Journal articles on the topic 'Muslims – Ethiopia – History'

Dawit I has received far less attention than either his grandfather ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon I or his son Zärʾa Yaʿǝqob. This comparatively brief article attempts to partially redress the balance. During the more than three decades during which he reigned, Dawit strengthened the religious and political fabric of Ethiopia. By promoting devotion to both the Cross and the Virgin Mary, he provided the Church with two pan-Christian symbols which transcended local rivalries and regional loyalties. These were, moreover, symbols particularly suited to visual representation and hence comparatively easy to propagate among Ethiopia’s largely illiterate population. He did not, however, neglect the role of religious texts. His reign is remembered both for the important translations initiated, most notably Täʾammǝrä Maryam and for original works composed by his close associate Giyorgis of Sägla. Dawit also made great strides in solidifying Church state relations, particularly through his generous land grants, and although he did not succeed in resolving the Ewosṭatian controversy, in the last decade of his rule, he moved towards a pragmatic accommodation. All this would by itself, qualify Dawit as one of the outstanding leaders in Ethiopian history. His military successes, particularly against the Muslims of Adal, can only further cement his reputation.

Islam is a universal religion and culture. Scholars who tend to focus on Islam in specific societies may overlook connections that, over the centuries, were important in shaping various Islamic intercultural dialogs. One case in point is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Islam. Although situated next door to the cradle of Islam, Ethiopia conveniently has been perceived by many Western historians of the Arab Middle East as an African “Christian island,” and as largely irrelevant. In practice, however, the Christian-dominated empire has remained meaningful to all Muslims from Islam's inception. It has also been the home of Islamic communities that maintained constant contact with the Middle East. Indeed, one of the side aspects of the resurgence of political Islam since the 1970s is the emergence in Lebanon of the “The Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects” (Jamעiyyat al-Mashariע al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya), better known as “The Ethiopians,” al-Ahbash. Its leader came to Beirut from Ethiopia with a rather flexible interpretation of Islam, which revolved around political coexistence with Christians. Al-Ahbash of Lebanon expanded to become arguably the leading factor in the local Sunni community. They opened branches on all continents and spread their interpretation of Islam to many Islamic as well as non-Islamic countries. This article is an attempt to relate some of the Middle Eastern–Ethiopian Islamic history as the background to an analysis of a significant issue on today's all-Islamic agenda. It aims to present the Ahbash history, beliefs, and rivalry with the Wahhabiyya beginning in the mid-1980s. It does so by addressing conceptual, political, and theological aspects, which had been developed against the background of Ethiopia as a land of Islamic–Christian dialogue, and their collision with respective aspects developed in the Wahhabi kingdom of the Saudis. The contemporary inner-Islamic, Ahbash-Wahhabiyya conceptual rivalry turned in the 1990s into a verbal war conducted in traditional ways, as well as by means of modern channels of Internet exchanges and polemics. Their debate goes to the heart of Islam's major dilemmas as it attracts attention and draws active participation from all over the world.

Abstract Excavations at three urban sites, Harlaa, Harar, and Ganda Harla, in eastern Ethiopia have recovered substantial assemblages of faunal remains. These, the first to be analysed from Islamic contexts in the country, were studied to reconstruct animal economies, and to assess if it was possible to identify Islamic conversion or the presence of Muslims in archaeological contexts through examining butchery practices and diet via the species present. Differences in animal economies between the sites in, for example, management strategies, use of animals for traction, and presence of imported marine fish, infers the development of different traditions. However, conversion to Islam was evident, and although issues of non-observance, mixed communities, and dietary eclecticism have to be acknowledged, the appearance of a similar range of butchery techniques suggests these were linked with the appearance of Muslim traders, and subsequent spread of Islam.

AbstractThe Boorana of the Waso area of north-eastern Kenya settled there in the 1930s. Upon the settling of colonial administrative boundaries in 1934 they became isolated from the rest of the Boorana in northern Kenya and Ethiopia. Thereafter a process of ‘somalisation’ took place through which they replaced their Oromo ritual moments with Islamic practices. By the 1950s most of the Waso Boorana had converted to Islam, and since then have been considered Muslims by the rest of Kenya. Nevertheless recent research has shown that there has been a revival of traditional religious practices among them. The article divides the history of the Waso Boorana into two periods: (1) from their settlement in the Waso area to the events leading to Kenya's independence (1932–62) and (2) from Kenya's independence to the 1990s (1963–92). It is in this second period in their history that the Waso Boorana began a process of religious diversification. Traditional religious practices revived in their settlements and distrust emerged of Islam. The article argues that there has been a reconversion to traditional practices, based on a local principle, the Waso Boorana division of herds.

Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.

Background. Despite several interventions, tuberculosis (TB) continues to be a major public health concern in developing countries. Objective. To determine pulmonary TB prevalence and associated factors among shopkeepers in Bahir Dar City, Ethiopia. Methods. A cross-sectional study was conducted in 2016 among 520 shopkeepers who had TB signs and symptoms using questionnaire interview and sputum samples processing. Shopkeepers were considered TB positive if two sputum slides became positive. Data were edited and analyzed using SPSS version 23. Multivariable logistic regression analysis was used to identify factors. Results. A total of 520 shopkeepers were interviewed and gave sputum samples. About 256 (49.2%) of them were under the ≤30 years’ age category, 22.0% can read and write, 65.0% were Muslims, and 32.0% originated from rural areas. Pulmonary TB prevalence was 7.0% (37/520), and positivity proportion was 57.0% (21/37) in males and 70.0% (26/37) in urban residents. Smaller (44.0%) shopkeepers got health education on TB. Illiteracy, no health education, contact history, cigarette smoking, nonventilated shops, and comorbidities were factors to TB infection (p value < 0.05). Conclusions. Significant numbers of shopkeepers were infected by TB. Factors to TB infection were either personal or related to comorbidities or the environment. Therefore, TB officials need to specially emphasize awareness creation, occupational health, and early screening to prevent TB.

AbstractCombining a set of grey literature and primary sources, this article analyses the rise and fall of the sultanate of Awsa, northeastern Ethiopia, between 1944 and 1975. Ali Mirah exploited the typical repertoires of a frontier regime to consolidate a semi-independent Muslim chiefdom at the fringes of the Christian empire of Ethiopia. Foreign investors in commercial agriculture provided the sultanate and its counterparts within the Ethiopian state with tangible and intangible resources that shaped the quest for statecraft in the Lower Awash Valley.

Abstract A majority of the sources on medieval Ethiopia are written in the Gǝ‘ǝz language in the “genre” of history. However, some texts written in Arabic remain equally important. Among such texts the missive addressed by a ruler of Ethiopia to the Mamluk Sultan Baybars (known as al-Malik al-Ẓāhir) in AH 673 / AD 1274-75 is of considerable interest. The Ethiopian ruler can be identified as the founder of the Ethiopian Solomonic dynasty Yǝkunno Amlak. The text of this missive survived in three Arabic versions: in the Islamic “encyclopaedias” by al-Nuwayrī and al-Qalqashadī (resp. AH 730 / AD 1330 and AH 814 / AD 1412) and in the dhayl (continuation) to the Universal history by al-Makīn, compiled by the Coptic author al-Mufaḍḍal b. Abī’l-Faḍā’il in AH 759 / AD 1358. All three versions are almost identical, however, the version by al-Nuwayrī is the longest one and the closest to the original. The detailed analysis of this version supplied by the full translation into English made for the first time by the present author clearly shows that the person who wrote it was the amīr (commander) of the Amhara and not yet the king of Ethiopia. However, he had an intention to become himself with his people a subject of Baybars to obtain help from him against the Zagwe dynasty. As a consequence, the Ethiopian Christians would have been under the Muslim power. However, the Mamluk Sultan was less interested in that affair.

This article deals with the Sudanese–Ethiopian conflict (1885–89) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, I confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, I highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military, and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. I argue that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy and examine more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes toward the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetic visions were used to make the khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim–Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.

ABSTRACTBetween the Middle East and Eastern Africa, the city of Harar is often considered as the main historical centre of Islam in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Until recently, the cultural hegemony of the Muslim elites inhabiting Harar was commonly opposed to the almost pagan behaviours of the Oromo – or ‘Galla’ – farmers and cattle herders living in the wide rural vicinity of the town. The 1995 Constitution provided the different ‘ethnolinguistic nationalities’ of the new Ethiopian federation with the same institutional recognition. However, the institutionalisation of the two Harari and Oromo ‘nationalities’ seems to foster the historical duality between the city-dwellers and their close neighbours. This article proposes another political history of Harar and its ambivalent Oromo partners through the local dynamics of the Muslim city/countryside models. It reveals the both competing and complementary orders that have probably bound together the populations of Harar and its rural hinterland for more than five hundred years.

