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Journal articles on the topic 'Muslims, ethiopia'
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1
Dadoo, Yousuf. "LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL AFFINITIES: THE CASE OF ARABIC AND ETHIOPIAN LANGUAGES." Journal for Semitics 25, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 700–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2553.
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Multi-faceted relations between Ethiopia and South Arabia existed since the sixth century B.C. During the earlier phase, the Christian Ethiopians networked with their co-religionists. Later they interacted primarily with Muslim Arabs some of whom settled in Ethiopia either in search of religious sanctuary or for trade purposes. The Muslims entrenched themselves and established petty kingdoms between the ninth and fifteenth centuries C.E. Thereafter, they suffered huge reversals at the hands of their Christian compatriots who were assisted by the Portuguese colonial power. Over the last two centuries relations between these two religious groups suffered appreciably. Despite these mammoth problems, testimonies to the linguistic and cultural affinities between Ethiopia and Arabia are evident; illustrations of which are given in this article. They could be used as a springboard for improving relations between the two communities. The Ethiopian socio-political climate has improved since the installation of a new federal and democratically elected government. It behoves all relevant groups to grasp the mettle by doing more intensive and extensive research in topics like this one in order to trace commonalities between them.
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Tiquet, M. "Ethiopia: 'Destroy the Muslims'." Index on Censorship 16, no. 4 (April 1, 1987): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228708534243.
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Abbink, Jon. "Muslim Monasteries? Some Aspects of Religious Culture in Northern Ethiopia." Aethiopica 11 (April 26, 2012): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.151.
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This paper presents some preliminary observations on Sufi Muslim shrines or retreats in the Ethiopian Wällo region, places where local Muslim holy men or ‘saints’ lead the faithful and act as religious mediators and advisors. Some of these retreats of Sufi Muslims have a ‘monastic’ character, and allow males and females a life of reflection and devotion to God. An obvious parallel with Christian monasteries presents itself, referring to a partly shared religious culture. Some reflections on the extent and nature of this similarity are made, and the need for a fresh approach to the study of religion in Ethiopia/Africa, in the context of contemporary debates about religious identity and the hardening of communal boundaries, is underlined.
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Østebø, Terje, and Wallelign Shemsedin. "Ethiopian Muslims and the discourse about moderation." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 2 (May 8, 2017): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000015.
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ABSTRACTThis article provides insights into particular aspects of contemporary Islamic reformism in Ethiopia, focusing on what we have labelled the Intellectualist movement. Analysing the trajectory and the ideological underpinnings of the movement from the early 1990s to the present, the study interrogates the assertion that Ethiopian Islam has moved in a radical direction and argues that the Intellectualist movement has been a significant force moderating the domestic political-religious discourses. We demonstrate that it contributed to the production of political awareness among generations of young Ethiopian Muslims, which rather than contesting the existing political system, moved in a direction of a strengthened belief in secularism and democratic values. What is important here is that this took place in an increasingly constraining political environment, which, as often assumed, did not trigger any reaction of radicalization, but rather reinforced the adherence to a moderating discourse.
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Mains, Daniel. "Drinking, Rumour, and Ethnicity in Jimma, Ethiopia." Africa 74, no. 3 (August 2004): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.3.341.
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AbstractThis paper is an investigation of the relationship between identity, politics, and rumours in Jimma, Ethiopia. The introduction of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia after the fall of the Marxist Derg regime in 1991 has been the topic of a significant amount of academic discussion, but little attention has been given to the day-to-day experience of this change. Consequently, post-1991 Ethiopian politics have been viewed primarily in terms of ethnic power struggles. An analysis of rumours that are circulated through casual conversation enables a better understanding of popular reactions to ethnic federalism. In particular, rumours regarding the drinking habits of Oromo Muslims and the political behaviour of Protestants reveal that ethnicity is closely intertwined with religion and nationalism. This analysis also demonstrates how a particularly Ethiopian form of discourse functions as a means both of resisting and coping with loss of political power and economic decline. Finally, it explores how international news media coverage of Christian–Muslim conflict and anxieties about globalisation are interrelated with local power struggles. In this paper, rumours are treated as a discourse that provides a window into the worldview of the speaker in order to explore how individuals negotiate political change and construct difference at the everyday level.
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Baye, Temesgen Gebeyehu. "Muslims in Ethiopia: History and identity." African Studies 77, no. 3 (June 4, 2018): 412–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1475634.
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Feyissa, Dereje, and Bruce B. Lawrence. "Muslims Renegotiating Marginality in Contemporary Ethiopia." Muslim World 104, no. 3 (July 2014): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/muwo.12056.
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Dulin, John. "Are Salafis and Pentecostals the Same? How Orthodox and Sufi Mediation Practices Shape Responses to Reformism in Gondar, Ethiopia." Northeast African Studies 22, no. 2 (2022): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.22.2.0037.
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Abstract Many Orthodox Christians and Sufi Muslims in Ethiopia put Salafis and Pentecostals in the same category. Because both denounce the intercessory powers of otherworldly figures, like saints and awaliyya, some claim Salafis are “like Pentes.” Some refer to the similar mediation practices of Sufis and Orthodox Christians to paint Pentecostals/Salafis as other, as foreign. This article explores how these discursive parallels play out in practical interactions in Gondar, Ethiopia, a historical center of Ethiopian Orthodoxy with a sizable Muslim minority. In some ways, Orthodox-Pentecostal relations mirror Sufi-Salafi relations because of similarities in Orthodox and Sufi mediation practices. However, the Sufi–Salafi boundary is relatively porous due to the detachability of Sufi practices of intercession from more encompassing practices like salat and Ramadan. Pentecostal–Orthodox boundaries are more robust in part because the intercession of Saints infuses all levels of Orthodox practice. This boundary becomes particularly sharp in the context of funerals.
