whether the Turkish community living in the US has different views about Americans than American Muslims do. This study makes a comparison because not all ethnic groups in the American Muslim community have the same views about Americans. While analyzing the Turkish community’s perceptions, this study also analyzes the views Americans and Muslim Americans have towards each other. The study compares previous surveys with the survey conducted among Turks living in the US and concludes that Muslims generally have the same perceptions regarding Americans. It also reveals that aside from the basic reasons which result in a negative view towards Muslims, being a small community and fragmented are two significant factors that damage the image of Muslims. In addition, it reveals that a lack of knowledge about each other increases negative perceptions.
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Barreto, Matt A., and Dino N. Bozonelos. "Democrat, Republican, or None of the Above? The Role of Religiosity in Muslim American Party Identification." Politics and Religion 2, no. 2 (2009): 200–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000200.
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AbstractThe role of religiosity as an important predictor of partisan identification has been well researched over the years, with most of our understanding of religion focused on Christianity. However, it is not clear that religiosity operates equally for the partisan identification of non-Christian religious groups. One of the most discussed religious minority groups in the United States today is Muslim-Americans. Numbering between 2.3 million and 7 million, Muslim-Americans have been the focus of considerable debate regarding religion and American political inclusion. We argue that religiosity does influence Muslim-American party identification, however not in the same manner as with other groups. While the two major political parties encourage religiosity among Protestants, Jews, and Catholics, they are either silent or opposed to religiosity among Muslims within their parties. Thus, religiosity among Muslim-Americans may not necessarily lead to partisan identification with either Republicans or Democrats. Rather, high levels of religiosity, coupled with perceptions of discrimination against Muslims, may lead many to oppose both major political parties and instead identify with “none of the above.” This is not to say that Muslim-Americans reject civic engagement or political participation in the United States, but rather the two political parties have not carved out a space to welcome Islam, as they have for Christianity and Judaism. We examine new data from the 2007 Muslim-American Public Opinion Survey to assess the predictors of partisan identification among Muslims in the United States.
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Hotham, Matthew. "Affect, Animality, and Islamophobia." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 46, no. 3-4 (2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.33901.
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American internet Islamophobia is fascinated with Muslim attitudes towards animals – especially pigs. Through an examination of internet memes found on right-wing and white supremacist websites and social media groups, this essay argues that affective relations to certain animals are part of what mark the Muslim as other and worthy of hate in American Islamophobic rhetoric. More importantly, this Islamophobic pig imagery, which often mischaracterizes or willfully misrepresents Muslim dietary restrictions, reveals that Islamophobic internet memes are not primarily aimed at Muslims nor are they first and foremost an expression of fear of Islam. Instead this Islamophobic rhetoric takes the form of an inside joke, affectively linking those who are “in” on the joke, uniting them in a jovial transgression of “politically correct" norms. This form of Islamophobia might be better termed “Islamophobophilia,” since it marks some Americans as insiders and others as outsiders. It is a method for non-Muslim Americans to signal to other other non-Muslim Americans that they are the right kind of American.
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Lajevardi, Nazita, and Kassra A. R. Oskooii. "Old-Fashioned Racism, Contemporary Islamophobia, and the Isolation of Muslim Americans in the Age of Trump." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (2018): 112–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.37.
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AbstractWhile extant research has documented the existence of negative attitudes toward Muslim Americans, it is unclear whether old-fashioned racism (OFR) is at the root of contemporary Islamophobia, and whether beliefs in the inherent inferiority of Muslims are linked to support for political actors and policies that aim to further isolate them. Bringing to bear a unique dataset of 1,044 white, black, Latino, and Asian participants, we demonstrate that a nontrivial portion of survey respondents make blatantly racist evaluations and rate Muslim Americans as the least “evolved” group. Next, we illustrate that these dehumanizing attitudes are strongly linked to modern objections of Muslim Americans, which we measure with a new Muslim American resentment scale (MAR). Our mediation analysis reveals that the relationship between OFR, support for President Trump, and various policy positions is powerfully mediated by MAR. These results suggest that the relevance of OFR in contemporary politics should not easily be dismissed, and that the literature on racial attitudes, which has predominantly focused on the Black-white dichotomy, should also be extended to appraisals of Muslim Americans.
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Patterson, Dennis, Gamal Gasim, and Jangsup Choi. "Identity, Attitudes, and the Voting Behavior of Mosque-Attending Muslim-Americans in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential Elections." Politics and Religion 4, no. 2 (2011): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000186.
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AbstractIn a post-September 11 world, no religious group in the United States has become more important yet remains more misunderstood than Muslim-Americans. This is particularly true with respect to the manner in which religious and political attitudes influence Muslim-Americans’ political behavior. This article addresses this issue by using data gathered from surveys taken in 70 mosques throughout the United States. With these data, this article maps the political and religious attitudes and behavior of mosque-attending Muslim-Americans and then analyzes the voting behavior of these respondents in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential elections. It will show that the cultural and religious traditions of Islam have resulted in most mosque-attending Muslim-Americans being social conservatives and, as a result, report having voted for Bush in 2000. It will also show that increasingly negative perceptions of the manner in which the United States war in Iraq has affected Muslims living American led many to switch loyalties and cast their ballots for Kerry in 2004.
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Saleem, Muniba, Sara Prot, Craig A. Anderson, and Anthony F. Lemieux. "Exposure to Muslims in Media and Support for Public Policies Harming Muslims." Communication Research 44, no. 6 (2015): 841–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215619214.
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Few studies have empirically examined how media stereotypes of Muslims influence Americans’ support for public policies exclusively harming Muslims. Across three studies, we tested the short-term and long-term effects of news portraying Muslims as terrorists on Americans’ support for public policies harming Muslims domestically and internationally. Study 1 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for military action in Muslim countries. Study 2 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for public policies that harm Muslims domestically and internationally; this effect was fully mediated by perceptions of Muslims as aggressive. Experimental results from Study 3 revealed that exposing participants to negative Muslim media footage, relative to neutral or no-video footage, increased perceptions of Muslims as aggressive, increased support for harsh civil restrictions of Muslim Americans, and increased support for military action in Muslim countries. Exposure to positive Muslim footage yielded opposite results. We discuss the importance of media in exacerbating aggressive attitudes and public policies in the context of intergroup relations.
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Dana, Karam, Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta, and Matt Barreto. "The Political Incorporation of Muslims in the United States: The Mobilizing Role of Religiosity in Islam." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 2, no. 2 (2017): 170–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.4.
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AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.
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Shuayb, Fiaz. "Bridging the Divide?" American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1661.