AbstractFacilitated by a new (since 1991) political climate, enhancing Muslim opportunities for religious expression, several Islamic reform movements have surfaced in Ethiopia. Under consideration here are the Salafi movement, the Tabligh movement and an Intellectualist revivalist movement, each of which was crucial for the reconfiguration of religious affiliation, and served as a channel in the search for belonging and coherent meaning. Discussing the movements' socio-cultural composition and their particular features, this paper pays attention to how issues of locality interact with translocal ideological currents and affect one another. Of particular interest in the Ethiopian case is the explicit avoidance of any political agenda, a distinct intermarriage with a discourse on ethnicity, where the latter has contributed to complex processes of constructing and demarcating religious- and ethnic-based boundaries. The paper thus seeks to demonstrate the complex interrelationship between global currents and local factors, all contributing to the heterogenisation of contemporary Islam.

AbstractThis article deals with the genesis and development of Christian-Muslim relations in Ethiopia from the earliest times to the present, with an emphasis on the post-1974 developments in the country. It seeks to demonstrate that these relations were both consensual and conflictual, and that the conventional over-emphasis on the former has obscured—and marginalized and distorted—the occasional confrontational aspects of the relations that also need to be historicized, contextualized and assessed. Examples of both aspects of relations are presented and discussed, and their relevance to the contemporary situation analyzed. In summary, the paper challenges the validity of the concept of peaceful coexistence as the only defining feature of the relations between the Christian and Muslim communities of Ethiopia.

ABSTRACTThis article presents a spatial approach to the recent history of conflict and confrontation between the Ethiopian Government and Ethiopian Muslim Communities in Addis Ababa. Based on original ethnographic data and inspired by existing academic studies on political-religious relationships in Addis Ababa, this study takes a closer look at the significance of the urban public landscape in power-struggles between the EPRDF and the Muslim communities. The article argues that political-religious struggle in Addis Ababa shapes the current urban landscape, as use of and control over urban public space and place forms a crucial element in the strategies of public authority of all involved actors.

Since 1991 Ethiopia has made a change in thinking favoring federalism against the centralized hierarchical power to radically respond to the problem of diversity and better recognize and accommodate the country's ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity. Paradoxically, Ethiopia had experienced more ethnic-based conflict in its post-1991 existence than ever before. Among others, the Somali-Oromo conflict is the worst ethnic-based conflict in the country’s history. Though the two communities, have a long tradition of co-existence and strong socio-cultural integrations due to their shared Muslim-Cushitic identity, economic interdependence, and shared cultural practices; antagonistic relationships, and intermittent conflicts due to resource competition, territorial expansion, bad governance, and other factors have prevailed in the last three decades. It is the objective of this paper, therefore, to investigate and analyze factors of ethnic conflict along the shared border of the Somali and Oromia regional administrations, specifically Bable and Bobas districts, within the context of Ethiopian federalism. Methodologically, the study employed a comparative research approach and made use of key informant interview and survey questionnaires' techniques in gathering the relevant data, and in effect, both qualitative and quantitative data interpretation and analysis methods were utilized in the analysis section. The findings of this study demonstrate that the Somali-Oromo conflict is complex & dynamics and the result of the interplay of historical, institutional/structural/political, economic, socio-cultural, and environmental factors. Furthermore, the result of the study reveals that major drivers of ethnic conflict in both areas are similar.

It is well known that the Khārijites rejected genealogical qualifications for the caliphal office. As they saw it, the most meritorious Muslim should be elected whatever his ethnic origins might be; personal merit overruled considerations of descent. Modern Islamicists regularly imply that they also held personal merit to overrule considerations of status libertatis: the Khārijites allegedly held the most meritorious Muslim to be eligible for the caliphal office ‘even if he were a black/Ethiopian slave’. But this has long been known to rest on a mistake. The mistake goes back to Goldziher who based himself on a Prophetic tradition exhorting the believers to obey the amīr ‘even if he be an Ethiopian slave (‘abd ḥabashī); but as Goitein and Lewis have pointed out, the tradition in question has nothing to do with Khārijite views on the caliphate. So why does the claim persist? The answer is that al-Shahrastānī also credits the Khārijites with the tenet that the imām may be a black slave (‘abd awḥar), or at any rate a slave (Cureton's text has ‘abd aw ḥurr).

