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Journal articles on the topic 'Muslim Terrorists'
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1
Grillo, Michael C., Juris Pupcenoks, and Keith B. Lyle. "Handedness and the neurocognitive foundations of public attitudes about international laws and norms." Politics and the Life Sciences 37, no. 1 (2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.30.
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Whether Geneva Conventions (GC) rights should apply to terrorists is a contentious question that has received little attention in public opinion research. Both personality and contextual factors may be important. We queried participants’ support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists, but first we measured participants’ authoritarianism and presented them with a scenario concerning an alleged terrorist. We manipulated whether (1) the scenario contained examples of GC rights and (2) the alleged terrorist’s religious affiliation was Muslim or non-Muslim. Support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists was high and unaffected by providing examples of GC provisions, but it was negatively related to authoritarianism. Support was reduced by priming with a Muslim terrorist, but only among participants exhibiting a behavioral marker for limited interhemispheric interaction — consistent-handedness. Consistent-handers in our sample expressed greater authoritarianism, suggesting that limited interhemispheric interaction promotes greater authoritarianism, which decreases support for applying the GC to alleged terrorists.
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Ibrahim, Zakyi. "Violent Muslim Extremism Flagrantly Dares the World." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (2015): i—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.1003.
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This editorial reflects on an aspect of the root causes of the current refugeeand migrant influx into Europe: Can the Muslim world’s extremist elements,who brazenly continue to dare the international community, be decisively defeatedso that peace and tranquility can be restored to the Middle East and theworld at large? I contend that this menace can be decisively eliminated. However,and most importantly, the international community – all of its potentials,commitments, and declarations notwithstanding – lacks a genuine unity ofpurpose and a strong will to defeat it.A Brief ClarificationThe definition of a terrorist is simple and clear, and yet there is no consensusor objectivity on whom and how to apply it.1Although any individual or groupthat terrorizes others can be described as terrorist, people tend to ascribe it onlyto those with whom they disagree (mainly Muslims). Thus when their “kind”or allies engage in similar acts they are not terrorists.2All those who use violenceto terrorize others need to be labeled terrorists, regardless of their politicaland religious affiliations. I employ violent Muslim extremists here because itaccurately describes the people I have in mind: Those Muslims who are violentand extremist, and nobody else. But terrorist can – and should – be applied toanyone who uses violence against others ...
3
Saleem, Muniba, Sara Prot, Craig A. Anderson, and Anthony F. Lemieux. "Exposure to Muslims in Media and Support for Public Policies Harming Muslims." Communication Research 44, no. 6 (2015): 841–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215619214.
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Few studies have empirically examined how media stereotypes of Muslims influence Americans’ support for public policies exclusively harming Muslims. Across three studies, we tested the short-term and long-term effects of news portraying Muslims as terrorists on Americans’ support for public policies harming Muslims domestically and internationally. Study 1 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for military action in Muslim countries. Study 2 revealed that exposure to news portraying Muslims as terrorists is positively associated with support for public policies that harm Muslims domestically and internationally; this effect was fully mediated by perceptions of Muslims as aggressive. Experimental results from Study 3 revealed that exposing participants to negative Muslim media footage, relative to neutral or no-video footage, increased perceptions of Muslims as aggressive, increased support for harsh civil restrictions of Muslim Americans, and increased support for military action in Muslim countries. Exposure to positive Muslim footage yielded opposite results. We discuss the importance of media in exacerbating aggressive attitudes and public policies in the context of intergroup relations.
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Bahrainwala, Lamiyah. "When Terrorists Play Ball." Communication & Sport 6, no. 6 (2017): 680–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479517736758.
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Public discourse often forwards Muslim athletes as examples of “exceptional” Muslims who are “moderate.” This signals that engaging in discourse about sports can allow U.S. Muslims to tap into the nationalism and respectability necessary for demonstrating citizenship, and combat increased scrutiny and charges of radicalization. This article examines the discursive ripples that result when this connection between sports, nationalism and respectability, and “moderate Muslims” is disrupted. I take up the case study of the 2013 Boston Marathon Bombing mastermind, Tamerlan Tsarnaev, who was also an accomplished boxer. First, I describe how discourse about sports emerges in conversations about “moderate Muslims,” and second, I examine how Tsarnaev’s athletic accomplishments mediate his terrorist persona in the news coverage. I draw on respectability politics and Jasbir Puar’s concept of the hypertrophied heterosexual in my analysis. In doing so, I establish how discourse about sports mediates conversations about U.S. Muslim identity and furthers U.S. exceptionalism.
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Rosyid, Moh. "Perempuan dalam Jaringan Radikalisme vis a vis Terorisme Global." MUWAZAH 10, no. 2 (2018): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1782.
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This paper discusses about women in the framework of a global radical network on behalf of Islam as the basis of their struggle. This study uses a qualitative approach, with data sources from mass media and electronic media (newspapers, television, social media, etc.). Data collection techniques using document study. Analysis techniques use content analysis. The results show that women's involvement in the terrorist movement has been identified since the 1970s, where women became bombers after being brainwashed by male terrorists. Factors that led to the involvement of women in the global terrorism network, namely: 1) as an escape because of the discriminatory treatment that befell them; 2) reasons for concern over the inequalities suffered by the global Muslim community; 3) narrow religious awareness so that by becoming terrorists they feel they have the same social position as male terrorists in jihad; 4) psychologically unstable because of problems, and they surf on social media, so they are vulnerable to being trapped as terrorists and; 5) women whose husbands become terrorists are also involved as terrorists. The strategy carried out by terrorist groups in conquering women is by marrying them, even marrying them through social media that is legalized and / or legalized, so that according to the husband's wishes.
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Gotanda, Neil. "The Racialization of Islam in American Law." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, no. 1 (2011): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211408525.
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After 9/11, the “Muslim terrorist” trope altered the American understanding of Islam. This article argues that the Muslim terrorist in our popular culture should not be seen as new but within an established tradition of racializing Asian Americans. The article employs three dimensions of racialization: raced body, racial category, and ascribed subordination. The raced body is the “brown” body of immigrants and descendants of immigrants from North Africa, the Middle East, and Central and Southern Asia. “Muslim” as a racial category has acquired meaning beyond religion and now also describes a racial category: those whose ancestry traces to countries where Islam is significant. Linked to that category are the stereotypes of “terrorist,” “spy,” or “saboteur”—understandings within the tradition of characterizing Asian Americans as permanent, unassimilable foreigners. Inscribing the linked racial category and ascribed subordination of permanent foreignness upon the “brown” raced body is the racialization of Muslims into Muslim terrorists.
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Brooks, Risa A. "Muslim “Homegrown” Terrorism in the United States: How Serious Is the Threat?" International Security 36, no. 2 (2011): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00055.