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On January 9, 2006, in Washington, DC, the Saban Center for Middle EastPolicy at the Brookings Institution hosted the highest level meeting betweenthe Bush administration and the American Muslim community. Entitled “Bridging the Divide?” and organized by the Brookings Project on USPolicy toward the Islamic World, representatives of various Muslim organizationwere granted the opportunity to interface with C. David Welch, theAssistant Secretary of the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. The conference,a follow-up to previous initiatives on “Bridging the Divide” theme, soughtto bring together key leaders and specialists “to explore the potential spacefor the American Muslim community to assist and advance US policytowards the Islamic world and capabilities within the community that mightbe better tapped.” In attendance were representatives from the Americangovernment, officials from a variety of American Muslim organizations,American Muslim foreign policy experts, others from the Washington thinktankand policy communities, and students.In the opening speech, Welch acknowledged several unique characteristicsabout the American Muslim community: its integration into Americancivic life; being Americans as well as Muslims; and, despite post-9/11 tensions,steering a moderate course while confronting extremist Islamist tendencies.As evidence, he cited the Fiqh Council of North America’s recentfatwa against Islamic terrorism that was endorsed by major Muslim organizations.He recognized that American Muslims can play an exceptional rolein explaining the American position, given their cultural, linguistic, and ethnicties with the Islamic world, and acknowledged the history of conflictbetween the United States and the Muslim world. In addition, he condemnedthe seeming “civilizational strife” between Islam and the West as a pointless“jihad/crusade.” He stated that he was more comfortable with the relationshipof the United States with the Muslim – especially Arab – world as beingdefined by a dialog stressing the commonalities of belief in God, virtue,family life, and socioeconomic justice ...
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Alsultany, Evelyn. "Protesting Muslim Americans as Patriotic Americans: TheAll-American MuslimControversy." Journal of Mass Media Ethics 27, no. 2 (2012): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08900523.2012.684588.
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Rahemtulla, Shadaab. "Muslims in America." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (2010): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1310.
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Muslims in America: A Short History is an accessible, succinct, andinformative historical survey of Muslim American communities. This popularbook has two key objectives: to increase non-Muslim Americans’understanding of Muslims in the United States and to foreground to Muslim Americans themselves their own religious, ethnic, and culturaldiversity (p. xi).The story of Muslim America begins in the eighteenth century. Chapter1, “Across the Black Atlantic: The First Muslims in North America,”sketches the lives of several West African Muslims, many of them highly literateand schooled in the Islamic sciences, who were enslaved and shippedto the United States, such as Ayuba Suleiman Diallo (Job Ben Solomon),Abd al-Rahman Ibrahima, and Omar ibn Sayyid. The second chapter, “TheFirst American Converts to Islam,” moves into the late-nineteenth and earlytwentiethcenturies. Here Curtis provides an array of highly diverse Muslimmissionary activities, from the rather unsuccessful proselytization work ofWhite American convert Alexander Russell Webb, to the steady spread ofmystical Islamic teachings spearheaded by such preachers as Indian Sufimaster Inayat Khan, to the Nation of Islam’s ascendance as a mass-basedBlack liberation movement ...
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BLAYDES, LISA, and DREW A. LINZER. "Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World." American Political Science Review 106, no. 2 (2012): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000135.
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The battle for public opinion in the Islamic world is an ongoing priority for U.S. diplomacy. The current debate over why many Muslims hold anti-American views revolves around whether they dislike fundamental aspects of American culture and government, or what Americans do in international affairs. We argue, instead, that Muslim anti-Americanism is predominantly a domestic, elite-led phenomenon that intensifies when there is greater competition between Islamist and secular-nationalist political factions within a country. Although more observant Muslims tend to be more anti-American, paradoxically the most anti-American countries are those in which Muslim populations are less religious overall, and thus more divided on the religious–secular issue dimension. We provide case study evidence consistent with this explanation, as well as a multilevel statistical analysis of public opinion data from nearly 13,000 Muslim respondents in 21 countries.
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Gotanda, Neil. "The Racialization of Islam in American Law." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, no. 1 (2011): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211408525.
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After 9/11, the “Muslim terrorist” trope altered the American understanding of Islam. This article argues that the Muslim terrorist in our popular culture should not be seen as new but within an established tradition of racializing Asian Americans. The article employs three dimensions of racialization: raced body, racial category, and ascribed subordination. The raced body is the “brown” body of immigrants and descendants of immigrants from North Africa, the Middle East, and Central and Southern Asia. “Muslim” as a racial category has acquired meaning beyond religion and now also describes a racial category: those whose ancestry traces to countries where Islam is significant. Linked to that category are the stereotypes of “terrorist,” “spy,” or “saboteur”—understandings within the tradition of characterizing Asian Americans as permanent, unassimilable foreigners. Inscribing the linked racial category and ascribed subordination of permanent foreignness upon the “brown” raced body is the racialization of Muslims into Muslim terrorists.
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Fatima, Saba. "Muslim‐American Scripts." Hypatia 28, no. 2 (2013): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12020.
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This paper argues that one of the most valuable insights that Muslim‐Americans ought to bring into the political arena is our affective response to the government of the United States' internal and foreign policies regarding Muslims. I posit the concept of empathy as one such response that ought to inform our foreign policy in a manner inclusive of Muslim‐Americans. The scope of our epistemic privilege encompasses the affective response that crosses borders of the nation‐state in virtue of our propinquity to the narratives of Muslims globally. Such an affective response is crucial to our selves remaining multiplicitous and whole. Furthermore, I argue that we ought to access and assess those aspects of our identity that make us subject to suspicions of disloyalty, because it is precisely those aspects that can inform our social and political discourse in a more morally adequate and responsive way.
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Abdullaev, M. H. "Muslim Community of the Present-Day USA: Looking for SelfIdentity in the Multicultural Society." Islam in the modern world 16, no. 2 (2020): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-2-181-202.
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This article is devoted to the current socio- political processes experienced by the Muslim community in the United States of America. The author studies the process of harmonious integration by Muslim Americans into American society, the search for possible correlations between the religious and secular parts of society, and the requirements of Islam in the face of demo cratic values. The author pays special attention to the issues of self-determination for Islam adherents, including their political search, and attempts to gain a powerful voice in the most important political events. The article analyzes such aspects of American Muslims life as, interaction with representatives of other faiths, discrimination and Islamophobia, and the Islamic religious worldview of black Muslims. The author focuses on problematic discourse. Using methods of analysis, deduction, as well as methods of included observation, the author shows a modern picture of American Muslim life, and also makes important conclusions and predictions regarding their future in a rapidly changing multicultural American society.