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Rosli, Muhammad Fauzan, and Ermy Azziaty Rozali. "[‘Uthmaniyyah’ Relationship with Muslim Community East Africa Africa] Hubungan ‘Uthmaniyyah dengan Komuniti Muslim Timur Laut Afrika." Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 18, no. 1 (September 30, 2018): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2018.18.1.304.
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After the conquest of Egypt in 1517M, the relationship between the Ottoman and the northeast African Muslim community was served. On 1555M, the eyalet of Habesha was established in order to protect the Two Holy Cities of Muslims and the Muslim community in Red Sea shores particulary the northeast Africa. Apart from that, the establishment of the Habesha eyalet was to secure the political and trade route for the Ottoman on that region. Unfortunately, the Ottoman’s initiative were seen as provocations to the Bani Funj, ruler of the Sinnar Sultanate in Nubia which eventually led to centuries of feud between them.The objective of this article is to identify the relationship dynamics between the Ottoman and the Muslim community in northeast Africa, mainly in the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia. This qualitative study is carried out through literature and historical analysis to observe similarities, make comparisons and deduce interpretations of related historical events in that relationship. This study found that, the Ottoman’s relationship throughout the 16th and the 18th centuries, changes allies and foes constantly between the Sinnar Sultanate as well as the Ethiopian kingdoms. Meanwhile, even after the collapse of the Adal Sultanate’s holy war, the Ottoman’s commitment on the destiny of Ethiopian Muslim remained unchanged.
Keywords: Ottoman, Muslim community, Sinnar Sultanate, Ethiopia
Setelah menguasai Mesir pada 1517M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan komuniti Muslim timur laut Afrika mula terjalin. Pada 1555M, eyalet Habesha telah diasaskan untuk melindungi Dua Kota Suci umat Islam serta komuniti Muslim di persisiran pantai Laut Merah terutamanya di timur laut Afrika. Selain itu, penubuhan eyalet Habesha juga bertujuan mengukuhkan kedudukan politik dan penguasaan perdagangan ‘Uthmaniyyah ke atas rantau tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, tindakan ‘Uthmaniyyah itu dilihat sebagai sebuah provokasi kepada Bani Funj yang menguasai kesultanan Sinnar di Nubia. Keadaan ini telah membawa kepada perseteruan lebih daripada dua abad. Objektif artikel ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti hubungan dinamik ‘Uthmaniyyah dengan komuniti Muslim di timur laut Afrika terutama di dua wilayah utama iaitu Nubia dan Ethiopia. Kajian kualitatif ini dijalankan melalui kaedah kepustakaan dan analisa sejarah bagi melihat persamaan, membuat perbandingan serta menghasilkan interpretasi terhadap peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah yang terkait dalam hubungan tersebut. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa sepanjang abad ke-16M hingga ke-18M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan kesultanan Sinnar serta kerajaan Ethiopia menjadikan status lawan dan kawan sering kali berubah. Manakala, komitmen ‘Uthmaniyyah terhadap nasib Muslim Ethiopia tidak berubah walaupun setelah kekalahan gerakan jihad kesultanan ‘Adal.
Kata kunci: Uthmaniyyah, Komuniti Muslim, Kesultanan Sinnar, Ethiopia
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Zakharov, I. A. "Dynamics of the Ethiopian Religious Landscape during Democratic Transition." Izvestiya Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk Seriya Geograficheskaya 87, no. 5 (September 1, 2023): 690–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2587556623050096.
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The article defines the patterns of development of the Ethiopian religious landscape in the context of a significant expansion of religious freedoms that began after 1991. The country’s population censuses for 1994 and 2007 were used as the statistical base of the study. It contains information on the religious affiliation of the population of Ethiopia as a whole and its administrative-territorial units up to the Woredas–the 3rd level of administrative units. The directions of shifts in the distribution of followers of the country’s largest faith-groups (Orthodox, Muslim, Protestant, ethnic religions) were determined based on the types of religious composition of the population. This allowed us to reveal the features of the Ethiopian religious landscape with a high level of detail. The defined trends in the development of the Ethiopian religious landscape are reflected in the maps illustrating the dynamics of the types of confessional structure of the woreda population for 1994 and 2007. Based on cartographic information, the author determined the patterns of reconfiguration of the geospaces of the largest faith-groups in the country, that provoked an increasing polarization in the Ethiopian religious landscape. Determined that the religious structure of the population of the regions dominated by Orthodox Christianity, Islam, and Protestantism has become more homogeneous, while the main direction of the development of their geospaces was their expansion towards the capital of Ethiopia. As a result, specific spatial structures, such as frontiers, were formed. The intensification of religious competition in Ethiopia, which until recently was considered the “standard” of peaceful inter-communal relations in Africa, was accompanied by the growth of religious and ethnoreligious conflicts. It is established that it was partly due to the change in the religious structure of the urban population, resulted from a sharp increase in the proportion of Protestants and Muslims. Ethiopia faced the growing involvement of religious organizations in socio-political processes against the background of the aggravation of religious competition and interethnic rivalry. This contributed to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in the political life of Ethiopia, which have serious implications, for instance the unbundling of several administrative-territorial units in the southwestern and central parts of the country.
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V. Liulka, V. Liulka. "MUSLIM MIGRATION: THEORETICAL BASIS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 139 (2018): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.139.08.
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The article is dedicated to the discussion questions of theoretical aspects of Muslim migration to the countries, where the Islam has no position of dominant religion. The interest to this problem increased because of growth of the Muslim population and the expansion of Muslim migration. The terminological aspects of the term “hegira” (“hijra”) is analysed in Arabic and Ukrainian languages; the meaning of the term in linguistic and Sharia law is separated. The historical retrospective of migration practice of the first Muslims is traced by the author on the evidence of Quran and Sunnah. In particular, the author analysed the resettlement of Muslims to Ethiopia and the migration from Mecca to Medina. The causes of migration, it’s process and aftermath for the Muslim doctrine are considered in the article. The views of the modern Muslim theologists on the Muslim migration waves to the Western countries after the Arab-Israeli conflicts and the crisis of Syria are compared.