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Since the September 11 attacks, analysts and public officials have expressed growing concern about the potential of Muslim citizens and residents of the United States to plot attacks within the country's borders—a phenomenon sometimes referred to as “homegrown” terrorism. To assess this apparent threat, it is necessary to examine what is known about the willingness and capacity of Muslim Americans to execute deadly attacks in the United States. Three conditions, either alone or together, could contribute to an increasing threat of homegrown terrorism. The first concerns what is known about the radicalization of Muslim Americans and whether a surge in arrests in 2009 indicates a growing trend in Muslim American terrorism. The second relates to the capacity of aspiring militants to avoid detection as they prepare attacks. The third depends on the skills of aspiring terrorists and therefore their capacities to execute increasingly sophisticated attacks. The analysis should be generally reassuring to those concerned about Muslim homegrown terrorism. On both analytical and empirical grounds, there is not a significant basis for anticipating that Muslim Americans are increasingly motivated or capable of successfully engaging in lethal terrorist attacks in the United States.
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Kustana, Tatan. "Islamic terrorism in Indonesia: Addressing Government Strategies and Muslim Population." Jurnal Pertahanan 3, no. 2 (2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v3i2.145.
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<p><em>This paper shows how Terrorism has been emerging in the world, the potency to be spread out in the South-East Asian nations, and how Indonesia could face internal challenges to do counter-terrorism of the false Jihad, with multitrack diplomacy, primarily with Police and National Agency for Combating Terrorism counter-terrorism programs. In the perspective of defense strategy, the issue of terrorism brings several implications (Indonesian White Paper 2008, p. 9). The condition of Indonesian community with low educational levels and low economic income becomes target for terrorist actors to expand the network by developing and recruiting new members. The threat of Islamic terrorism is categorized as a national security threat. The Indonesian Government through its security apparatus still have to work hard to hunt down other terrorists, to undertake preventive efforts to prevent Islamic fundamentalist beliefs not to develop and increased education level and the understanding of Islam more comprehensively.</em></p>
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Kusuma, Bayu Mitra A. "Transnational Islam, Regional Terrorism, and Military Power: The Rise of Muslim Special Unit in the Philippines Armed Force." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 2, no. 2 (2018): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v2i2.8363.
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The Southern Philippines is known as one of the areas that never get out of conflict. Even in 2017 the public was shocked by the emergence of the Maute group in Marawi which affiliated with ISIS or Daesh transnational terrorists. They undertake a lot of human rights violations such as kidnapping and murder. In addition, terrorist groups that have existed before like Abu Sayyaf often operate by crossing several Southeast Asian countries waters boundary, so the problem is transformed into a regional issue. To face this problem, the Philippines government formed a Muslim special unit in their military power. On the one hand, it’s has a positive impact: (1) Religious and cultural approach will open up a larger dialogue space compared to a conventional military approach; (2) More adaptable and diffuse to gain local community support; and (3) Greatly facilitate coordination and cooperation with the military of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam as a country with Muslim majority population. But on the other hand, it’s also has a negative impact: (1) Potential emergence of factions within the military or gap between the Muslim units with other soldier; and (2) Reinforcing the stigma that Muslims are terrorists and must be fought with hard-core Muslim behind military uniform.
10
Vertigans, Stephen, and Philip Sutton. "Back to the Future: ‘Islamic Terrorism’ and Interpretations of past and Present." Sociological Research Online 6, no. 3 (2001): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.631.
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Commentaries on September's acts of terrorism have tended to rely upon secular accounts to explain both the terrorism and the wider, less violent Islamic resurgence. This has meant that the explanatory focus has been upon threats to Muslims, the negative impact of globalization and interrelated modernization and the role of America within global relations and the Middle East in particular. These generalisations are problematic because they fail to explain the broader appeal of Islam, the character and contemporary nature of Islamic movements and in the instance of the terrorists and al-Qa'ida, the relatively wealthy and educated backgrounds of a significant number of the terrorists. As a corrective, the paper expands the focus to include the awareness of contemporary problems and the historical origins and successes of Islam that are both seen to legitimise the need for a radical form of Islam, interpreted as a comprehensive way of life. This awareness has been significantly aided through contemporary developments in technology, mass communications and transport networks allied to the rapid growth of education across Muslim countries. These factors, rather than diminishing the appeal of religion, as secularists have argued, are instrumental in the Islamic resurgence generally and specifically in facilitating terrorist activity.
11
Al-Dawoody, Ahmed. "International Terrorism and the Jurisdiction of Islamic Law." International Criminal Law Review 15, no. 3 (2015): 565–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01503004.
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This article investigates the jurisdiction of Islamic law to international terrorism under the four Sunni schools of Islamic law. International terrorism refers to the following three cases: 1) terrorist acts committed outside of the Islamic state by its citizens; 2) terrorist acts committed outside the Islamic state by its non-citizens; and 3) terrorist acts committed inside the Islamic state by its non-citizens. It starts with studying the classical Muslim jurists’ tripartite division of the world into the ‘house of Islam’, ‘house of war’, and ‘house of peace’ to find out the boundaries of the jurisdiction of Islamic law and its position on the extradition of international terrorists. It examines the definition and elements of terrorism to find out the relevance of applying Islamic law to the modern form of acts of terrorism. It argues for the universal jurisdiction of Islamic law to acts of international terrorism.
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Salenda, Kasjim. "ANALISIS TERHADAP PRAKTEK TERORISME ATAS NAMA JIHAD." ALQALAM 26, no. 1 (2009): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v26i1.1516.
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Discourses on terrorism and jihad have been intensively discussed after September 11, 2001. Some argue that terrorism and jihad are correlated. In fact, terrorism and jihad substantially differ. Terrorism tends to be revolutionary and destructive that cause panics and fears, and it acts based on no clear principles, while jihad tends to improve human's safety and welfare personally or collectively, and the actions of it base on clear principles. Some Muslims, particularly radical Muslims, in which they commit terrorism as an actualization of jihad. This is due to internal and external factors. Internally, it is related to their limited understanding towards Islamic texts in which they use textual approach. Externally, socio cultural and political factors of Muslim community lead terrorists to commit terrorism.
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Makanda, Joseph, Emmanuel Matambo, and Vumile Mncibi. "The Syrian Conflict and “Women Terrorists”." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (2018): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000014.
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Studies on terrorism have often taken the usual bias towards studying and analyzing phenomena from a male-dominated perspective. The current article looks at jihadi feminism as a growing trend in contemporary terrorism. The paper argues that there is an increase of women from both traditionally Muslim and traditionally non-Muslim regions joining ISIS and taking part in the Syrian war on the side of Islamic extremists. The paper argues that women from Western countries, because of their understanding of feminism, are more combatant in championing religious terrorism than are women who have been brought up in Islamic role, who see their role mainly as that of helper of terrorist activists rather than active participants.