RESUMENEl estudio histórico de la religiosidad islámica se ha encontrado tradicionalmente con el problema de la escasez de fuentes. Además, siempre se ha estudiado a partir de las fuentes islámicas, obviando las cristianas. Si es cierto que para la Edad Media las fuentes cristianas no ofrecen demasiada información y están además viciadas por su carácter polémico, también lo es que para la Edad Moderna, con el surgimiento de un tipo de literatura sobre el islam que está alejado de la tradición polémica, disponemos de un buen número de importantes fuentes cristianas que merecen ser tenidas en cuenta en cualquier análisis histórico de la religiosidad islámica. Es el caso especialmente de la Topographía e Historia general de Argel (1612), cuyas descripciones y observaciones resultan de una riqueza sin precedentes.PALABRAS CLAVE: Edad Moderna, cinco pilares del islam, religiosidad, España, Argel.ABSTRACTTraditionally, the historical study of Islamic religiosity has been faced with the problem of the scant amount of sources. Moreover, it has always been approached on the basis of Islamic sources, disregarding the Christian ones. If for the Middle Ages Christian sources do not present much information about the subject and this is tainted by its polemical character, for the Early Modern Age, with the emergence of a new kind of literature about Islam that does not belong to the polemical tradition, we have at our disposal a good number of sources of information. This is particularly thecase of the Topographía e Historia general de Argel (1612), with descriptions and observations of an unprecedented quality. It is an evident indication that, from the sixteenth century onwards, there are Christian sources that must be taken into account in any historical analysis of Islamic religiosity.KEY WORDS: Image of Islam, early modern Spain, five pillars of Islam, religiosity. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAfricanus, L., Descripción general del África y de las cosas peregrinas que allí hay, traducción y edición de S. Fanjul, Barcelona, Lunwerg, 1995.Alfonso, P., Diálogo contra los judíos, traducción de E. Ducay, Zaragoza, Instituto de Estudios Altoaragoneses, 1996.Berkey, J. P., The formation of islam: religion and society in the Near East, 600-1800, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003.Berque, J., Al-Yousi: problémes de la culture marocaine au XVIIème siècle, Paris, Moutin & Co., 1958.Bunes Ibarra, M. Á. de, La imagen de los musulmanes y del norte de África en la España de los siglos XVI y XVII: los caracteres de una hostilidad, Madrid, CSIC, 1989.Camamis, G., Estudios sobre el cautiverio en el Siglo de Oro, Madrid, Gredos, 1977.Cardaillac, L., Moriscos y cristianos: un enfrentamiento polémico (1442-1560), 2ª ed., Madrid, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2016.Constable, O. R., “Regulating religious noise: the Council of Vienne, the mosque call and Muslim pilgrimage in the late medieval Mediterranean world”, Medieval Encounters, vol. 16, núm. 1 (2010), pp. 64–95.Cruz Hernández, M., El islam de al-Andalus: historia y estructura de su realidad social, 2ª ed., Madrid, AECI, 1996.Cruz Palma, Ó. de la, “Las cinco oraciones islámicas diarias (Salawat) en las fuentes latinas medievales”, en Martínez Gázquez, J. y Tolan, J. V. (eds.), Ritus infidelium. Miradas interconfesionales sobre las prácticas religiosas en la Edad Media, Madrid, Casa de Velázquez, 2013, pp. 133-149.— Machometus: la invención del profeta Mahoma en las fuentes medievales, Bellaterra, Institut d’Estudis Medievals, 2017.Daniel, N., Islam and the West: the making of an image, Oxford, Oneworld Pub., 1993.Eckhart, A., “Le cercueil flottant de Mahomet”, en Mélanges de philologie romane et de littérature offerts à Ernest Hoepffener, París, Les Belles Lettres, 1949, pp. 77-88.Eisenberg, D., “Cervantes, autor de la Topografía e historia general de Argel publicada por Diego de Haedo”, Cervantes: Bulletin of the Cervantes Society of America, vol. 16, núm. 1 (1996), pp. 32-53.Evans, R. J. W. y Marr, A. (eds.), Curiosity and wonder from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, Abingdon y Nueva York, Routledge, 2016.Fierro, M., “Prácticas y creencias religiosas en al-Andalus”, Al-Qantara, vol. 13, núm. 2 (1992), pp. 463-474.Garcés, M. A., Cervantes en Argel: historia de un cautivo, Madrid, Gredos, 2005.