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Kawo, Hassen Muhammad. "Islamic Manuscript Collections in Ethiopia." Islamic Africa 6, no. 1-2 (July 6, 2015): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00602012.
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Ethiopian Muslims introduced literary culture and manuscript collection in the mosques after the introduction of Islam in the seventh century. Books stored and preserved in a bookshelves known as taqet (Arabic, tāqat, shelf). This clearly shows African endogenous culture of preserving textual material that before the introduction of European models for archives and museums. This article demonstrates the collection of Islamic manuscripts in Ethiopian state archives and private collections and illustrates their challenges with recommendation to rescue the collections.
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Dagnaw, Bitwoded Admasu. "The Jesuits Politico-Religious Strategy to Catholicize Ethiopia from Top to Bottom Approach: Opportunities and Challenges, 1557 to 1632." International Journal of Culture and History 9, no. 2 (September 9, 2022): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v9i2.20260.
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The Catholic Missionaries in Ethiopia was encouraged since the beginning of the Portuguese assistance against the Muslims in the war of Ahmed Grañ. The successive Ethiopian monarchal authority was engaged to defend a full-scale war between the Muslim Sultanates of Adal, led by Ibin Ibrāhīm al-Ġāzī usually known by many writers as Ahmed Grañ. The Portuguese expansion with the succeeding Jesuit mission in Ethiopia was a turning point in the history of Ethiopia. Moreover, the Portuguese and Spanish Jesuit missionaries were more attracted by the strategic location of the country. This, in fact, enabled them to monitor the expansion of Islamic power in the Red Sea and the long experienced Christian faith in the country that had further consolidated the Ethiopian and Portuguese alliance. Initially, a Jesuit undertaking led by Father Andrés D. Oviedo first entered the country in 1557 to have started the top-down conversion process. This research aims to assess the opportunities and challenges of the Jesuits missionary strategy for the Catholicization of Ethiopia from top to down Approach. To achieve the objectives of this study, the researcher used qualitative research approach to investigate the issue and used historical research design for this study as well. Historical research requires access to the original events or records that took place in the past as distinct procedure for the investigation. Thus, the primary sources that were produced at the time under study as well as secondary sources were used. Primary data sources such as Royal chronicles, Tarike Nagast, Diaries of eye witness, Jesuit texts and European travel accounts by travelers who visited the northern part of the country by the time have been used. Published and unpublished secondary sources such as books, articles, journals and internet sources were utilized. More significantly, the researcher verified the authenticity and credibility of the acquired historical source through accuracy, occurrence, relevance and authority. The findings of the research revealed that the Jesuits missionary ambition to implant Catholicism remained in vain with bloody wars that claim thousands of human lives. Ultimately, the Jesuit missionaries expelled from the country. However, they left behind a theological controversy that gave it to local theme to Catholicism in Ethiopia that finally resulted in the doctrinal debate particularly centered on the teaching of the two natures of Christ. The intense doctrinal debate which was held during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ethiopia hastens to the absence of strong centralized monarchial authority that eventually led to the era of the princes.
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von Sicard, Sigvard. "Localising Salafism: religious change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 23, no. 4 (October 2012): 553–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2012.712447.
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Kimosop, Peter K. "Localising Salafism: religious change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia." African Geographical Review 31, no. 1 (June 2012): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376812.2012.684534.
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Erlich. "Localising Salafism: Religious Change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia." Northeast African Studies 15, no. 1 (2015): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.15.1.0199.
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Kabha, Mustafa, and Haggai Erlich. "AL-AHBASH AND WAHHABIYYA: INTERPRETATIONS OF ISLAM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 4 (October 25, 2006): 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412459.
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Islam is a universal religion and culture. Scholars who tend to focus on Islam in specific societies may overlook connections that, over the centuries, were important in shaping various Islamic intercultural dialogs. One case in point is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Islam. Although situated next door to the cradle of Islam, Ethiopia conveniently has been perceived by many Western historians of the Arab Middle East as an African “Christian island,” and as largely irrelevant. In practice, however, the Christian-dominated empire has remained meaningful to all Muslims from Islam's inception. It has also been the home of Islamic communities that maintained constant contact with the Middle East. Indeed, one of the side aspects of the resurgence of political Islam since the 1970s is the emergence in Lebanon of the “The Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects” (Jamעiyyat al-Mashariע al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya), better known as “The Ethiopians,” al-Ahbash. Its leader came to Beirut from Ethiopia with a rather flexible interpretation of Islam, which revolved around political coexistence with Christians. Al-Ahbash of Lebanon expanded to become arguably the leading factor in the local Sunni community. They opened branches on all continents and spread their interpretation of Islam to many Islamic as well as non-Islamic countries. This article is an attempt to relate some of the Middle Eastern–Ethiopian Islamic history as the background to an analysis of a significant issue on today's all-Islamic agenda. It aims to present the Ahbash history, beliefs, and rivalry with the Wahhabiyya beginning in the mid-1980s. It does so by addressing conceptual, political, and theological aspects, which had been developed against the background of Ethiopia as a land of Islamic–Christian dialogue, and their collision with respective aspects developed in the Wahhabi kingdom of the Saudis. The contemporary inner-Islamic, Ahbash-Wahhabiyya conceptual rivalry turned in the 1990s into a verbal war conducted in traditional ways, as well as by means of modern channels of Internet exchanges and polemics. Their debate goes to the heart of Islam's major dilemmas as it attracts attention and draws active participation from all over the world.
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Kaplan, Steven. "Notes Towards a History of Aṣe Dawit I (1382–1413)." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.447.