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Braman, Eileen, and Abdulkader H. Sinno. "An Experimental Investigation of Causal Attributions for the Political Behavior of Muslim Candidates: Can a Muslim Represent you?" Politics and Religion 2, no. 2 (2009): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000224.
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AbstractAmerican Muslim representation in elected office has lagged behind that of other groups of comparable size. Muslims now make up 2% of the total United States population and enjoy much larger concentrations in some urban areas. American Muslims are also disproportionately educated and enjoy a higher average socio-economic status than members of groups with similar numbers that have made strides in terms of political representation in our democracy. Yet Muslims have not made similar advances in the political arena. There are a number of reasons that might account for this situation. Here, we look at one possible explanation that is especially intriguing — and perhaps a bit troubling: the idea that voters make different causal attributions for the behavior of Muslim candidates for office. We employ an experimental design to examine the attributions participants use to “explain” the behavior of hypothetical Muslim and non-Muslim candidates. We conduct two experiments involving distinct political offices: State Attorney General and United States Senator. We find that respondents generally do not attribute behavior differently in the case of Muslim and Christian candidates, except in the case of lax prosecution of a terrorism case. Politically sophisticated respondents assume that a Muslim prosecutor who does not have a large Muslim constituency is sympathetic to Muslim terrorists, but not one with a larger Muslim voting base. Non-sophisticates attribute his behavior to such motivations regardless of the concentration of Muslims in his district.
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Ijaz, Saba, Muhammad Awais, Mudasar Ali Nadeem, and Farahat Ali. "Rendering Muslims as Terrorists in the English Comic Books: Analysis of Liberty for All and Holly Terror." Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 68 (August 31, 2020): 785–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.68.785.796.
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Comic books are not only designed to entertain the readers but they also become a medium to communicate something between the lines. Comic books are a popular medium in western countries. This paper investigated the depiction of terrorist incidents allegedly involving Muslims in English comic books. The study aimed to analyze the treatment that was given to the Muslim and non-Muslim characters especially as a part of terrorist organizations while showing real-life terrorism based incidents. It was also intended to explore how they induced fear appeal in their stories regarding particular characters. Through purposive sampling, two comic books have been selected to know how the Muslim characters in the comic book were portrayed in a derogatory manner and to know how they have recaptured the incident of September 11, 2001. Liberality for All and Holy Terror are the two books that were selected and analyzed by using the method of content analysis. Drawing upon the theoretical perspective of Agenda Setting (and Framing), it is assumed that the comic books were prepared deliberately to depict Muslims in a deprecating approach. The results ask the orientalist scholars to raise their eyebrows toward the depiction of Muslims in comic books whose audience is relatively younger and the particular portrayal in such manner can have a profound and longer effect on the young minds regarding Muslims.
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Al Areqi, Rashad Mohammed Moqbel. "Terrorism in Contemporary Era Narration." English Language and Literature Studies 8, no. 1 (2018): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v8n1p66.
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Terrorism is the talk of the world. It also occupies a larger part in the media and Islam receives relatively high attention compared to other religions. Islam, Muslims, particularly Arabs, in the eyes of the West, become the source of terrorism that gives the West an opportunity to launch a war against the countries which are accused of terrorism. It is, in fact, a war against radical Islam as they claimed. How do the western politicians, reporters, journalists and writers address terrorism in their official speech or literary works that reflect their vision and understanding of terror/terrorism? The present article addresses Amy Waldman’s The Submission, 2011, John Updike’s Terrorist, 2006, Joel Rosenberg’s The Last Jihad, 2002, and their vision of terrorism, its reasons and the people behind. The article concluded that the western narratives written during the controversial period of the post 9/11. 2001 came deeply influenced by the western media reports and the official statements about 9/11. Such narratives also created, but enrooted Islamophobia and anti- Muslim attitudes in the hearts of the westerners while the western narratives written lately showed more sympathy and rationality towards Muslim characters because the hidden facts of terrorism become exposed. The narratives showed that the western countries exaggerate in their reactions against terrorists/terrorism and the present research concluded that the West has taken precautionary steps to protect its interests and its allies in such countries accused of terrorism. The westerners make use of their domination upon the media to create negative and aggressive attitudes towards Islam/Muslims to blackmail the Islamic countries in the name of war on terrorism, and to secularize/westernize the different aspects of life in such Islamic countries. The narratives showed that war on terrorism is a war on Islam, particularly, radical Islam as claimed.
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Caoduro, Elena. "Face to face with the Muslim “Other”." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 1 (August 17, 2011): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.1.08.
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The bombings on March 11, 2004 in Madrid and on July 7, 2005 in London brought terror to the heart of Europe and amplified the feelings of fear, disbelief and suspicion developed as a consequence of 9/11 trauma. This article departs from Hollywood discourses on international terrorism to investigate how European cinema reflected upon these tragedies. Focusing on the films Fremder Freund (The Friend, Elmar Fischer, 2003)and London River (Rachid Bouchareb, 2009), it outlines the peculiarities of European cinema in dealing with international terrorism and thus analyses the representation of Islamic fundamentalism and more generally, Muslim communities. The films stimulate the public debate about contemporary society and the role of British and German institutions in developing “home-grown” terrorists. The article argues that these films avoid any explicit attempts of commemorating and memorialising these tragic events, but they contextualise the attacks engaging with issues of multiculturalism rather than commenting on the problem of international crime and terrorism.
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Shalihati, Khoirin Nisai. "Narasi Deradikalisasi Muslimah Bercadar dalam Akun @niqabsquad_official." Islamic Management and Empowerment Journal 1, no. 2 (2019): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/imej.v1i2.191-204.
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The use of veils for Muslim women is still menui pros and cons. The existence of different attitudes is in accordance with the beliefs, values and knowledge of religious beliefs. This study aims to explain the radicalization narratives that have weakened veiled Muslim women by building a more interesting and conceptual comparative narrative, namely, the narrative of de-radicalization. This study uses an ethnographic approach by analyzing the comments column of various parties who argue. The results showed that veiled Muslim women affiliated in @niqabsquad_official were not terrorists, not terrorist wives and not radical Islamists. The @niqabsquad_official account becomes a virtual veiled Muslim group oriented to Mulimah's hijrah concerning obedience to her religion. Each column of comments was filled with opinions and motivations of deradicalization which did not corner a particular religion.
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Hammond, John L. "Immigration Control as a (False) Security Measure." Critical Sociology 37, no. 6 (2011): 739–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511399806.