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Hussain, Amir. "Muslim Americans in the Military." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 1 (2018): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i1.820.
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Edward E. Curtis IV is one of the most important scholars of Islam in theUnited States. This slim volume is a welcome addition to his work, andshould be required reading for all who are interested in the place of Muslimswithin the history of America. One also wishes that the book be readwidely by American Muslims. As the latter day prophet, Bob Marley, oncesang about other soldiers in the Americas, “If you know your history/ Then you would know where you’re coming from.” Curtis’ book helps us, asAmerican Muslims, to learn about our own history in our country.The book is not written for a specialized audience, and could easily beused by undergraduate or even senior high school students in a number ofcourses on Islam or religion in America. It is a very short volume, comingin at 82 pages of text with a single additional page of notes. The book is dividedinto five chapters of roughly equal length. The first chapter introducesthe contemporary issues of American Muslim soldiers in the United Statesarmed forces through the stories of Captain Humayun Khan and CorporalKareem Rashad Sultan Khan. Corporal Khan became widely known whena photo of his mother, Elsheba, cradling his gravestone was mentioned byGeneral Colin Powell in the 2008 election. Captain Khan’s introduction tothe American public was more recent, when his father, Khizr, spoke abouthis son’s sacrifice on the final night of the Democratic National Conventionin 2016 ...
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Lizzio, Celene Ayat. "Finding Mecca in America." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (2013): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1130.
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The notion that Islam is “Becoming an American Religion” may be unnervingto those who see America’s roots in its Christian, and more recentlyJudeo-Christian, heritage. Yet, given the rate of growth and development ofAmerican Muslim institutions and social networks, it may be more apt tospeak of Islam as part of an American multireligious heritage. In FindingMecca in America: How Islam is Becoming an American Religion, MuchitBilici explores the rapid increase of American Muslim educational, cultural,religious, and civic institutions, as well as how September 11, the so-calledwar on terror, and most recently media coverage of the Arab Spring have givenAmerican Muslims a unique visibility in the American public sphere.Bilici demonstrates how multifarious individuals and coalitions havebanded together to counter negative public sentiments toward Islam and Muslims,to advocate for legal protections against discrimination, and to help fashiona cultural and religious niche for the community’s faith, practices, andpresence. Even as public narratives about Muslims tend to emphasize “elementsof chaos, instability, and danger,” sympathetic representations of AmericanMuslims as “next-door neighbors” or “decent Americans struggling fortheir civil rights and in need of empathy, understanding and respect” are becomingmore prevalent in major media venues from National Public Radioto the New York Times (p. 3). In turn, Muslims are demonstrating their collectiveabilities to define authentically American identities through social andpolitical activism, forms of strategic public outreach, even ethnic comedy ...
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Khattab, Huda. "Islam Our Choice." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (2004): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1800.
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This book is a delightful read. The somewhat unoriginal title (compilationsof conversion accounts under the title Islam Our Choice have been aroundfor several decades, including stories that date back to the mid-twentiethcentury) belies the original and unique stories told within. However, thesewords might be rather startling for many non-Muslims, and thus piquetheir curiosity enough to pick up the book and inquire further.Islam Our Choice, aimed primarily at non-Muslim Americans, tellsthe stories of fellow Americans who have chosen to follow a different pathbut who are still Americans. The authors express the hope that “each non-Muslim American reader will probably be able to relate to and identifywith the pre-Muslim background of at least one of the authors” (p. 2). Theinclusion of family photos and illustrations adds to the book’s visualappeal and shows the contributors as ordinary Americans who are at homewith their new identity as Muslims.Although the contributors cover a wide range of geographical locations,levels of education, and career paths, their ethnic and religious backgroundscover a narrower range. Most of the respondents were former Christians ofvarying denominations, and most are white; one African-American womanalso contributed her story. It is now well known that there are Jewish,Latinos/Latinas, and Native American converts, and, hopefully, their storieswill be told in the near future in order to present a fuller picture of how Islamis reaching all sections of American society.The book opens with a brief overview of Islamic faith and practice, Islamin America, and a comparison between the position of women in modernAmerica and in Islam. This sets the scene, as it were, for readers who may beunfamiliar with the Muslim world and with Muslim communities in the West.Written according to the introduction’s general outline, each chapterrelates the story of an American woman who has come to Islam. All contributorsoffer insight into their childhood worlds, whether they were cozyand relatively uneventful, or dogged by poverty and such family troublesas alcoholism. Debra L. Dirks introduces the Mennonite culture fromwhich her family comes, and Khadijah R. Beruni sheds light on the twoworlds of her childhood in an extended African-American family: living ...
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Chen, Yufeng, and Saroja Dorairajoo. "American Muslims’ Da’wah Work and Islamic Conversion." Religions 11, no. 8 (2020): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11080383.
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Prior to the “9/11 attacks”, negative images of Islam in America were prevalent, and the 9/11 terrorist attacks made the situation for, and image of, Islam more sinister than before. Notwithstanding the extreme Islamophobia, one notes that, ironically in America, more people have been embracing Islam since, at least, the beginning of the twentieth century. Conversion to Islam in America seems to be a deviation from the adverse American public opinions towards Islam. An important question that, therefore, arises is: “Why are Americans converting to Islam despite negative public perception of the religion?” Perhaps Americans have been coerced into conversion by Muslim preachers through the latter’s meticulous and hard-hitting missionary work. In this qualitative study, the authors aim to explore how the missionary work, i.e., “Da’wah”, by some American Muslim missionaries influenced the conversion to Islam of those who were in contact with them. The authors argue that, unlike other Abrahamic proselytizing faiths such as Christianity or the Bahai faith, American Muslim proselytizing was not solely based on direct teaching of the tenets of the religion but also one that demonstrated faith by deeds or actions, which then made Islam attractive and influenced conversion of non-Muslims. These findings come from in-depth fieldwork that included interviews with forty-nine Muslim converts across the United States between June 2014 and May 2015.
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LaFree, Gary, and Nancy A. Morris. "Does Legitimacy Matter?" Crime & Delinquency 58, no. 5 (2012): 689–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128712452958.