— “Introduction”, en Sosa, A. de, An early modern dialogue with Islam: Antonio de Sosa’s Topography of Algiers (1612), Notre Dame, Ind., University of Notre Dame Press, 2011, pp. 1-78.García-Arenal, M., Inquisición y moriscos: los procesos del Tribunal de Cuenca, 3ª ed., Madrid, Siglo XXI, 1987.García Sanjuán, A., “La celebración de la navidad en al-Andalus y la convivencia entre cristianos y musulmanes”, en Miura, J. M. (ed.), Te cuento la navidad: visiones y miradas sobre las fiestas de invierno, Sevilla, Aconcagua, 2011, pp. 43-49.Gonzalbes, C., “Un ensayo para la catalogación de los amuletos de plomo andalusíes”, Boletín Arqueológico Medieval, 12 (2005), pp. 7-17.González de Clavijo, R., Embajada a Tamorlán, edición de F. López Estrada, Barcelona, Castalia, 2017, pp. 188-189.Halevi, L., Muhammad’s grave: death rites and the making of Islamic society, Nueva York, Columbia University Press, 2007.Hammoudi, A., The victim and its masks: an essay on sacrifice and masquerade in the Maghreb, Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1993.Höfert, A., “The order of things and the discourse of the Turkish threat: the conceptualisation of Islam in the rise of Occidental anthropology in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries”, en Höfert, A. y Salvatore, A. (eds.), Between Europe and Islam: shaping modernity in a transcultural space, Bruselas, PIE-Peter Lang, 2000, pp. 39-70.Ibn Battuta, A través del islam, traducción, introducción y notas de S. Fanjul y F. Arbós, Madrid, Alianza Ed., 2005.Ibn Yubayr, A través del oriente (Rihla), estudio, traducción, notas e índices de F. Maíllo, Madrid, Alianza Ed., 2007.Irwin, R., For lust of knowing: the orientalists and their enemies, Londres y Nueva York, Penguin, 2007.Jiménez de Rada, R., Historiae minores. Dialogvs libri vite, edición y estudio de J. Fernández Valverde y J. A. Estévez Sola, Turnhout, Brepols, 1999.Kaptein, N. J. G., Muhammad’s birthday festival: early history in the central Muslim lands and development in the Muslim west until the 10th/16th century, Leiden, Nueva York y Colonia, Brill, 1993.Maliki, S., “Religiosidad y alteridad: una aproximación a la imagen del musulmán en la Topografía e Historia general de Argel de Antonio de Sosa”, ‘Ossour al-Jadida, 19-20 (2015), pp. 66-82.Montecroce, R., Reprobación del Alcorán, Sevilla, por dos alemanes compañeros, 1501.Parreño, J. M., “Experiencia y literatura en la obra de Antonio de Sosa”, en Sosa, A. de, Diálogo de los mártires de Argel, Madrid, Hiperión, 1990, pp. 9-23.Pascual, P., Sobre la se[c]ta mahometana, edición y estudio de F. González Muñoz, Valencia, Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2011.Rodríguez Mediano, F., “Santos arrebatados: algunos ejemplos de maydub en la Salwat al-anfas de Muhammad al-Kattani”, Al-Qantara, vol. 13, núm. (1992), pp. 237-256.— “Religiosidad en al-Andalus: el hombre santo en el islam occidental”, Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares, 54 (1999), pp. 145-168.Sahin, K., “Staging an Empire: an Ottoman circumcision ceremony as cultural performance”, American Historical Review, vol. 123, núm. 2 (2018), pp. 463-492.Said, E. W., Orientalismo, 2ª ed., Barcelona, Debolsillo, 2003.Salah, M. M., El doctor Sosa y la Topografía e historia general de Argel, tesis doctoral, Departamento de Filología Española, Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Barcelona, 1991.Salicrú, R., “Entre la praxis y el estereotipo: vivencias y percepciones de lo islámico ibérico en las fuentes archivísticas y narrativas bajomedievales”, en MartínezGázquez, J. y Tolan, J. V. (eds.), Ritus infidelium. Miradas interconfesionales sobre las prácticas religiosas en la Edad Media, Madrid, Casa de Velázquez, 2013, pp. 99-111.Shoshan, B., Popular culture in medieval Cairo, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993.Sola, E., “Renacimiento, Contrarreforma y problema morisco en la obra de Antonio de Sosa”, en Sosa, A. de, Diálogo de los mártires de Argel, Madrid, Hiperión, 1990, pp. 27-52.— “Antonio de Sosa: un clásico inédito amigo de Cervantes (Historia y Literatura)”, en Actas del I Coloquio Internacional de la Asociación de Cervantistas, Barcelona, Anthropos, 1990, pp. 409-412.Southern, R. W., Western views of Islam in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1962.Tolan, J. V., Saracens: Islam in the medieval European imagination, Nueva York, Columbia University Press, 2002.Tóth, J., “Topography of a society: Muslims, dwellers, and customs of Algiers in Antonio de Sosa’s Topographia, e Historia general de Argel”, en Birnbaum, M. D. y Sebok, M. (eds.), Practices of coexistence: constructions of the other in early modern perceptions, Budapest, Central European University Press, 2017, pp. 103-142.Touati, H., Entre Dieu et les hommes: lettrés, saints et sorciers au Maghreb (17e siècle), París, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1994.Tuy, L. de, Crónica de España, edición de J. Puyol, Madrid, Tip. de la RABM, 1926.Varthema, L., Itinerario del venerable varon micer Luis patricio romano en el qual cuenta mucha parte de la Ethiopia, Egipto, y entrambas Arabias, Siria y la India, Sevilla, Jacobo Cromberger, 1520.Viaje de Turquía (la odisea de Pedro Urdemalas), 6ª ed., a cargo de F. García Salinero, Madrid, Cátedra, 2010.Waardenburg, J. J., “Official and popular religion in Islam”, Social Compass, vol. 25, núms. 3-4 (1978), pp. 315-341.Wiegers, G., “Ibadat”, en Martin, R. C. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim world, 2 vols., Nueva York, Macmillan Reference USA, Thomson/Gale, 2004, vol. 1, pp. 327-333.Zaragoza, E., “Abadologio del monasterio de Ntra. Sra. de la Misericordia de Frómista (1437-1835)”, Publicaciones de la Institución Tello Téllez de Meneses, 71 (2000), pp. 135-158.