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US immigration policy as defined during the administration of George W. Bush was the result of a moral panic against two categories of immigrants: Latin Americans who cross the Mexican border clandestinely in search of work and Muslims and Arabs whom the administration defines as potential terrorists. The policy harms both groups and threatens national security. Antiterrorist measures are counterproductive because they create sympathy to terrorism in law-abiding Muslim and Arab immigrants; border control measures are counterproductive because, far from deterring illegal immigration, they encourage longer stays, family migration, and dispersion throughout the USA, and endanger the lives of those entering the country through inaccessible and dangerous border areas.
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Giotis, Chrisanthi. "Dismantling the Deadlock: Australian Muslim Women’s Fightback against the Rise of Right-Wing Media." Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10020071.
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In Australia, as in other multicultural countries, the global Islamophobic discourse linking Muslims to terrorists to refugees results in the belief of an “enemy within”, which fractures the public sphere. Muslim minorities learn to distrust mainstream media as the global discourse manifests in localised right-wing discussion. This fracturing was further compounded in 2020 with increased media concentration and polarisation. In response, 12 young Australian Muslim women opened themselves up to four journalists working for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). They engaged in critical journalism research called Frame Reflection Interviews (FRIs). The process gave journalists important knowledge around the power dynamics of Islamophobia and empowered participants to help shape new media discourses tackling Islamophobia. This paper proposes that the FRIs are one method to rebuild trust in journalism while redistributing risk towards the journalists. These steps are necessary to build a normatively cosmopolitan global public sphere capable of breaking the discursive link between refugees and terrorism and fighting back against the rise of the far right.
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Fahman, Mundzar. "Ajaran Welas Asih dalam Al Qur an." At-Tuhfah 5, no. 9 (2017): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36840/jurnalstudikeislaman.v5i9.47.
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The majority of Muslims are very confident that Islamic religion teaches compassion and nonviolence to others. They know and believe that in the Qur an and the Sunnah of the Prophet, there are many commands and suggestions for a more compassionate (merciful). But the big problem is, there are still small groups of Muslims who show violent attitudes. They are often referred to as radical Islam. They did not hesitate to commit acts of terrorism to kill others. The number of followers of radical secte is small. Violence, or acts of terrorism that they did, are not routine, but only temporary. However, their action is more easily affect to the public opinion of the Islamic teaching. The world view that Islam preaches violence, cruel, and far and opposite from feeling compassion for others. View of the Islam and the Muslims are now as represented by the President of the United States Donald Trump. President Trump issued a policy prohibiting citizens from seven Muslim-majority countries to enter to the territory of the United States. The reason President Trump, the seven countries has been a contributor to international terrorists. Seven countries were Iraq, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. So, for the majority of moderate Muslims, have to continue to give enlightenment to the world, including to the Muslim minority radical groups. Enlightenment through many varieties of media, including paper media. The goal, for the world view of Islam can be changed from negative to positive view; actually that Islam is not as a terrorist, but Islam is polite and humane, compassionate Islam (love and compassion) to fellow humans. Even compassion for nature. Its flow is expected to turn into a radical polite and forgiving. Islam is rahmatan lil alamin, Islam is not la'natan lil alamin. This paper is intended as part of the provision of such enlightenment. The results of the study authors at the content of Al Qur an, apparently very many verses that contain messages of affection. Islam teaches the Muslims to compassionate to one another, not only to theirself. Not only to family and neighbors, but to all mankind, Muslims or non-Muslims. In fact, Islam ordered his people to love nature, by not doing the destruction of the environment. Prophet Muhammad SAW provide exemplary to his people a lot about patience, about how easy to forgive the enemies of Islam. And, finally, many of the enemies of Islam become a good Muslim.
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Gonsales, Gonsales. "TERORISME DAN JIHAD DALAM PERSPEKTIF AL-QUR’AN." ISLAM TRANSFORMATIF : Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/it.v2i1.661.
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Islam constantly calls for peace and togetherness, even condemning violence and terror. However, the charge against Islam as a terrorism ideology is a very heartbreaking thing for the (Muslim) community. However, it can not be denied that there is a tendency in understanding the Qur’an and hadith textually and literally an sich that can lead to behavior that seems anarchist, intolerant, and tend to destructive. Jihad teachings, for example, are often misunderstood as justification for actions and propaganda, radical acts, bombings and terrorism. Seeing the reality that happens, is a necessity to provide a correct understanding of Islam. As a first step, it is necessary to comprehend a comprehensive methodology in understanding nash. There is many discussions in the matter of terrorists and jihad, therefore it must be distinguished between the two with the real meaning in the perspective of the Quran. In this discussion, there will be limited issues to be discussed include the definition of terrorists and jihad, verses that are often misunderstood as justification of terrorism, and how the full point of view of the Quran related to terrorism.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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McGrath, Derek, and Jonathan Matusitz. "Understanding Uighur Terrorism: The Human Needs Theory." Asian Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 3, no. 4 (2020): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/ajir2045.
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This paper applies the Human Needs Theory to Uighur terrorism. The theory posits that people become violent when their basic human needs are unfulfilled, denied, or taken away from them. Also referred to as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), Uighur terrorists are a minority group of Muslim extremists in the western Chinese Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. Until the mid-1700s, they were considered a peaceful group, but when they lost their autonomy during the Qing dynasty rule (until 1910), and faced oppression by their new government, they resorted to violence. In this case, the Uighurs’ human need “stolen” by the Chinese was their identity. Not only is the Uighur issue underrepresented in the media; it has also received such negligible attention that most governments and scholars believe that the Autonomous Region of Xinjiang is mostly occupied by terrorists.
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Senzai, Farid. "American Jihad." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (2003): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1845.
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"Terrorism expert" Steven Emerson has done it again. With his usual exaggeratedstyle and hate-mongering rhetoric, Emerson has painted allMuslims with the same broad brush. While trying to assure his readers atthe outset that not all Muslims are terrorists, the bulk of his new book,American Jihad, is filled with brazenly over-simplified attacks on the entireMuslim American community. This biased and heavy-handed portrayal ofMuslims is characteristic of Emerson's work - most notably his 1994 PBSvideo "Jihad in America." In American Jihad, Emerson again presents a terrifyingpicture of American Muslims as fanatical, violent people lurkingand plotting against the United States. It is thus hardly surprising that he hasgained a reputation, reminiscent of his friend Daniel Pipes, for advocatinggrand Islamic conspiracies without any credible evidence.In a rush to get to press, his latest book is a quick tabloid-style read.The book is divided into eight chapters. The first chapter deals withEmerson's "discovery" of"militant Muslims" and the subsequent makingof his PBS video "Jihad in America." The next six chapters attempt touncover the inner working of such groups as the Council on AmericanIslamicRelations (CAIR), Hamas, and al-Qaida. He also spends oneentire chapter on the terrorist infiltration of American academic institutions.Finally, in his concluding chapter, Emerson tries to encourage individualswithin the Muslim community to "fight back" against the threatthat he feels is facing the country.The book is large on print and short on analysis. For a decade,Emerson has been issuing dire, over-the-top warnings that Muslims in theUnited States pose a catastrophic threat to the country, and in this book ...