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Legitimacy is conceptualized as subjective individual attitudes and expectations about formal institutional authority and is often thought of as a reservoir of trust or goodwill that formal governing authorities draw on to secure acceptance and compliance with the law. Recent public opinion surveys in predominantly Muslim countries report declining support for U.S. government and policy, as well as increasing support for Muslim-based groups that attack the United States. Based on prior research within the United States showing that perceptions of legitimacy are related to both acceptance and compliance with the law, we examine whether perceptions about the legitimacy of the U.S. government may also be related to support for anti-American transnational terrorist attacks. Using data from more than 3,600 face-to-face interviews with respondents from three Muslim countries, we examine the effects of support for the American government, people, and culture on support for Muslim-based groups that attack Americans. In addition, we examine the effects of perceived domestic institutional legitimacy on support for Muslim-based groups that attack Americans. Our results indicate that individuals who have more favorable attitudes toward American citizens and culture are less likely to support attacks against Americans by Muslim-based groups. We also find that perceived legitimacy in one’s own political institutions, including government, police, and the criminal justice system, is associated with lower levels of support for groups that attack Americans. We discuss the implications of the results for research and policy.
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Fajriani, Fajriani. "ASIAN INDIAN MUSLIM NEGOTIATING FOR IDENTITY IN THE POST ‘SEPTEMBER ELEVENTH’ AS DEPICTED IN THE FILM MY NAME IS KHAN." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 1, no. 2 (2014): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v1i2.34223.
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This article is an attempt to examine the problem of Muslim identity and how they negotiate their identity as Muslim whereas they have to face anti Muslim racism by Americans. The film has the theme of racism in the context of Muslim racial profiling. Therefore to accomplish the objectives, it applies Kant’s theory called as “races of mankind” that is, people are distinguishable according to their inherited physical attributes. This term illustrated the racialized of religion in the context of physical attributes related to labeling of Muslim racial profiling and stereotypes as terrorist. Since “September Eleventh”, Muslim is suspected as terrorist and has to be responsible for the tragedy. The interesting fact found in the analysisof the Asian Indian Muslim identity in the United States America post “September Eleventh” as depicted in the film is that, the Muslim Americans community was particularly impacted by the attacks and has had to face the growing Islamophobia including discrimination and prejudice, racial hatred, as well as violence. Rising Islamophobia and the negative reaction of American society to “September Eleventh” have led to changing definitions of the good multicultural society in the United States of America. Therefore, to decrease the impact of Islamophobia, Asian Indian Muslim Americans undergo the process of negotiation for their identity as Muslim through the way such as assertiveness in faith, showing the truth of Islam and participate in social activity. Accordingly, Americans Muslim can reduce the suspicionsof their identity until Americans do not assume them as threat even less as enemy but rather as human being that have right to be appreciated because of their humanity and not because of their identity as Muslim.Key words: Negotiation, Asian Indian Muslim identity, September Eleventh, Muslim racial profiling.
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Prickett, Pamela. "Complexity Beyond Intersections: Race, Class, and Neighborhood Disadvantage among African American Muslims." Social Inclusion 6, no. 2 (2018): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i2.1416.
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This study uses the case of African American Muslims to examine the intersection of religious inequality with other forms of disadvantage. It draws on more than six years of ethnographic and historical research in an African American Muslim community in a poor neighborhood in Los Angeles, comparing the experiences of community members with existing research on first- and second-generation Muslim immigrants. It addresses the three most prominent axes of difference between African American and immigrant Muslims—race/ethnicity, class, and neighborhood disadvantage—to explicate the ways in which religion may compound existing inequalities, or in some cases create new forms of difference. It also shows how identifying as native-born Americans allows African American Muslims to claim religion as a cultural advantage in certain situations. Religion is complex not only when different forms of inequality intersect but when these intersections create a different way of understanding what religion means for people of faith.
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Peterson, Kristin M. "Aesthetic Styles and the Occupation of Space in the “Places You’ll Pray” Photo Series." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 10, no. 1 (2021): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-bja10029.
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Abstract This paper analyzes a series of photographs that feature Muslim Americans praying in various public locations. In the “Places You’ll Pray” series, photographer Sana Ullah employs attractive settings along with framing, lighting, angle and colors to emphasize that the Islamic practice of prayer is not only an act that induces feelings of tranquility but also a beautiful practice that belongs within American public spaces. Through the policing of the sensory realm, the complex experiences of Muslims are generally over-simplified or made invisible in the media. This article explores how Muslim creators use aesthetics to shift the larger sensory realm of what is considered attractive, beautiful and valued in American society. As these photos circulate through social media and other digital spaces, Ullah and the photo subjects use the occupation of physical and digital spaces to assert that Muslim lives and Islamic values belong in the American landscape.
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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.
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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...
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Bacchus, Nazreen S. "Resisting Islamophobia: Muslims Seeking American Integration Through Spiritual Growth, Community Organizing and Political Activism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 4 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i4.548.
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Since 9/11, second-generation Muslims have experienced an increase in religious discrimination that has presented several challenges to their American integration. Scholars have noted that Muslims are often marginalized and “othered” because of their religious beliefs, attire choices and non-Western ethnic origins. In New York, Arabs, South Asians and Africans are the predominant ethnic groups practicing Islam. Although Muslim communities are ethnically and racially diverse, they are categorized in ways that have transformed their religious identity into a racialized group. This new form of racial amalgamation is not constructed on underlying skin color similarities but on their religious adherence to Islam. The War on Terror has complicated the image of Muslims by circulating Islamophobia, or the fear of Muslims and Islam, onto American society. Political rhetoric targeting Muslim communities has also incited new ways of misinterpreting Qur’anic text to further marginalize them. Second-generation Muslim Americans are responding to Islamophobia by reframing the negative depictions about their identities through community-based activism. This paper takes an intersectionality approach to understanding how Muslims across the New York metro area are managing their religious identities as they seek to develop a sense of belonging in American society. This ethnographic case study addresses how second-generation Muslims are resisting Islamophobia through community building, civic engagement, and college student associations. Countering Islamophobia has become part of the everyday life experience for Muslims in New York and is currently their main trajectory for integration into American society.
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Bacchus, Nazreen. "Resisting Islamophobia." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 4 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i4.548.
Full textAbstract:
Since 9/11, second-generation Muslims have experienced an increase in religious discrimination that has presented several challenges to their American integration. Scholars have noted that Muslims are often marginalized and “othered” because of their religious beliefs, attire choices and non-Western ethnic origins. In New York, Arabs, South Asians and Africans are the predominant ethnic groups practicing Islam. Although Muslim communities are ethnically and racially diverse, they are categorized in ways that have transformed their religious identity into a racialized group. This new form of racial amalgamation is not constructed on underlying skin color similarities but on their religious adherence to Islam. The War on Terror has complicated the image of Muslims by circulating Islamophobia, or the fear of Muslims and Islam, onto American society. Political rhetoric targeting Muslim communities has also incited new ways of misinterpreting Qur’anic text to further marginalize them. Second-generation Muslim Americans are responding to Islamophobia by reframing the negative depictions about their identities through community-based activism. This paper takes an intersectionality approach to understanding how Muslims across the New York metro area are managing their religious identities as they seek to develop a sense of belonging in American society. This ethnographic case study addresses how second-generation Muslims are resisting Islamophobia through community building, civic engagement, and college student associations. Countering Islamophobia has become part of the everyday life experience for Muslims in New York and is currently their main trajectory for integration into American society.