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Dawit I has received far less attention than either his grandfather ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon I or his son Zärʾa Yaʿǝqob. This comparatively brief article attempts to partially redress the balance. During the more than three decades during which he reigned, Dawit strengthened the religious and political fabric of Ethiopia. By promoting devotion to both the Cross and the Virgin Mary, he provided the Church with two pan-Christian symbols which transcended local rivalries and regional loyalties. These were, moreover, symbols particularly suited to visual representation and hence comparatively easy to propagate among Ethiopia’s largely illiterate population. He did not, however, neglect the role of religious texts. His reign is remembered both for the important translations initiated, most notably Täʾammǝrä Maryam and for original works composed by his close associate Giyorgis of Sägla. Dawit also made great strides in solidifying Church state relations, particularly through his generous land grants, and although he did not succeed in resolving the Ewosṭatian controversy, in the last decade of his rule, he moved towards a pragmatic accommodation. All this would by itself, qualify Dawit as one of the outstanding leaders in Ethiopian history. His military successes, particularly against the Muslims of Adal, can only further cement his reputation.
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Gaastra, Jane S., and Timothy Insoll. "Animal Economies and Islamic Conversion in Eastern Ethiopia: Zooarchaeological Analyses from Harlaa, Harar and Ganda Harla." Journal of African Archaeology 18, no. 2 (May 12, 2020): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21915784-20200008.
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Abstract Excavations at three urban sites, Harlaa, Harar, and Ganda Harla, in eastern Ethiopia have recovered substantial assemblages of faunal remains. These, the first to be analysed from Islamic contexts in the country, were studied to reconstruct animal economies, and to assess if it was possible to identify Islamic conversion or the presence of Muslims in archaeological contexts through examining butchery practices and diet via the species present. Differences in animal economies between the sites in, for example, management strategies, use of animals for traction, and presence of imported marine fish, infers the development of different traditions. However, conversion to Islam was evident, and although issues of non-observance, mixed communities, and dietary eclecticism have to be acknowledged, the appearance of a similar range of butchery techniques suggests these were linked with the appearance of Muslim traders, and subsequent spread of Islam.
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Abubakar Isa, Sadiya, Md Salleh Yaapar, and Suzana Haji Muhammad. "Rethinking Orientalism of Muslims in Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Infidel." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 9, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 241–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v9i2.241-265.
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Edward Said’s Orientalism questions the Western representation of the Eastern ‘other’, especially the Arab Muslims. A misrepresentation that has always treated the orient with inferiority; as barbaric and backward compared to the refined, reasoning and advanced Occident. This form of representation is what Ayaan Hirsi Ali embarked on in her bestselling memoir Infidel (2007). It chronicles her geographical journey from Somalia to Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, Kenya and the Netherlands, and her flight from Islam to Atheism. A belief system she finds more appealing to reasoning than Islam which is (according to her) backward and barbaric. Her steadfast criticism of Islam is vividly reflected in her memoir, which ascribes the oppression and tribulations of women to Islam, irrespective of geographical or cultural influence. Such claims are tantamount to feminist Orientalism of Muslim women, whose claims of liberating Muslim women and rescuing them from the oppressive Islam cannot be overemphasized. This paper argues that the practices of misogyny are rooted in culture and not Islam. Thus, it investigates three main points which are central to the ‘Islam oppresses women’ debate: Female Genital Mutilation, Early and/or Forced Marriage and Women as sex objects. Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism as a continuation of Orientalism, propose solutions to the identified problems in Orientalism, which is to unread the misrepresentations by identifying submerged details. Through a contrapuntal reading of Infidel (2007), this study counter-narrates the distortion of Islam by drawing upon authentic Islamic sources. Karya Edward Said Orientalisme mempertanyakan representasi Barat dari “yang lain” di Timur, terutama Muslim Arab. Sebuah penyajian yang keliru yang selalu memperlakukan “orient” dengan inferioritas, sebagai biadab dan terbelakang dibandingkan dengan “Occident”, penalaran dan kemajuan Barat. Bentuk representasi inilah yang memulai Ayaan Hirsi Ali dalam memoarnya yang terlaris, iInfidel (2007). Ini mencatat perjalanan geografisnya dari Somalia ke Arab Saudi, Ethiopia, Kenya, dan Belanda, dan pelariannya dari Islam ke Ateisme. Sebuah sistem kepercayaan yang ia temukan lebih menarik untuk dipertimbangkan daripada Islam yang (menurutnya) terbelakang dan biadab. Kritiknya yang teguh terhadap Islam tercermin dengan jelas dalam memoarnya, yang mengaitkan penindasan dan kesengsaraan wanita dengan Islam, terlepas dari pengaruh geografis atau budaya. Klaim semacam itu sama dengan Orientalisme feminis perempuan Muslim, yang klaimnya membebaskan perempuan Muslim dan menyelamatkan mereka dari Islam yang menindas tidak bisa terlalu ditekankan. Makalah ini berpendapat bahwa praktik misogini berakar pada budaya dan bukan Islam. Oleh karena itu, laporan ini menyelidiki tiga poin utama yang menjadi pusat perdebatan “Islam menindas wanita”: Mutilasi Alat Kelamin Wanita, Pernikahan Dini dan/atau Paksa dan Wanita sebagai objek seks. Karya Edward Said Culture and Imperialism sebagai kelanjutan dari Orientalisme, mengusulkan solusi untuk masalahmasalah yang diidentifikasi dalam Orientalisme, yakni untuk membaca kesalahan representasi dengan mengidentifikasi detail yang terendam. Melalui pembacaan kontrapuntal dari Infidel (2007), penelitian ini membaut kontra-narasi atas distorsi Islam dengan memanfaatkan sumbersumber Islam otentik.