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Songbatumis, Aisyah. "The Role of Islam in Indonesian Foreign Policy: A Case of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Introduction." Polish Political Science Yearbook 50 (2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202119.
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As Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election, it marked the end of Indonesia’s democratic transition era and experienced a dynamic change in foreign policy. The new international identity that viewed Islam as an asset was introduced by SBY, emphasizing the importance of moderate Islam as opposing extremism. The phenomenon of Islamic influence was not only the result of democratic consolidation domestically but also external factors such as the aftermath of 9/11 that portrayed Muslims as potential terrorists. For this reason, Indonesian foreign policy attempted to diminish such misconceptions and tried to be a peacemaker or a mediator in Muslim-related issues globally. To contextualize the analysis, the study focuses on the influence of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Pakistan. The mutual aspirations on the Palestinian statehood shared by both the government and the Muslim elements in society could be found, while religious sentiments were noticeable, as shown by the Muslim groups. In contrast, the influence of Islam in Indonesia-Pakistan relations, especially regarding the Kashmir dispute, was absent due to the difference in views of the government and the Muslim groups and constraining factors, including Indonesia’s national interest priority.
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Barzegar, A. "The Missing Martyrs: Why There Are So Few Muslim Terrorists." Sociology of Religion 73, no. 4 (2012): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/srs060.
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Siebert, Johannes Ulrich, and Detlof von Winterfeldt. "Comparative Analysis of Terrorists’ Objectives Hierarchies." Decision Analysis 17, no. 2 (2020): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/deca.2019.0400.
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To develop effective counterterrorism strategies, it is important to understand the capabilities and objectives of terrorist groups. Much of the understanding of these groups comes from intelligence collection and analysis of their capabilities. In contrast, the objectives of terrorists are less well understood. In this article, we describe a decision analysis methodology to identify and structure the objectives of terrorists based on the statements and writings of their leaders. This methodology was applied in three case studies, resulting in the three objectives hierarchies of al-Qaeda, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), and Hezbollah. In this article, we propose a method to compare the three objectives hierarchies, highlight their key differences, and draw conclusions about effective counterterrorism strategies. We find that all three terrorist groups have a wide range of objectives going far beyond the objective of killing and terrorizing people in the non-Muslim world. Among the shared objectives are destroying Israel and expelling Western powers from the Middle East. All three groups share the ambition to become a leader in the Islamic world. Key distinctions are the territorial ambitions of ISIL and Hezbollah versus the large-scale attack objectives of al-Qaeda. Objectives specific to ISIL are the establishment of a caliphate in Iraq and Syria and the re-creation of the power of Sunni Islam. Hezbollah has unique objectives related to the establishment of a Palestine State and to maintain the relationship with and support of Iran and Syria. Al-Qaeda’s objectives remain focused on large-scale attacks in the West. We also note a recent shift to provide support for small-scale attacks in the West by both al-Qaeda and ISIL. Our method can be used for comparing objectives hierarchies of different organizations as well as for comparing objectives hierarchies over time of one organization.
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Bonino, Stefano. "Violent and Non-Violent Political Islam in a Global Context." Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (2016): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916675123.
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The role played by Islamism, or political Islam, in the contemporary world holds the key to understanding current geopolitical tensions both within the Muslim world and between the West and the Muslim world. This article centres on four books that explore some violent and non-violent manifestations of political Islam and offer analyses of the Islamic State, al-Qa’eda, the Muslim Brotherhood and, more generally, Salafi-jihadism. Political Islam considers Islam to be a totalising entity that should shape the contours of society, culture, politics and the law – that is, it ideally seeks to achieve unity of state and religion ( din wa-dawla). It expresses itself in multiple, and at times interlinked, ways that can encompass, among many others, a largely non-violent gradualist approach to power (Muslim Brotherhood), global terrorist action (al-Qa’eda) and sectarian warfare combined with territorial control and state-building (Islamic State). The aim of this article is to capture some of the multifarious ways in which political Islam manifests itself with the aid of the four books under review. Holbrook D (2014) The Al-Qaeda Doctrine: The Framing and Evolution of the Leadership’s Public Discourse. New York: Bloomsbury. Pantucci R (2015) ‘We Love Death as You Love Life’: Britain’s Suburban Terrorists. London: Hurst. Vidino L (2010) The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West. New York: Columbia University Press. Weiss M and Hassan H (2015) ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror. New York: Regan Arts.
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Pratama, Rifka. "MODERATE ISLAM AND ITS RELEVANCE IN THE POST 9/11 AMERICA AS IMPLIED IN IMAM FEISAL ABDUL RAUF’S MOVING." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 3, no. 2 (2019): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v3i2.34270.
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American Muslim is one of some existing religious minorities in America. Despite of minority, this religious group has been long, some believed it has been even since the Columbus exploration, living in the country. As time goes, the American Muslims are able to blend with American Society. These Muslim individuals are found in many fields of life of American, such as social, economic, education, and even politics in America. This condition is anyway worth appreciating as the struggle of American Muslims for their existence is not something simple and easy. Apart from the reality, the deadly attacks of 9/11, to some extent, has put American Muslims to be objects of suspicions. Soon after the tragedy, Muslims in many occasions are prejudiced as harsh, and of course, terrorists. These suspicions and prejudice have been, in fact, long found in the middle of American society pre-9/11 attacks. However, the tragedy aggravates the status quo of the American Muslims and it soon creates the worst point of so-called Islamophobia. In response to this phenomenon, many American Muslims start to deliver counters in various ways and media. Among the American Muslim figures, Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, an American Muslim activist and leader, actively brushes off the bad images of Islam, especially regarding the 9/11 tragedy. Through his book entitled “Moving the Mountain: beyond Ground Zero to a New Vision of Islam in America”, Rauf explains his views on Islam. This book also implies counters to the so-called phenomena of Islamophobia. On the other hand, Moderate Islam contains the same spirits with Rauf’s Moving the Mountain. It offers the spirit of moderation in understanding and practicing Islam. Both the ideas in turn are able to counter Islamophobia in America, especially in post 9/11 America.Keyword: American Muslims, Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, Moving the Mountain,Islamophobia, Moderate Islam
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Nosenko, T. "Long War against Terror." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2010): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-4-31-41.