In 1960, women in southern Ethiopia's rural Konso district faced a violent campaign by local men to eradicate leather clothing following a ban imposed by the local governor, Tesfaye Hailu. Tesfaye, a man of the northern Amhara ethnic group, banned leather clothes along with bead necklaces and arm bracelets as part of imperial Ethiopia's “modernization,” which was influenced by disparate sources, including the United States. Tesfaye saw women's attire as “backward” and “unhygienic” and as obstructing modernization; its elimination was a means to improve Konso culture and help the empire join the community of modern nations. The “culture” of “the Other” has often been cast as impeding “modernity” and requiring elimination or change, particularly the practices of women, from genital cutting in eastern Africa to veiling among Muslim women in the Middle East and Europe (Hodgson 2009; Masquelier 2005; Merry 2009a). So it was with the widespread, politicized transition to cotton clothing in nineteenth- and twentieth-century eastern Africa. The target was clothing worn by all women in Konso and made by women in the low-status category of “Xauta,” sometimes referred to as a “caste.” Leather skirts signaled important stages in women's lives, and became extensions of individual women's tastes, experiences, and identities. Women today recall the violence and punishments of the campaign, including being chased, beaten, imprisoned, and fined, and even having their skirts forcibly removed at home and in public. They offer contradictory explanations of who initiated the ban and the reasons for it, but they remember clearly the local men involved in eradication efforts.