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Chuang, Angie, and Robin Chin Roemer. "The Immigrant Muslim American at the Boundary of Insider and Outsider." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 90, no. 1 (2013): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699012468740.
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Studies of Orientalized portrayals of Muslims have generally been distinct from studies on the Othering of immigrant Americans. This study employs concepts of insider/outsider status, applying theories of Orientalism and representations of the Other to newspaper coverage of the Muslim and Pakistani American perpetrator of the 2010 attempted Times Square bombing. Newspapers constructed a seemingly contradictory representation of Faisal Shahzad, as the apparent insider/American who becomes the alienated outsider/Other. This portrayal of the Orientalized insider establishes an emerging discourse on the “homegrown” terrorist who exists at the boundary of self and Other.
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Gerteis, Joseph, Douglas Hartmann, and Penny Edgell. "Racial, Religious, and Civic Dimensions of Anti-Muslim Sentiment in America." Social Problems 67, no. 4 (2019): 719–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz039.
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Abstract This paper examines anti-Muslim sentiment in America. Existing research has documented rising hostility to Muslims in Western countries, but has been much less clear about what drives such sentiments or exactly what sort of “other” Muslims are understood to be. Our interest is in the cultural construction of Muslims as a problematic or incompatible “other.” We explore the extent, content, and correlates of such views. Building from recent work in critical race theory and the study of cultural boundaries in national belonging, we argue that Muslims are distinct in being culturally excluded on religious, racial, and civic grounds at the same time. Using nationally representative survey data with specially designed measures on views of Muslims and other groups, we show that nearly half of Americans embrace some form of anti-Muslim sentiment, and that such views are systematically correlated with social location and with understandings of the nature of American belonging.
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Brooks, Risa A. "Muslim “Homegrown” Terrorism in the United States: How Serious Is the Threat?" International Security 36, no. 2 (2011): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00055.
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Since the September 11 attacks, analysts and public officials have expressed growing concern about the potential of Muslim citizens and residents of the United States to plot attacks within the country's borders—a phenomenon sometimes referred to as “homegrown” terrorism. To assess this apparent threat, it is necessary to examine what is known about the willingness and capacity of Muslim Americans to execute deadly attacks in the United States. Three conditions, either alone or together, could contribute to an increasing threat of homegrown terrorism. The first concerns what is known about the radicalization of Muslim Americans and whether a surge in arrests in 2009 indicates a growing trend in Muslim American terrorism. The second relates to the capacity of aspiring militants to avoid detection as they prepare attacks. The third depends on the skills of aspiring terrorists and therefore their capacities to execute increasingly sophisticated attacks. The analysis should be generally reassuring to those concerned about Muslim homegrown terrorism. On both analytical and empirical grounds, there is not a significant basis for anticipating that Muslim Americans are increasingly motivated or capable of successfully engaging in lethal terrorist attacks in the United States.
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Ebrahim, Muhammed-Shahid. "Mortgage Financing for Muslim Americans." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 1 (1993): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i1.2525.
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Islamic economics is a rapidly growing discipline seeking to redirecteconmomic behavior under the umbrella of Islam. This field combinesmalleable modem economic concepts with immutable moral principles inits attempt to address the economic climate of a given society. The mostsignificant differences between Islmaic economics and the world’s moreprevalent economic systems are the Islamic ban on rihl (usury) and theIslamic institution of zakah. The ban on usury is based on the verse:0 you who believe, fear Allah and give up what remains due toyou of usury if you are indeed Believes. And if you do not, thenbe warned of war (against you) by Allah and his messenger,while if you repent you shall have your capital. Do not wmngand you shall not be wronged (wan 2:278-9).This paper addresses mortgage firiancing problems on real propertythat Muslims face as a result of Islam’s ban on interest. The United Stateshas a unique tax system designed to enmurage investment in real property.Congtess allows property owners to deduct all mortgage interest,along with operating expenses and depreciation writeoffs, from incometaxes. This is an indirect form of government subsidy ...
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Hakim, Nader H., Ludwin E. Molina, and Nyla R. Branscombe. "How Discrimination Shapes Social Identification Processes and Well-Being Among Arab Americans." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 3 (2017): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617742192.
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The increasingly xenophobic U.S. climate warrants a close investigation of Arab American responses to discrimination. We conducted secondary analyses of two large data sets to examine social identity processes and their relationship to well-being. In a representative sample of Muslim Arab Americans (Study 1, n = 228), discrimination was related to decreased American identification, which in turn predicted lower well-being. Another large sample of Arab Americans (Study 2, n = 1,001) revealed how social identity processes differ by religious group. For Christian Arab Americans, discrimination predicted an indirect negative effect on well-being through decreased American identification. Muslim Arab Americans showed the same pattern, but also stronger religious and ethnic identification the more they experienced discrimination, which partially buffered the harmful effects on well-being. These data present a social cohesion challenge where the maintenance of national identity necessitates less discrimination and injustice against minorities.
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Osman, Wazhmah. "Racialized Agents and Villains of the Security State: How African Americans are Interpellated against Muslims and Muslim Americans." Asian Diasporic Visual Cultures and the Americas 5, no. 1-2 (2019): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23523085-00501008.
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This article examines modern American warfare and policing to draw parallels in the ways that national citizens and foreign nationals are subjected to similar regimes of violence and subjugation and highlight the interrelated oppressions of marginalized groups at home with marginalized groups abroad. It analyzes media representations of people from the Middle Eastern, North African, and South Asian (menasa) regions to further demonstrate the workings of empire. In particular, the us military-industrial complex, in conjunction with the us media industry, has played a pivotal role in creating dangerous post-9/11 stereotypes of menasa people as ruthless terrorists. Simultaneously, the us media fabricate an organic alliance between African Americans and its security state apparatus, thereby creating discord and disunity between African Americans and Arabs and other Muslim Americans. Against the hegemony of these institutions, how can activists create spectatorial solidarity and unified movements?
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Bruneau, Emile, Nour Kteily, and Emily Falk. "Interventions Highlighting Hypocrisy Reduce Collective Blame of Muslims for Individual Acts of Violence and Assuage Anti-Muslim Hostility." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 44, no. 3 (2017): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167217744197.