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In the article, different reasons for the long-lasting war against international terrorism under the Islamist banner are analysed. Notwithstanding the "Al-Qaeda's" weakening, since autumn 2001, many new groups have sprung up threatening the international security. Till now, the war has been waged only against terrorists, but no serious attention has been paid to neutralization of radical Islamism as an ideology causing terrorism. In connection with the military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti-western feelings have been growing up breeding radical Islamism. It is emphasized in the article that the antiterrorist coalition in its present state is unable to fulfill its mission. It can become really efficient only if Muslim r&#233;gimes would increase their input into the common struggle. Standing on the ground of traditional Islam they could easier curb Islamism and thus cut the roots of terrorism.
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Özbek, Nimet. "Refugees as scapegoat for terrorism." Journal of Human Sciences 15, no. 4 (2018): 1968. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v15i4.5531.
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In the last five years, there has been a growing concern about the fact that there might be some terrorist mix in the surge of refugees fleeing war-torn Muslim-majority countries. The concern resulted in people rethinking about refugees are granted asylums. Some Europeans call for their governments to quit bringing to their countries any more refugees at all. This however goes against what these countries agreed and signed in the 1951 Convention and the 1967 United Nations Protocol concerning the status of refugees. In this article, it will be examined if it is true that migrants bring terrorists with them, how this proposition itself came to be, and whether or not there are rock solid data to support it. As it will be discovered in the following paragraphs, there is no direct correlation between refugees and terrorist activities that take place in different places which happen to be hosting refugees. Instead, the idea security threat in refugee host countries and migrants they accommodate roots from attitude the people in those countries have towards migrants, demographic differences as well as real world issues. The solution to this misconception requires both refugees and receiving nations to collaborate; such as the refugees helping authorities to identify any terrorist recruiter who may be lurking among them and on the other hand the authorities should devise a seamless system of border control in order to know who enters their countries and who leaves. They can also engage in activities helping the public to distinguish between terrorists and migrants by raising awareness.
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Sugianto, Cindy Paramitha, A. A. Gde Tugus Hadi Iswara, and I. Kadek Pranajaya. "PERANCANGAN INTERIOR MOESLIM CULTURE ARTSPACE DI KOTA DENPASAR." Jurnal Patra 2, no. 2 (2020): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35886/patra.v2i2.124.
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Islamophobia is a disease of excessive fear of Islam, due to excessivetrauma, such as the impact of the Bali I bombing and Bali II bombingcarried out by terrorists who use the name Islam. Islamophobia in Bali hasnot been resolved properly, due to the lack of approach between Muslimand non-Muslim communities in Bali regarding Muslim culture and theunavailability of commercial buildings based on cultural heritage regardingIslamic culture. Therefore, we need a place or facility that canaccommodate the needs of the Muslim community who want to take anapproach such as an artspace that raises the history of the early entry ofIslam in Bali, the development of Islamic culture in Bali after theoccurrence of alkuturation, and provides new insights that were notpreviously known by the community. non-Muslims. Where in this paperwill focus on interior design artspace in the city of Denpasar, entitledDesigning the Moeslim Culture Artspace in Denpasar City.
 keywords: artspace, culture, design, moeslim
 Islamophobia merupakan sebuah penyakit ketakutan berlebih terhadap islam, akibat trauma yang berlebih, seperti dampak dari bom bali i dan bombali ii yang dilakukan oleh teroris yang mengatas namakan islam.Islamophobia di bali belum dapat teratasi dengan baik, karena minimnyapendekatan antara masyarakat muslim dan non-muslim di bali mengenaikebudayaan umat muslim serta, belum tersedianya bangunan komersilyang berbasis cagar budaya mengenai kebudayaan islam. Oleh karena itudiperlukan sebuah tempat atau fasilitas yang dapat mewadahi kebutuhanmasyarakat muslim yang ingin melakukan suatu pendekatan seperti artspace yang mengangkat sejarah awal masuknya islam di bali, perkembangan kebudayaan islam di bali setelah terjadinya alkuturasi, sertamemberikan wawasan baru yang sebelumnya belum di ketahui olehmasyarakat non-muslim. Dimana dalam penulisan ini akan berfokus pada perancangan interior ruang karya di kota denpasar, yang berjudulPerancangan Pusat Seni Kebudayaan Islam Di Kota Denpasar. 
 kata kunci : kebudayaan, muslim, perancangan, pusat seni.
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Rustam, Sukring dan. "Pembrontakan terhadap pemerintahan yang sah (bugah) dalam perspektif hukum Islam." IJTIHAD Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 16, no. 1 (2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v16i1.67-83.
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"> Islam is Rahmatan lil ‘Alamin religion, Islam loves peace and justice, Islam never teaches violence andcorruption in the world. Along with global development and progress, the understanding of Islamteaching began to be degraded by some groups of Muslim, then came some groups that distort Islamreligious teaching. There is a fundamental radical giving wrong interpretation to the religious teachingunderstanding. Then came terrorists and insurgents that against the legitimate government. Those whostay away from moderation will always cause the appearing of harsh and extreme groups in all time. Thepurpose of terrorists and insurgents is the destruction to the strength, power, stability, and safety of thenation. Hazard and press power of the insurgents against the government can not be tolerated. Becausethey commited treason against the legitimate government, the punishment for those who fight againstAllah and his Messenger and who do mischief in the earth is killed and crucified or having their handsand feet cut in crossways, or exiled from his place. This article draws the condition of Muslim communities, especially in Islamic countries in the Middle East that are flaring up today.
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Eckert, Julia. "Theories of Militancy in Practice." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 321–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011858.
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This article analyzes the interaction between theories of radicalization and state responses to militancy in India. Focusing on the interpretation of the increased frequency of terrorist attacks in Indian metropolises in the last decade, the article examines the narratives surrounding those classified as terrorists in the context of rising Muslim militancy in the country. Different state agencies operate with different theories about the links between processes of radicalization and terrorist violence. The scenarios of radicalization underlying legislative efforts to prevent terrorism, the construction of motives by the police, and the interpretation of violence by the judiciary all rely on assumptions about radicalization and violence. Such narratives are used to explain terrorism both to security agencies and to the public; they inform the categories and scenarios of prevention. Prevention relies on detection of future deeds, planning, intentions, and even potential intentions. “Detection” of potential intentions relies on assumptions about specific dispositions. Identification of such dispositions in turn relies on the context-specific theories of the causes of militancy. These determine what “characteristics” of individuals or groups indicate potential threats and form the basis for their categorization as “potentially dangerous.” The article explores the cultural contexts of theories of radicalization, focusing on how they are framed by societal understandings of the causes of deviance and the relation between the individual and society emerging in contemporary India. It examines the shift in the perception of threat and the categories of “dangerous others” from a focus on role to a focus on ascriptive identity.
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Hart, Gavin. "“The missing martyrs: why are there so few Muslim Terrorists?” (2nd ed)." Critical Studies on Terrorism 13, no. 3 (2020): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2020.1783759.