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Abubakar Isa, Sadiya, Md Salleh Yaapar, and Suzana Haji Muhammad. "Rethinking Orientalism of Muslims in Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Infidel." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 9, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v9i2.241-266.
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Edward Said’s Orientalism questions the Western representation of the Eastern ‘other’, especially the Arab Muslims. A misrepresentation that has always treated the orient with inferiority; as barbaric and backward compared to the refined, reasoning and advanced Occident. This form of representation is what Ayaan Hirsi Ali embarked on in her bestselling memoir Infidel (2007). It chronicles her geographical journey from Somalia to Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, Kenya and the Netherlands, and her flight from Islam to Atheism. A belief system she finds more appealing to reasoning than Islam which is (according to her) backward and barbaric. Her steadfast criticism of Islam is vividly reflected in her memoir, which ascribes the oppression and tribulations of women to Islam, irrespective of geographical or cultural influence. Such claims are tantamount to feminist Orientalism of Muslim women, whose claims of liberating Muslim women and rescuing them from the oppressive Islam cannot be overemphasized. This paper argues that the practices of misogyny are rooted in culture and not Islam. Thus, it investigates three main points which are central to the ‘Islam oppresses women’ debate: Female Genital Mutilation, Early and/or Forced Marriage and Women as sex objects. Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism as a continuation of Orientalism, propose solutions to the identified problems in Orientalism, which is to unread the misrepresentations by identifying submerged details. Through a contrapuntal reading of Infidel (2007), this study counter-narrates the distortion of Islam by drawing upon authentic Islamic sources.
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Olalekan Sanni, A. "Localising Salafism. Religious Change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia By TERJE OSTEBO." Journal of Islamic Studies 25, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etu055.
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Kifleyesus, Abbebe. "Muslims and Meals: The Social and Symbolic Function of Foods in Changing Socio-Economic Environments." Africa 72, no. 2 (May 2002): 245–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.2.245.
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AbstractThis article is about ideas and practices concerning the production, distribution, preparation and consumption of food among the Muslim Argobba of Ethiopia. Food among the Muslim Argobba of Ethiopia is an essential idiom, both for drawing a hierarchy of in-group/out-group distinctions and for expressing relationships within groups. The in-group/out-group relations are typically expressed in terms of what foods are consumed by the Muslim Argobba and their non-Muslim Amhara neighbours, by the Muslim Argobba and their Muslim Oromo and Adal neighbours and indeed by some wealthy trader Argobba families and poor Argobba peasant households. Food preparation and distribution, on the other hand, express relations internal to the group, either in terms of gender within the household, as in who serves what to whom, where and in what quantities, or in informal exchanges, as in establishing social links among men and women. Nowadays fewer and fewer Argobba are producing the food they consume, and many are drawn away from their rural homelands either as merchants or as wage labourers. The article examines how Argobba consumers have become accustomed to foreign foods and new modes of preparation and distribution and how such changes have also altered the ways in which food has expressed social relations in terms of class, ethnic and gender identity. It investigates the relative importance of the social and symbolic function of Muslim meals, and discusses the material life of cooking and cuisine in changing socio-economic environments.
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Bezabeh, Samson A. "Review of Terje Østebø, Localising Salafism: Religious Change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia." Contemporary Islam 8, no. 2 (November 13, 2012): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-012-0234-7.
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Ayalew, Yimer. "Countering Islamic fundamentalism and out group hostility in North-East Ethiopia: Kemissie city administration Muslims." International Journal of Peace and Development Studies 9, no. 5 (December 31, 2018): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ijpds2018.0326.
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Petrone, Michele. "Localising Salafism. Religious Change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia, written by Terje Østebø, 2012." Die Welt des Islams 58, no. 2 (May 15, 2018): 254–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00582p06.
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Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. "Wollo: A Land of Religious and Ethnic Amalgamation." Journal of Religion in Africa 52, no. 1-2 (June 3, 2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340225.
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Abstract Wollo is a province in Ethiopia where many ethnic, religious, and cultural groups live in harmony. The religious demography of the province, which has an almost equal number of Muslims and Christians living together intermingled, made social interaction inevitable. As a result, the community has a unique history of tolerance, peaceful coexistence, and a strong sense of togetherness. The people share many customary, cultural, and ritual practices. This paper thus examines the interaction and integration between the different ethnic and religious groups in Wollo that led to the emergence of a unique genetic amalgam and cultural hybridity in the province.
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Ishihara, Minako. "Change in the Significance of Affiliation to Ṭarīqa The Case of Tiǧāniyya in and around Ǧimma." Aethiopica 19 (October 2, 2017): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.19.1.1133.
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This article deals with Sufism in Ethiopia, how people came to affiliate themselves to certain Ṣūfī orders and how the ṭarīqa, or Ṣūfī order, underwent change in providing alternative ways for Muslims to follow their career under the present regime. The first part of this article will show how Islam was introduced into the region, i.e. in and around Ǧimma Zone, and how the royal family was instrumental in the Islamization process. The role of the royal family in the Islamization process is central to understanding why Tiǧāniyya, the most popular Ṣūfī order in the region, became widespread in the region. The second part deals with the careers and life histories of some Tiǧānī masters, widely known in the region. The careers of these masters reveal that personal connections and networks extended both nationwide and abroad. The third part places Tiǧāniyya in the politics of religion under the present regime. The 2006 incident in which Muslim radicals attacking Orthodox Christians in the region revealed that the Christian community was not unaffected by internal Muslim strife. Thereafter, the government chose to support one Muslim wing against the other. Affiliation to ṭarīqa is becoming a political stance and, in recent years, Tiǧāniyya, the most visible ṭarīqa in and around Ǧimma, is increasingly being co-opted by the present regime.
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Zellelew, Tilahun Bejitual. "Religious Food Taboo as a Cause of Reciprocal Hospitality between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in Ethiopia." Food Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 5, no. 2 (2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2160-1933/cgp/v05i02/40499.