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Collectively blaming groups for the actions of individuals can license vicarious retribution. Acts of terrorism by Muslim extremists against innocents, and the spikes in anti-Muslim hate crimes against innocent Muslims that follow, suggest that reciprocal bouts of collective blame can spark cycles of violence. How can this cycle be short-circuited? After establishing a link between collective blame of Muslims and anti-Muslim attitudes and behavior, we used an “interventions tournament” to identify a successful intervention (among many that failed). The “winning” intervention reduced collective blame of Muslims by highlighting hypocrisy in the ways individuals collectively blame Muslims—but not other groups (White Americans, Christians)—for individual group members’ actions. After replicating the effect in an independent sample, we demonstrate that a novel interactive activity that isolates the psychological mechanism amplifies the effectiveness of the collective blame hypocrisy intervention and results in downstream reductions in anti-Muslim attitudes and anti-Muslim behavior.
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Kalkan, Kerem Ozan, Geoffrey C. Layman, and John C. Green. "Will Americans Vote for Muslims? Cultural Outgroup Antipathy, Candidate Religion, and U.S. Voting Behavior." Politics and Religion 11, no. 4 (2018): 798–829. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000342.
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AbstractWe assess how likely Americans are to support political candidates who are Muslim, and the extent to which support for Muslim candidates is structured by “cultural outgroup antipathy”—generalized antipathy targeting cultural outgroups. We employ two survey experiments included in the 2007 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies that juxtapose a hypothetical state legislative candidate's Muslim faith with Arab ethnicity, African American race, and both Democratic and Republican party affiliation. Identifying a candidate as Muslim significantly reduces voter support and that reduction is largest among people with higher levels of cultural outgroup antipathy. The effect is consistent regardless of whether the candidate is also identified as being Arab or African American or is just presented as a Muslim. We also find that cultural outgroup antipathy diminished electoral support for same-party Muslim candidates among Democrats but not among Republicans.
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Jalalzai, Farida. "The Politics of Muslims in America." Politics and Religion 2, no. 2 (2009): 163–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000194.
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AbstractThis article analyzes political participation and the attitudes of Muslim-Americans. Assessing national patterns, the first part highlights several regression models, discerning the impact of race/ethnicity, gender, foreign born status, age, and education on political activity and attitudes. I also compare changes in voting patterns among respondents between the 2000 and 2004 elections. The second half is based on in-depth interviews of Muslims from St. Louis, Missouri, probing more directly particular shifts in views and participation since September 11. Among the national sample, South Asians and Middle Easterners largely supported Republican George W. Bush in 2000, while African-Americans voted for Democrat Al Gore. However, by 2004, race and ethnicity were no longer statistically significant factors dividing the Muslim vote; instead, support largely went to Democrat John Kerry. Changes in voting patterns between 2000 and 2004 were also evident in the St. Louis sample of South Asians and Middle Easterners. They generally cited unfavorable views of Muslim treatment both at home and abroad since the War on Terror began as major reasons for these changes. Partisan and voting shifts were not evident among African-Americans, who have been consistent Democrats. However, many African-Americans in addition to Middle Easterners and South Asians reported heightened interest in politics and similar changes since September 11. Only Bosnians, who are relatively new to the United States, report few changes. This is largely because they have yet to develop firm political identities. Among both samples, Muslim-Americans generally exhibit high rates of participation in various political activities, many reporting increasing interest and involvement since September 11. Therefore, regardless of the hardships they may currently feel, Muslim-Americans are not hiding in the shadows but are fully participating in the political sphere.
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Bin Abdullah, Omer. "Reflecting on Islam in America." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 3 (2002): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1936.
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"The strength of America is in its diversity, and this diversity includes theIslamic component, which is part of the American mainstream now." Soproclaimed ISNA secretary general Sayyid M. Syeed while inauguratingthe sixth annual ISNA Islam in America Conference, which is now part ofthe American academic calendar.Held in Chicago on July 5-7, four conferences were featured: Islam inAmerica, Islam among Latino Americans, Islam in American Prisons, andMuslim Refugee Resettlement in America. The mainstream American mediawas there in full to cover these events.l n his inaugural address, Syeed said that Muslims must continue toshape their public identity as they further integrate into mainstreamAmerican society. He added that while public perceptions about Muslimsand Islam have improved over the last 30 years, there is still work to bedone. He stated that ISNA will continue to serve Muslim Americans andpromote understanding among all Americans, and that INSA has receiveda federal faith-based initiative grant for a project.Mary Ann Peters, American ambassador to Bangladesh, remarked inher keynote address that America derives its strength from diversity andstressed that there is no acceptable level of intolerance in America. Sheinformed the audience that she had reached out to over 2,000 Bangladeshireligious leaders to promote womens' rights in their country, and that promoting democracy overseas serves American interests. She would like tosee better relations between the U.S. and Muslim countries, and mentionedthat the American government has accepted her suggestion of regularexchanges of religious scholars between the two countries.Shaikh Hamza Yusuf focused on the Prophet's conduct and remindedeveryone that he never repaid persecution, insults, or injury with anger orin kind. Addressing the mainstream media's treatment of Muslims, Yusufsaid that instead of simply criticizing the media, Muslims must form anorganization similar to the Anti-Defamation League that could correct andinform their detractors. Dr. David Schwartz, another keynote speaker whorecently retired as religious services administrator for the Federal Bureau ofPrisons, said that Islam is a positive element in inmates' lives. He vehementlyrejected the insinuation that American prisons are being used as ...
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Cainkar, Louise, and Saher Selod. "Review of Race Scholarship and the War on Terror." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 4, no. 2 (2018): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218762808.
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The 9/11 terrorist attacks and heavy-handed state and popular response to them stimulated increased scholarship on American Muslims. In the social sciences, this work has focused mainly on Arabs and South Asians, and more recently on African Americans. The majority of this scholarship has not engaged race theory in a comprehensive or intersectional manner. The authors provide an overview of the work on Muslims over the past 15 years and argue that the Muslim experience needs to be situated within race scholarship. The authors further show that September 11 did not create racialized Muslims, Arabs, or South Asians. Rather, the authors highlight a preexisting, racializing war on terror and a more complex history of these groups with race both globally and domestically. Islamophobia is a popular term used to talk about Muslim encounters with discrimination, but the concept lacks a clear understanding of race and structural racism. Newer frameworks have emerged situating Muslim experiences within race scholarship. The authors conclude with a call to scholars to embark on studies that fill major gaps in this emerging field of study—such as intersectional approaches that incorporate gender, communities of belonging, black Muslim experiences, class, and sexuality—and to remain conscious of the global dimensions of this racial project.