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Machtans, Karolin. "“Racism Is Not An Opinion”: Muslim Responses to Pegida and Islamophobia in Germany." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (2016): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340406.
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Islamic organizations in Germany find themselves in a dilemma. On the one hand, they feel the need to take a public stance on the acts of violence committed by Muslim terrorists worldwide. On the other hand, they also feel the need to speak up against the growing Islamophobia in Germany, propagated by movements such as Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident (Pegida). As Islamic organizations in Germany band together, they appear to the German public as a homogeneous group unified by religious and ethnic affiliation, not recognized in their diversity. Hence, the external pressure exerted by German populists and sensationalist media that foment Islamophobia creates the risk of inadvertently reinforcing what one seeks to combat: namely, the stereotype of a monolithic and static entity that Muslims in Germany do not in fact represent. Moreover, the perceived need to speak with one voice might silence necessary debates among the different Islamic associations in Germany.
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Osman, Wazhmah. "Racialized Agents and Villains of the Security State: How African Americans are Interpellated against Muslims and Muslim Americans." Asian Diasporic Visual Cultures and the Americas 5, no. 1-2 (2019): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23523085-00501008.
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This article examines modern American warfare and policing to draw parallels in the ways that national citizens and foreign nationals are subjected to similar regimes of violence and subjugation and highlight the interrelated oppressions of marginalized groups at home with marginalized groups abroad. It analyzes media representations of people from the Middle Eastern, North African, and South Asian (menasa) regions to further demonstrate the workings of empire. In particular, the us military-industrial complex, in conjunction with the us media industry, has played a pivotal role in creating dangerous post-9/11 stereotypes of menasa people as ruthless terrorists. Simultaneously, the us media fabricate an organic alliance between African Americans and its security state apparatus, thereby creating discord and disunity between African Americans and Arabs and other Muslim Americans. Against the hegemony of these institutions, how can activists create spectatorial solidarity and unified movements?
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Hwang, Wonjune. "Kashmir as a Symbol of Pakistan: Why Violence in Kashmir Never Stop?" Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, no. 1 (2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i1.360.
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Kashmir has been a 'powder keg' in South Asia. In this region, India and Pakistan waged three all-out wars and numerous skirmishes. Kashmir has been occupied separately since 1947, but still, both sides claim the other’s occupation is illegal. Muslim Kashmiris, who are allegedly supported by Pakistan, continuously commit terrorist acts, and in return, Indian officials in Jammu and Kashmir violently suppress demonstrations and commit human right violations. After 9/11 in 2001, terrorists have become demonized and pardonless. This article focuses on analyzing the sources of violence and Pakistani intervention. The idea of this article is theoretically based on Volkan's chosen trauma and symbol of identity. Continuous massacres and discriminations in Kashmir committed by Hindu Indians have formed the identity of Pakistanis as the chosen trauma, and current discriminations and persecutions reactivate their fear and anger. Cessation of the violence must be the priority on Kashmir issue. For this, discriminations and persecutions should be suspended.
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Alshoaibi, Maha Ali, and Angela Cooke Jackson. "Ten Years Post 9/11: Using face-Negotiation and co-cultural theory to explore the experiences of a cohort of veiled and un-veiled Middle Eastern Muslim Women in a mid-size urban city." Journal of Sociological Research 4, no. 2 (2013): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v4i2.4611.
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The main objective of this study is to explore the use of face- negotiation and co-cultural theories in establishing how veiled and un-veiled female Muslim college students communicate ten years after 9/11. In this case, this study wants to explore and understand the different ways through which female Muslims negotiate their lives in American society. This is because there may be a lot of negative perceptions about Muslims as they are considered as terrorists who caused a lot of losses of life and properties on September 11, 2001. In this respect, therefore, this study seeks to understand the communication skills used by Middle-Eastern female Muslims as subordinates in a dominant societal structure. The analysis of communication interactions involved in this study takes two approaches: co-cultural communication theory and negotiation communication theory. There is much hope in finding out how female Muslims, despite the fact that they are perceived negatively and as belonging to a terror group, are able to communicate as subordinates in a dominant societal structure. Conducting a study in the United States of America is very good, and it gives hope of accurate and relevant information as this country is very prone to terrorist attacks. In most cases, these interactions occur in their every day lives and at schools. In education institutions, students come from different social, cultural, and religious backgrounds, and hence, the rate of intercultural interaction is very high. Additionally, in the American society, people communicate differently from different cultural backgrounds, and hence, female Muslims usually face challenges in interacting with their fellow society members. It should be noted that inter-cultural communication occurs between members of different cultural groups. In this case, community members achieve mutual understanding and establish a reciprocal communication or relationship as a result of their identity orientation.
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Ghani, Bilquis, and Lucy Fiske. "‘Art is my language’: Afghan cultural production challenging Islamophobic stereotypes." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 1 (2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319882536.
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Afghans and Afghanistan have, since September 11, risen to prominence in Western popular imagination as a land of tradition, tribalism and violence. Afghan women are assumed to be silent, submissive, and terrorised by Afghan men, who are seen as violent patriarchs driven by an uncompromising mediaeval religion. These Islamophobic tropes also inform perceptions of Afghans seeking asylum. In transit, identities are further reduced; asylum seekers lose even a national identity and become a Muslim threat – criminals, terrorists or invaders. These narrative frames permeate political discourse, media, and reports of non-governmental organisations (seeking donor funds to ‘save’ Afghan women). Drawing on fieldwork in Afghanistan and Indonesia, this article looks at how Afghans in Kabul and Indonesia are using art and other forms of cultural production to challenge over-simplified hegemonic narratives in the West, to open spaces for dialogue and expression within their own communities, and to offer a more nuanced account of their own identities.
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Powell, Kimberly. "Framing Islam/Creating Fear: An Analysis of U.S. Media Coverage of Terrorism from 2011–2016." Religions 9, no. 9 (2018): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090257.
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Powell’s 2011 study of media coverage of 11 post-9/11 terrorist events argued that a thematic framing exists which results in a model of media coverage of terrorism that is different for acts of terror committed by Muslims than by non-Muslims. This pattern connects terrorism to Islam, thus creating a fear of the “other” and aids terrorists in achieving their goal of creating a climate of fear. This study examines the 11 terrorist events since the last study, between 2011 and 2016, to determine if any changes in media coverage of terrorism have occurred in a climate of increased awareness of Islamophobia.
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Yildiz, Ali Aslan, and Maykel Verkuyten. "‘We are not terrorists’: Turkish Muslim organizations and the construction of a moral identity." Ethnicities 13, no. 3 (2012): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796812451219.
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McDowell, Amy. "Warriors and Terrorists: Antagonism as Strategy in Christian Hardcore and Muslim “Taqwacore” Punk Rock." Qualitative Sociology 37, no. 3 (2014): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-014-9279-7.