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Østebø, Terje. "Islamic Reformism as Networks of Meaning." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (July 5, 2016): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403002.
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This study focuses on the issue of Islamic reformism and provides insights to a highly diverse and ambiguous phenomenon. Located in contemporary Ethiopia, the case in point for the study is what I have labeled the Intellectualist movement. De-institutionalized and decentered in character, the movement was a major player on the Ethiopian religious and political scene, and contributed significantly to the shaping of generations of young Muslims from the early 1990s to up until today. The Intellectualist movement is a good example of a kind of reformism that often escapes analysts’ attention, and the argument is that movement’s informal character points to an important trend among many contemporary religious reformism: their appearance as social networks and the processural character of reform itself. Applying the concept of network of meaning, which points to how movements are loosely structured and constituted around personal and face-to-face interactions, the study emphasizes reform movements as venues for learning, for ideological production, and for the creation of new subjects. This means that they are more than instruments for direct action, but that they are fields for symbolic exchange and self-reflexive relationships engagement, which in turn constitute processes for the realization of alternative behavior and for the mobilization of action.
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Hannig, Anita. "SPIRITUAL BORDER CROSSINGS: CHILDBIRTH, POSTPARTUM SECLUSION AND RELIGIOUS ALTERITY IN AMHARA, ETHIOPIA." Africa 84, no. 2 (April 9, 2014): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000047.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the event of postpartum seclusion of mother and infant in the Amhara region of north-west Ethiopia. During the period between birth and baptism, the mother–child pair remains in private repose, is subject to a variety of ritual prohibitions, and is barred from entering a church. Despite the mother's Orthodox Christian identity, both she and the child are called ‘Muslims’ during this time. Why should this be the case? What happens during the birthing event and its aftermath that would bring about this temporary shift in their religious designation? By shedding light on the distinct models of maternal care, safety, and danger that are emphasized in ‘childbed’, this study seeks an answer to these questions. In doing so, it also contributes to a broader understanding of why most Amhara mothers do not, at present, avail themselves of institutional deliveries and biomedical births but prefer to give birth at home.
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Beyene, Kassu Mehari, Sara Abera Bekele, and Meseret Kassahun Abu. "Factors affecting utilization of modern contraceptive methods among women of reproductive age in Ethiopia." PLOS ONE 18, no. 11 (November 16, 2023): e0294444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0294444.
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Introduction Modern contraceptive use is important for improving health and socioeconomic outcomes, but Ethiopia is among the lowest-using countries. Therefore, this study aimed to determine factors affecting modern contraceptive use among women of reproductive age in Ethiopia. Methods This population-based cross-sectional study used data obtained from the 2019 Ethiopia Mini Demographic and Health Survey (EMDHS). A total of 8,885 reproductive-age women were included in the analysis. A weighted generalized estimating equation approach was used to account for the clustering and weighting effects in the assessment of associations between modern contraceptive usage and socioeconomic and demographic variables. Results Modern contraceptive use among women of reproductive age in Ethiopia is low (28%). Prevalence is highest among women aged 25-34 (40.11%), with higher education (30.97%), who are Orthodox Christians (31.67%), married (40.40%), middle wealth index (31.70%), female-headed households (31.42%), with 1-3 living children (44.85%), who headed by under 31 years old (40.07%), and in the Amhara region (34.45%). In the generalized estimating equation analysis, women aged 35-44 and over 45, Muslims, households heads aged 41-50 and over 50, and in female-headed households were less likely to use modern contraceptives, while women with primary, secondary, and higher education, married, middle and rich wealth index, and with 1-3 and more living children were more likely to use modern contraceptive than their counterparts (reference group) and were statistically significant. Conclusion Modern contraceptive use is notably low among women of reproductive age in Ethiopia. Factors such as age, women’s educational level, religion, marital status, number of living children, wealth status, gender and age of household head, and region were identified as significant factors associated with modern contraceptive use. Therefore, to increase modern contraceptive use, governmental and non-governmental organizations should invest in women’s education and financial empowerment and raise awareness about the benefits of modern contraceptives, especially among older, unmarried, financially poor, elderly-led households, with few living children, and uneducated women.
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Nur, Dalinur M. "Metode Dakwah Rasulullah SAW kepada Golongan Non Muslim di Madinah." Wardah 18, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/wardah.v18i1.1434.
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Da'wah is a call to believe in Allah SWT, dakwah is not a special task to a particular person but to all Moslems. In delivering da'wah required various methods and strategies in order the message of da'wah is accepted to the mad'unya. At the time of Rasulullah SAW, the method of dakwah used to non-Muslims in Medina was da'wah through writing (Da'wah bil Al-Qalam). He sent messengers, who carried Islamic invitations which addressed to Heraclius (Roman Emperors), King Negus (Ruler of Ethiopia), Khusrau (Persian Ruler), and other great leaders. This is motivated by the Hudaibiyah Peace Agreement, political and theological. The contents of the Prophet's message of propaganda send to the kings was amazing, always preceded by Basmalah, some letters also include verses of the Qur'an. The composition of the sentence in the letter of the Prophet SAW always preceded the phrase "From Muhammad, the servant of Allah, and his messenger", then mention the name of the king who became the object and mention his position and power. The message by Rasulullah SAW gives persuasive value to invite kings to embrace Islam. Besides writing method Rasulullah SAW delivered dakwah to the non-Muslims in Medina was lack of coercion in embracing Islam, equality, fairness, honesty, rahmah and goodness.
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Haider, Endris Ali. "A Misnomer European Travelers and Missionaries Portrayal of Islam and the Muslims of Ethiopia (16th to 19th Century)." American Research Journal of History and Culture 6, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21694/2379-2914.20006.