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Hashem, Mazen. "Muslim Families in North America." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 3 (1993): 415–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i3.2498.
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The writers contributing their researaches to this book deal with anare8 that has not yet been adequately studied. Most of the litemhue onMuslims is historically or politically oriented and views immigrant Muslimsin North America as extensions of their homelands, in particular theMiddle East. This book discusses Muslim families as part of the pluralsticand ever-changjng social fabric of the United States and Canada. Thefamilies of African-American Muslims and Muslim converts are notstudied. We are going to present our critique chapter by chapter.Muslim Normative 'I).aditions and the North American Environment(Sharon Mclrvin Abu-Laban).The clear and workable typology of Muslim immigrant families presentedhere points out major social patterns and links to Islam. They aredivided into three cohorts based on "the dynamic interaction between socialconditions and group characteristics" @. 7): pioneer (nineteenth centuryto WWII); transitional (post-WWII to 1967); and differential (1968to ptesent). Different generations within each cohort are exarnined.African-American Muslims are excluded, as their case is unique.The fitst cohort lived in an era of total conformity to a socioculturalmilieu dominated by the English language and Christianity. This cohort'ssecond generation assumed a more conformist role due to its disadvantagedsocial status, distance from its original home and culture, and lackof financial resou~easn d ethnic institutions. Intermarriagew ith the widersociety was high. Ironically, all of this "generated the particular disdainof the newest Muslim immigrants," who arrived after 1976 @. 18).The transitional cohort consists mainly of foreign students from wellestablishedindigenous elite families who had been Europeanized beforetheir arrival. As a postcolonial generation, they saw nationalism, not religion,as a valuable means for development and social change. They intermarriedwith North Americans at a higher rate than their predecessors.The second generation of this cohort, along with the third generation ofthe pioneers, experienced the most discrimination and media stereotyping ...
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Moyer-Gusé, Emily, Katherine R. Dale, and Michelle Ortiz. "Reducing Prejudice Through Narratives." Journal of Media Psychology 31, no. 4 (2019): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000249.
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Abstract. Recent extensions to the contact hypothesis reveal that different forms of contact, such as mediated intergroup contact, can reduce intergroup anxiety and improve attitudes toward the outgroup. This study draws on existing research to further consider the role of identification with an ingroup character within a narrative depicting intergroup contact between Muslim and non-Muslim Americans. Results reveal that identification with the non-Muslim (ingroup) model facilitated liking the Muslim (outgroup) model, which reduced prejudice toward Muslims more generally. Identification with the ingroup model also increased conversational self-efficacy and reduced anxiety about future intergroup interactions – both important aspects of improving intergroup relations.
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Khan, Shaza. "Muslims in America." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 2 (2005): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1716.
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To date, most of the literature on Muslims in the United States has discussedthe formation and growth of this population from a national perspective.Few studies, however, examine the dynamics of specific Muslim communitiesfrom a local, city-specific context. Mbaye Lo attempts to fill this gapthrough his research on the history of Muslims in Cleveland, Ohio, in hisbook Muslims in America: Race, Politics, and Community Building. Thisbook aims to present a “comprehensive historical assessment of Muslimcommunities in Cleveland” by providing a detailed examination of “theirhistory, their faith and the challenges they face as they establish mosques,develop Islamic centers, and create a multiethnic community” (p. 2). Using various sources of data, such as oral histories of influential figures in theCleveland area and local and national surveys conducted on Muslims in theUnited States, Lo discovers that “the history of Islam in Cleveland is a localphenomenon with both national and global derivations” (p. 3).American immigration policies, the civil rights movement, and newinterpretations of Islam are some of the factors that affected the growth ofMuslim populations throughout the nation and in Cleveland. Lo traces thegenesis of the Muslim community to Ahmadi missionaries who arrived inthe city from India in the early 1900s. Shortly after their arrival, Ahmadisfound great success in inviting African Americans to convert to Islam, creatingthe foundation for what was to become a burgeoning Muslim community.In the latter half of the twentieth century, the arrival of immigrantMuslims and members of the Nation of Islam to Cleveland helped the communityexpand, while also introducing new versions of Islam to the city’sresident Muslims. Ironically, this influx of Muslim outsiders to Clevelandresulted in both the growth and the division of its Muslim population ...
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Khawaja, Mabel. "Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 4 (1992): 570–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i4.2544.
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The introduction to this book credits the author with clarifying theoperative attitudes of Americans towards Islam by looking at the causeand result of the Muslim image in American literature. However, regretis expressed that Sha'ban had to be heroically selective about a subjectradiating in many rich directions. Apparently, the book offers fresh insightsand new possibilities for exploration and discovery, therebycontributing significantly to the enhancement of a literary tradition thatcame to the forefront with Said's Orientalism. Sha'ban studies orientalismin tenns of America's exposure to and understanding of Islam by focusingon Muslims of nineteenth-century North Africa and the Middle East.Even though the book's thrust is political, Sha 'ban challenges the readerto review familiar American writers and trends from an unfamiliar perspectiveas he traces the historically biased approach of Americans intheir dealings with the Muslim world.In chapter one, “A Place for My People,“ the author explains howAmerica’s Puritan beginnings shaped its self-image and its attitude towads“the Arab world, its people and land.” The Pilgrims saw themselvesas the chosen people in a promised land. Under the umbrella of aprovidential plan and the divine covenant, they were heirs to the kingdomof God in the new world and therefore shared a common responsibilityto execute the divine mission. Unlike European monamhs who relied onreligion for personal privilege (i.e., the Divine Right theory), Puritansshifted away from emphasizing the personal and private aspects of Christianityto its communal or corporate nature. They constantly endorsedtheir national responsibility to share the benefits of their chosen status ascitizens of God’s kingdom with the rest of the world ...
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Dana, Karam, Nazita Lajevardi, Kassra A. R. Oskooii, and Hannah L. Walker. "Veiled Politics: Experiences with Discrimination among Muslim Americans." Politics and Religion 12, no. 4 (2018): 629–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000287.
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AbstractAnecdotal evidence suggests that Muslim American women who wear the hijab may be particularly vulnerable to the experiences of stigmatization because the hijab represents one of the most obvious and dominant markers of “otherness.” Yet, extant research has surprisingly neglected to systematically examine how such external markers of difference can increase perceptions of discrimination. Drawing from two nationally representative datasets, we examine perceived discrimination among Muslim Americans, and find that veiled women report experiencing both societal and institutional discrimination at much higher rates than their counterparts. In fact, our findings show that the hijab is one of the most important predictors of self-reported discrimination amongallMuslim Americans. Interestingly, however, we also find that men are more likely than women to perceive discrimination once we account for the role of the hijab. Our analysis makes an important contribution to existing research by highlighting the unique experiences of a religious minority group and identifies one important and previously underexplored mechanism by which individuals may be targeted for discrimination—the hijab.