Applied anthropology has a long history in Israel, its genesis in the massive waves of immigration that began after the establishment of the state in 1948. Its primary focus remains today what it was then: integrating (or in Israeli parlance, "absorbing") the new Jewish immigrants who came to Israel from Europe after the Holocaust, from Muslim countries from 1948 through the sixties, from Ethiopia and Russia more recently, and from many other places. Anthropologists have helped government agencies, schools, health services, and other public bodies understand the newcomers' cultures, aspirations, and problems, and they have been instrumental in devising modes of settlement that meet both the immigrants' and the country's needs. Ironically, little work has been done in the area of conflict resolution between Jews and Arabs (and specifically Palestinians) or in finding ways of integrating Israel's Arab population into the country's mainstream. While many Israeli anthropologists are prominent social activists, they tend to separate their personal and professional lives, and little of their professional work actually takes place in applied realms.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In order to sustain the life, first and foremost, the person needs the basics such as food and clean water, apparel and shelter. But, along with the economical conditions, if the humanly conditions based on trust and social peace lacks or not enough in a region, then it is almost impossible to sustain basic needs for people. These situations caused the people leave their places in throughout history. For this reason, migration is a sociological fact on the agenda of humanity. The religions, as are known, present people sense making interpretations overcoming hardships, helping them coping with the problems, strengthening them against these situations. Within this frame, the experiences of prophets, among the examples given in Quran constitute an important part. Like any person, the prophets also faced hardships. For example, Prophet Moses, because of the insecurity of the situation, had to leave his country. The last prophet, Muhammad, faced with the oppression and persecution of the polytheists, allowed the Muslims first to emigrate to Ethiopia and then to Medina. Before, during and after the migration, the hardships saddened the prophets, led them to bad mood from time to time as every other people, but the patience, resolution, tenacity and determination of them became a source of hope not only for their believers but the humanity. Hence, in Quran it is stated that, the people who had to leave their country, will be rewarded in this world and in the afterlife. The statement of Quran continues to be a light of hope in today’s world where the number of people, who is not allowed to have the basic needs increases every day, and the consciences without empathy becoming more blind. The emigrants today continue to struggle for life. In this paper, how the struggles of the emigrants be interpreted within the Quran perspectives as a Hegira Phonemenon is deliberated. In this way, it is aimed that along with the historical meaning of the migration as a universal fact, the reflections on today and relations on current issues be determined.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>İnsanın yaşamını sürdürebilmesi, öncelikle yeme-içme, giyim-kuşam ve barınma gibi temel ihtiyaçlarının karşılanmasına bağlıdır. Ancak ekonomik koşulların yanında, toplumsal barışa ve güvene dayalı insani koşulların yetersiz olduğu ya da bulunmadığı coğrafyalarda yaşamak zorunda kalan insanlar açısından söz konusu temel ihtiyaçların karşılanması neredeyse imkânsızdır. Bu durum, tarih boyunca insanların içinde yaşadıkları mekânı kitleler halinde terk etmelerine yol açmıştır. Dolayısıyla göç, başlangıçtan itibaren insanlığın gündeminden düşmeyen sosyolojik bir olgu olmuştur. Bilindiği gibi dinler, insanların yaşadıkları zorluklarla başa çıkmalarını kolaylaştıracak ve söz konusu durumlar karşısında onları güçlendirecek çeşitli anlamlandırma biçimleri sunar. Bu kapsamda, Kur’an’da verilen örnekler arasında peygamberlerin tecrübeleri önemli bir yer tutar. Nitekim her insan gibi onlar da, çeşitli zorluklarla karşılaşmışlardır. Hz. Musa yaşadığı ortamın güvensizliğinden dolayı ülkesini terk etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Son peygamber Hz. Muhammed de, müşriklerin eziyet, işkence ve zulümleri karşısında Müslümanlara önce Habeşistan’a, daha sonra da Medine’ye Hicret etme izni vermiştir. Göç öncesinde, esnasında ve sonrasında karşılaşılan zorluklar, her insan gibi peygamberleri de üzmüş; ancak yaşananlar karşısında onların gösterdikleri sabır, metanet, azim ve kararlılık, sadece kendilerine inananlar açısından değil, diğer insanlar için de umut kaynağı olmuştur. Nitekim Kur’an’da çeşitli nedenlerle ülkelerini terk etmek zorunda kalan insanların dünyada da ahirette de ödüllendirileceği bildirilmiştir. Kur’an’ın bu beyanı, temel ihtiyaçlarını karşılamalarına izin verilmeyen insanların sayısının her geçen gün arttığı ve empatiden yoksun vicdanların giderek körleştiği günümüz dünyasında göçmenlere umut ışığı olmaya devam etmektedir. Çünkü onlar, her zamanki gibi zorlu koşullarda yaşam mücadelesi vermektedir. Bu makalede, göçmenlerin verdiği bu mücadelenin Kur’an perspektifinden Hicret örneğinde nasıl anlamlandırıldığı üzerinde durulmaktadır. Böylece, evrensel bir olgu olarak göçün tarihsel süreçteki anlamının yanı sıra, günümüze yansımalarının saptanması ve güncel örneklerle ilişkilendirilmesi amaçlanmaktadır.</p>