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Lemelin, Isabelle. "Book Review / Compte rendu: The Missing Martyrs: Why Are There So Few Muslim Terrorists." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 49, no. 1 (2020): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429819893906a.
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Wazis, Kun. "Media Massa Melawan Teror: Analisis Framing pada Tajuk Koran Republika." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 11, no. 2 (2017): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v11i2.1944.
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This study aims to describe the view of mass media with the Islamic ideology of Republika in response to mass shooting incident by Stephen Craig Paddock (64 years) in Las Vegas United States on Sunday (1/10/2017) which killed 59 people and injured 500 people. This research uses qualitative method with framing analysis of Robert Entman model which produces four important things. First, the editorial (header) entitled "Irony Paddock, Irony Trump" affirms the attitude of Republika who called the Las Vegas tragedy an act of terror. Secondly, Republika constructed the United States president Donald Trump as a problem because of judging Paddock's brutal action as a casual shoot, not including terrorists. Thirdly, Republika rejects the double standard of Western countries, especially the US which does not mention terrorist acts because the perpetrators are not Muslim and not black. Fourthly, Republika offers a definition of terrorism as an act involving the use or attempts of sabotage, coercion, or violence that result in the death of the population in general. This research can be used as a discourse forming critical awareness in opposing the negative views of US superpower leaders who often impose the meaning of acts of terrorism with Islam and the Muslims.Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan pandangan media massa berideologi Islam Republika dalam menyikapi peristiwa penembakan massal oleh Stephen Craig Paddock (64 tahun) di Las Vegas Amerika Serikat, Ahad (1/10/2017) yang menewaskan 59 orang dan melukai 500 orang. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisis framing model Robert Entman yang menghasilkan empat hal penting. Pertama, editorial (tajuk) berjudul “Ironi Paddock, Ironi Trump” menegaskan sikap Republika yang menyebut tragedi Las Vegas sebagai aksi teror. Kedua, Republika mengontruksikan presiden Amerika Serikat (AS) Donal Trump sebagai masalah karena menilai aksi brutal Paddock sebagai penembakan biasa, bukan termasuk teroris. Ketiga, Republika menolak standar ganda negara Barat, terutama AS yang tidak menyebut tindakan teroris karena pelakunya bukan muslim dan tidak berkulit hitam. Keempat, Republika menawarkan definisi terorisme sebagai aksi yang melibatkan penggunaan atau upaya sabotase, pemaksaan, atau kekerasan yang mengakibatkan kematian populasi secara umum. Penelitian ini dapat dijadikan wacana pembentuk kesadaran kritis dalam melawan pandangan negatif pemimpin negara adidaya AS yang sering kali memaksakan makna aksi terorisme dengan Islam dan kaum muslimin.
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Shah, Aqil. "Do U.S. Drone Strikes Cause Blowback? Evidence from Pakistan and Beyond." International Security 42, no. 04 (2018): 47–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00312.
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Many analysts argue that U.S. drone strikes generate blowback: by killing innocent civilians, such strikes radicalize Muslim populations at the local, national, and even transnational levels. This claim, however, is based primarily on anecdotal evidence, unreliable media reports, and advocacy-driven research by human rights groups. Interview and survey data from Pakistan, where, since 2004, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has launched more than 430 drone strikes, show little or no evidence that drone strikes have a significant impact on militant Islamist recruitment either locally or nationally. Rather, the data reveal the importance of factors such as political and economic grievances, the Pakistani state's selective counterterrorism policies, its indiscriminate repression of the local population, and forced recruitment of youth by militant groups. Similarly, trial testimony and accounts of terrorists convicted in the United States, as well as the social science scholarship on Muslim radicalization in the United States and Europe, provide scant evidence that drone strikes are the main cause of militant Islamism. Instead, factors that matter include a transnational Islamic identity's appeal to young immigrants with conflicted identities, state immigration and integration policies that marginalize Muslim communities, the influence of peers and social networks, and online exposure to violent jihadist ideologies within the overall context of U.S. military interventions in Muslim countries.
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R. S. Az-Zubaidy, Thamir. "An Iraqi Refugee in the Australian Suburb in Ben Eltham’s The Pacific Solution." لارك 1, no. 32 (2018): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss32.1254.
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Ben Eltham’s The Pacific Solution (2013) deals with several issues such as nationalism, political intimidation, racism and stereotyping of Muslims. It critiques the Howard government’s hard-line policy with Asylum seekers and its amendment of the migration act, known as the ‘Pacific Solution’, which excludes offshore islands from Australia’s migration zone and undermines thereby refugees’ attempts to seek better chances of life. This is portrayed on stage through the reaction of three white Australian housemates to the arrival at their front door of an Iraqi refugee to apply for asylum. In this paper, I investigate the representation of cultural diversity in the play and argue that it is a critique of dysfunctional models of inclusion where persons from minor cultures are marginalised in the Australian national and social spaces. In so doing, I consider some of the concepts discussed in Ghassan Hage’s White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society (2000), namely those of managerial capacity, tolerance, and the dialectic of inclusion and exclusion. In addition to critiquing the dysfunctional models of including Muslim refugees, the play examines their representation in the mainstream media and their treatment by the legal process in Australia. To explore the impact of this on Muslim refugees’ alienation and marginalisation, I investigate studies of the representation of Muslims in the Australian mass media and their relevance to the stereotyping of Muslims as terrorists in the play. Drawing on the above, I argue that, through this play, Eltham criticised the Howard government’s inhumane treatment of Asylum seekers and its dissemination of Australian norms as aligning with its premises.
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Aslam, Mohd Mizan. "De-Constructing Violent Extremism: Lessons From Selected Muslim Countries." DINIKA : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/dinika.v4i1.1708.
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This paper emphasized methods used in deradicalization programs such as holistic personality, self-reflection, social skills, crime behaviour, spirituality, consideration, security and psychology.Deradicalization has increasingly been subjected to scientific studies, but a universally accepted definition of the concept is yet to be developed and defined officially. Nevertheless, there are some definitions developed by the researchers to describe deradicalization. De-radicalization can be understood as the process of changing the attitudes and behaviours of former terrorists to reject violence as an ideological, religious or political goal that may cause harm to national security, affect political and economic instability or pose threats to human life. Many countries have taken significant steps to overcome terrrorism through deradicalization programs such as in Saudi (Al-Ha’ir), Yemen (Al-Hitar) and Malaysia(Pemulihan). Most of the program is based on re-education and rehabilitation. Re-education focuses on correcting political and religious misconceptions of the militants, while the strategy of rehabilitation is adopted to provide a thorough monitoring of the militants after their release. The module of De-radicalization was intended to help government rehabilitate detained militants and help to rebuild their personality.