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Bodman, Whitney. "History, Faith and Muslim-Christian Dialogue, 2." Review & Expositor 105, no. 1 (2008): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730810500105.
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Muslim-Christian Dialogue in the U.S. is, thankfully, a growing enterprise, but at the same time it lacks depth. In both communities, but particularly in the Muslim community, there is some wariness about the motives and candor of the other. Muslims generally have realized the importance of explaining their tradition to fellow Americans. Their account of Islam, strong on its spirituality and morality, usually lacks acknowledgment of its history and diversity. Many Christians are committed to hospitality to Muslims and usually initiate the encounters. Many are regretful of past and present hostile treatments of Islam and Muslims, but often have difficulty presenting the core faith that unites all Christians beneath the quite evident divisions in the church. One possible path to a deeper understanding between Muslims and Christians is through an intensive and focused examination of our Scriptures.
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Rosenthal, Lisa, Sheri R. Levy, Margarita Katser, and Cartney Bazile. "Polyculturalism and attitudes toward Muslim Americans." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 21, no. 4 (2015): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000133.
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Jalalzai, Farida. "Anxious and Active: Muslim Perception of Discrimination and Treatment and its Political Consequences in the Post-September 11, 2001 United States." Politics and Religion 4, no. 1 (2010): 71–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000519.
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AbstractUtilizing both quantitative and qualitative analysis, this article assesses discrimination and anxiety among Muslims in the post-September 11, 2001 United States. Substantial portions of Muslim-Americans are indeed anxious and report personal and group discrimination. However, this is guided by many factors including religious salience, age, education, political attentiveness, native born status, and years lived in the United States. Respondents who are more anxious and know victims of religious discrimination are also more active in politics. However, personal experiences with discrimination are unrelated to political participation. Overall, in spite of or perhaps because of anxiety over their present status, Muslim-Americans are highly functional in the political sphere. Many are now more active in politics than prior to September 11, 2001.
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Martin, Shane. "The Congressional Representation of Muslim-American Constituents." Politics and Religion 2, no. 2 (2009): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000212.
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AbstractLegislators' responsiveness to constituency preferences is an accepted cornerstone of American representative democracy. Focusing on key domestic anti-terrorism votes during the 109th Congress, this study explores whether or not the presence of Muslim-Americans in a district influenced House members' roll-call behavior. We apply and test two competing theories of representation: the congruence theory and the minority backlash hypothesis. Using original data on Muslim-American constituency size, our analysis indicates little evidence of a representational backlash and some evidence that both Democratic and Republican members are positively responsive in their roll-call behavior to the presence of Muslim voters in their districts.
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Khan, Mohsin, Hamedi Adnan, Surinderpal Kaur, Rashid Khuhro, Rohail Asghar, and Sahira Jabeen. "Muslims’ Representation in Donald Trump’s Anti-Muslim-Islam Statement: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Religions 10, no. 2 (2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020115.
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The Muslim community in America has been facing turmoil, particularly after the events of 9/11. Muslims are facing a number of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim discriminatory practices, biases, and sentiments from many Americans. These religious prejudices are apparent at the public and political leadership levels, as well as other facets of the country. The current study has concentrated on Trump’s emerging ideology that positions him within anti-Islamic and anti- Muslim discourses since he announced his candidature for the presidency. The study aims to examine and pin point the self-other representations that are evident in the Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiments in Trump’s statements during the American Presidential Elections of 2016. In order to examine Trump’s prejudicial discourse, the research engaged with Critical Discourse Studies as its framework, with a specific focus upon Van Dijk’s Ideological Square Model as well as NVIVO 12 Pro for linguistic inquiry. The results showed that the self-other binary is strongly evidenced in Trump’s statements and that he employed various discursive techniques to represent Islam and Muslims in a negative manner, while representing himself as very patriotic to the country. To legitimatize his arguments, he deployed several rhetoric strategies, including victimization, presupposition, authority, number game, evidentiality, polarization, and populism. Keeping the religious and economic context in view, the research reveals that Donald Trump has represented Islam and Muslims as a negative phenomenon and presented himself as an Islamophobe by negatively targeting Islamic components, like Shariah and Jihad. In his prejudicial representation of Islam, most of the Islamic beliefs are represented as anti-women and anti-American, threatening the security of America and its very way of life.
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Paige, Shari, Elaine Hatfield, and Lu Liang. "Iranian-American’s Perceptions of Prejudice and Discrimination: Differences Between Muslim, Jewish, and Non-Religious Iranian-Americans." Interpersona: An International Journal on Personal Relationships 9, no. 2 (2015): 236–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ijpr.v9i2.194.
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Recent political events have created a political and social climate in the United States that promotes prejudice against Middle Eastern, Iranian, and Muslim peoples. In this study, we were interested in investigating two major questions: (1) How much ethnic harassment do Iranian-American men and women from various religious backgrounds (Muslim, Jewish, or no religious affiliation at all) perceive in their day-to-day interactions? (2) To what extent does the possession of stereotypical Middle Eastern, Iranian, or Muslim traits (an accent, dark skin, wearing of religious symbols, traditional garb, etc.) spark prejudice and thus the perception of ethnic harassment? Subjects were recruited from two very different sources: (1) shoppers at grocery stores in Iranian-American neighborhoods in Los Angeles, and (2) a survey posted on an online survey site. A total of 338 Iranian-Americans, ages 18 and older, completed an in-person or online questionnaire that included the following: a request for demographic information, an assessment of religious preferences, a survey of how “typically” Iranian-American Muslim or Iranian-American Jewish the respondents’ traits were, and the Ethnic Harassment Experiences Scale. One surprise was that, in general, our participants reported experiencing a great deal of ethnic harassment. As predicted, Iranian-American Muslim men perceived the most discrimination—far more discrimination than did American Muslim women. Overall, there were no significant differences between the various religious groups. All felt discriminated against. Iranian-American men and women, whose appearance was stereotypically Middle Eastern (i.e., they wore Middle Eastern clothing), who had sub-ethnic identification, and who had lower family income, generally reported experiencing the most prejudice.
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Westfall, Aubrey, Özge Çelik Russell, Bozena Welborne, and Sarah Tobin. "Islamic Headcovering and Political Engagement: The Power of Social Networks." Politics and Religion 10, no. 1 (2017): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000754.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.