AbstractThis essay examines relations between eastern Africa and western India in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in respect to two related sets of problems: the changing regimes of commercial circulation, and more particularly the evolution of patterns of human movement, notably via the slave trade from Ethiopia and the Swahili coast to Gujarat and the Deccan. It argues that over the course of the sixteenth century, commercial relations between Deccan ports such as Goa and Chaul, and the Swahili coast, came to be strengthened through the intervention of the Portuguese and their military-commercial system. At the same time, large numbers of African slaves reached the Muslim states in India, especially in the period after 1530, where they played a significant role as military specialists, and eventually as elite political and cultural actors. The shifting geographical dimensions of the African presence in India are emphasized, beginning in western Gujarat and winding up in the Deccan Sultanates. This contrasts markedly with the African experience elsewhere, where the meaning and institutional context of slavery were quite different.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity.
 Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The reign of Lij Iyasu was one of the most controversial periods in the history of Ethiopia. Iyasu came to power because of an absence of a direct male line from the reigning King, Menelik (1889-1913). He was the product of the crisis of the last quarter of the 19<sup>th</sup> century. He was the son of Michael, the ex-Muslim, who was converted to Christianity by force after the council of Boru Meda in 1878. He was the descendant of the two largest ethnic groups in the country, the Oromo, and Amhara. His background was helpful to stop the creeping inequality developing in the country at that time, however; it was the same background that contributed to the demise of Iyasu. He was also involved in the politics of the First World War. He had a good relationship with the Ottoman and the Somali nationalist, Sayyid Abdalle Hassen. His relation to the Ottoman and conversion to Islam irritated the European powers. Those factors contributed greatly to his downfall. This article will put light on the period of Lij Iyasu including the question of his conversion to Islam and political events based on available oral and written sources.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Lic Iyasu’nun dönemi (1913-1916) Etiyopya tarihinin en tartışmalı dönemlerinden birisidir. Iyasu, hükümdar olan Kral Menelik’in (1889-1913) bir erkek evladı olmaması sebebiyle iktidar şansını elde etti. Bu sebeple de kendisi 19. yüzyılın son çeyreğindeki Etiyopya kraliyetindeki taht krizinin bir parçası oldu. Iyasu, daha önceden Müslüman iken 1878 yılındaki Boru Meda Konseyi’nden sonra zorla Hristiyanlığa geçirilen Michael’in oğluydu. Iyasu, ülkedeki en büyük iki etnik grup olan Oromoların ve Amharaların soyundan geliyordu. Kökeni, bir yandan o zamanlar ülkede büyümekte olan eşitsizliği durdurması için yardımcı olurken, bir yandan da tahttan indirilmesine sebep olmuştu. Iyasu aynı zamanda Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na da siyaseten müdahil olmuştu. Osmanlılarla ve Somalili milliyetçi Seyyid Abdallah Hassan ile iyi ilişkileri vardı. Bu durum Avrupalı güçler için son derece rahatsız edici bir durumdu. Iyasu’nun bu teşebbüslerini etkisiz kılmak için Avrupalı güçler, Iyasu karşıtı Etiyopyalı yerel güçlere destek vererek onu tahttan indirdiler. Bu makale, sözlü ve yazılı kaynaklara dayanarak Iyasu’nun İslamiyet’e geçişi dâhil olmak üzere, dönemin siyasi olaylarına ve yönetimine ışık tutmayı amaçlamaktadır.</p>