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Fauvelle, François-Xavier, and Bertrand Poissonnier. "The Shay Culture of Ethiopia (Tenth to Fourteenth Century ad): “Pagans” in the Time of Christians and Muslims." African Archaeological Review 33, no. 1 (March 2016): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-016-9214-2.
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Pankhurst, Richard. "Innovation and Misoneism during the Reign of Emperor Yoḥannǝs IV (1872–1889)." Aethiopica 8 (November 18, 2012): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.8.1.325.
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The article attempts to examine the character and extent of innovation and misoneism during the reign of Yoḥannǝs, i.e. the period between the largely frustrated aspirations of Tewodros and of more substantial achievements of Mǝnilǝk. The study suggests that the reign of Yoḥannǝs in fact witnessed changes in many fields of life. These included improvements in communication between Ethiopia and the outside world; the advent of new imports; changes in land tenure and class relations; the strengthening of church land-holding; attempted action against slavery and the slave trade; increasing diffusion of fire-arms; the forced conversion of Muslims, and prohibition of foreign missionaries; the banning of tobacco; the depletion of wild-life; the introduction of a national flag, the appointment of a foreign consul abroad, and the building of a church in Jerusalem.
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Levav, Itzhak, and Alexander Grinshpoon. "Mental health services in Israel." International Psychiatry 1, no. 4 (April 2004): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s174936760000672x.
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Israel is a multicultural society in a state of permanent change. The population, of about 6.5 million, comprises the following religious groupings: Jews (77.5%), Muslims (15.3%), Christians (2.1%), Druzes (1.7%) and others (3.4%). The organisation of and the approaches used by the country's health services have been determined by this sociocultural plurality, and also by a continuous influx of immigrants (among whom, 882 600 and 44 200 arrived from countries of the former USSR and Ethiopia, respectively, between 1990 and 2001), as well as by the precarious security situation (the country has seen several wars with its neighbours in addition to the long-standing conflict with the Palestinians). The patterns of care of the population reflect both Western psychiatry and traditional systems. Because of such complexity, the present brief overview is necessarily selective.
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Gibb, Camilla. "Religious Identification in Transnational Contexts: Being and Becoming Muslim in Ethiopia and Canada." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.247.
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The Harari are a recently formed diaspora of Muslim elites from the walled city of Harar in eastern Ethiopia. Ethiopians as a whole have not had a history of migration—of moving abroad permanently or changing their citizenship (Catholic Immigration Centre 1). The Harari have been particularly localized and were described as late as the mid-1960s as a “one city culture” (Waldron, “Social” 6) because the overwhelming majority of their numbers resided inside the old city wall. Today, only about one-third of the total population lives in the old city, the majority of them elder inhabitants. The largest concentration of Hararis outside Ethiopia is now in Toronto, Ontario: nearly 10% of the entire population lives in this diverse Canadian city. In this paper, I draw upon comparative ethnographic fieldwork with Hararis in Harar and Toronto to explore the ways in which this move from Ethiopia, as asylum seekers or as immigrants to Canada, has affected individual and group identities. Against the backdrop of Ethiopia’s new multiethnic government, Canadian multiculturalism policies, and the refugee and immigrant journeys between the two countries, Hararis and members of more than the seventy other officially recognized qabila, or nationalities, in Ethiopia are struggling to redefine themselves both at home and abroad.
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Adane, Tsegaye, Walelegn Worku, Jember Azanaw, and Lamrot Yohannes. "Khat Chewing Practice and Associated Factors among Medical Students in Gondar Town, Ethiopia, 2019." Substance Abuse: Research and Treatment 15 (January 2021): 117822182199907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1178221821999079.
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Background: Globally, khat chewing practice becoming an alarming and common among the youth generation, especially in higher educational institutions. It may also lead to frequent misbehavior, poor academic performance, and memory impairment among students. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of khat chewing practice and associated factors among medical students in Gondar town, Ethiopia, 2019. Method: A cross-sectional study was employed on 422 medical students. Data were collected using a self-administered questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS 20 software. Stratified followed by random sampling was employed to select the samples. A multivariable logistic regression model was fitted to identify the predictors. P ⩽ .05 was used to select statistically significant factors. Result: The current prevalence of khat chewing practice among medical students was 21.5%. The odds of khat chewing practice was higher among males (AOR = 3.353; 95%CI [1.460-7.701]), Muslims (AOR = 6.390; 95%CI [1.903-21.460]), fifth and 6 year students (AOR = 3.391; 95%CI [1.354-8.488]), smokers (AOR = 5.081; 95%CI [1.898-13.601]), alcohol users (AOR = 4.872; 95%CI [2.094-11.332]), students who had khat chewer close friends (AOR = 30.645; 95%CI [12.261-76.589]). Conclusion: Since a significant proportion of students were found to be khat chewers, continuous awareness creation on the impact of khat chewing and counseling services are recommended.
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Bussa, Negussie F. "Comparative Assessment of Traditional Medicine Utilizations in Three Adjacent Districts of East Hararghe, Ethiopia." Journal of Ayurvedic and Herbal Medicine 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31254/jahm.2021.7301.
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Traditional medicine (TM) is the earliest culturally-based alternative medicine extensively practised as a primary health care system in developing countries. The current study was designed to make the comparative assessment of TM utilization from three adjacent districts of east Hararghe, Ethiopia using a community-based cross sectional study. Study participants were selected using the systematic random sampling technique method until the required sample size was reached in each district. The majority of the respondents from the three districts were rural households, Muslims, 31 to 40 years old, illiterate, male-headed with seven or more family-sized households and had less than 1000 birr monthly income. The most frequently used homegrown TM remedies were Allium sativum (69.17%, 67.13%, and 68.42%), Capsicum spp (67.14%, 68.43%, and 69.33%), Guizotia arborescens (61.52%, 63.19%, and 59.17%) and Ocimum lamiifolium (59.11%, 61.13%, and 60.19%) in Haramaya, Meta and Kombolcha districts, respectively. Family and friends were the most trusted sources of information in utilizing TM. The highest commonly occurring diseases were diarrhoea, fever, Malaria and common colds. The majority of respondents used TM through the use of traditional healers (THs). Sick people in the community were treated at the serious stage of the illness. Grandmothers/fathers served as THs and they used herbs made in liquid form to treat the sick. The major factor impeding the respondents not to use modern health facilities are inaccessibility and unaffordability of western medicine and culturally accepted TM utilization in primary health care system the districts. Keywords: TM, Homemade remedies, Haramaya, Meta, Kombolcha, east Hararghe, Ethiopia.
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Krawczuk, Marcin. "The image of Muslims and Islam in Christian Ethiopic hagiographies written in Gə‘əz." STUDIES IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES, no. 53 (December 15, 2019): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.32690/salc53.5.
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The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the image of Muslims and Islam in the Ethiopic hagiographical texts written in the Ethiopic (Gə‘əz) language. On the basis of ca. 20 texts (both edited and remaining in manuscripts) the author surveys how various themes related to Muslims and Islam are present in this genre of Ethiopic literature and what literary purpose they serve. These themes include: economic activities of Muslims, comparing them to Biblical figures, their conversion to Christianity or associating them with the satanic forces. Additionally, the article offers a comprehensive overview of the Ge’ez terms which are used in reference to the adherents of the Muslim faith.
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AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.
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Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.
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Asemahagn, Mulusew Andualem. "Are Shopkeepers Suffering from Pulmonary Tuberculosis in Bahir Dar City, Northwest Ethiopia: A Cross-Sectional Survey." Tuberculosis Research and Treatment 2017 (2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/2569598.
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Background. Despite several interventions, tuberculosis (TB) continues to be a major public health concern in developing countries. Objective. To determine pulmonary TB prevalence and associated factors among shopkeepers in Bahir Dar City, Ethiopia. Methods. A cross-sectional study was conducted in 2016 among 520 shopkeepers who had TB signs and symptoms using questionnaire interview and sputum samples processing. Shopkeepers were considered TB positive if two sputum slides became positive. Data were edited and analyzed using SPSS version 23. Multivariable logistic regression analysis was used to identify factors. Results. A total of 520 shopkeepers were interviewed and gave sputum samples. About 256 (49.2%) of them were under the ≤30 years’ age category, 22.0% can read and write, 65.0% were Muslims, and 32.0% originated from rural areas. Pulmonary TB prevalence was 7.0% (37/520), and positivity proportion was 57.0% (21/37) in males and 70.0% (26/37) in urban residents. Smaller (44.0%) shopkeepers got health education on TB. Illiteracy, no health education, contact history, cigarette smoking, nonventilated shops, and comorbidities were factors to TB infection (p value < 0.05). Conclusions. Significant numbers of shopkeepers were infected by TB. Factors to TB infection were either personal or related to comorbidities or the environment. Therefore, TB officials need to specially emphasize awareness creation, occupational health, and early screening to prevent TB.
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Tesfaw, Lijalem Melie, Demeke Lakew Workie, and Zelalem G. Dessie. "Discrepancies of recurrent birth intervals using longitudinal data analysis in Ethiopia: interim EDHS 2019." BMJ Open 12, no. 11 (November 2022): e066739. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2022-066739.
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ObjectiveThis study aimed to determine whether the birth interval changes differently over time among women in Ethiopia and whether the change depends on women, children and household characteristics measured at the last visit.MethodsLongitudinal study design was implemented based on the data obtained from the 2019 Ethiopia Mini Demographic and Health Survey consisting of a total of 3630 mothers. Generalised estimating equation and generalised linear mixed model were employed to estimate the effect of the determinants given the correlation between birth intervals within a mother is under consideration.ResultsThe majority of women were Muslims (48.1%) and come from rural areas (82.2%). About 77.2% of women at first birth were below 20 years old. A significant correlation (p value<0.0001) between the first and second birth intervals of mothers was observed. The estimated birth interval of women from the poorest household was 0.877 (e−0.1317) times the estimated birth intervals of women from the richest household. This indicates richest households were likely to have higher birth intervals as compared with the poorest households (95% CI e−0.1754=0.839 to e−0.088=0.916).ConclusionThe birth intervals of over one-fifth of mothers were 1 year, less than the birth interval recommended by the WHO standard. It was also perceived that successive birth intervals are correlated. Mothers who have delivered female children had lower birth intervals than mothers who have delivered male children. As compared with the birth intervals of mothers from a household with higher economic status, the birth intervals of mothers from a household with lower economic status had lower birth intervals. In this study, significant effects of religion, contraceptive use, region, mothers’ current age, education level and mothers’ current marital status on birth intervals were also noted.
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Gori, Alessandro. "Contemporary and Historical Muslim Scholars as Portrayed by the Ethiopian Islamic Press in the 1990’s." Aethiopica 8 (November 18, 2012): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.8.1.326.
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The article aims at giving some information about Ethiopian Muslim scholars of the past century, so to enhance our general knowledge of Ethiopian Islam, and, moreover, to contribute to a better prosopographical understanding of the Muslim presence in Ethiopia. In this endeavour, it explores the data scattered in Ethiopian Islamic periodical press, which flourished in that country after the fall of the Derg regime in 1991. In particular, the monthly magazine Bilal, which contains in almost every issue a biographical note devoted to some learned man of the recent past, is used to collect material on the scholars. Biographical articles in Amharic and Arabic which appeared in the magazine are summarized and commented upon.
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Aguilar, Mario I. "African conversion from a world religion: religious diversification by the Waso Boorana in Kenya." Africa 65, no. 4 (October 1995): 525–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161131.
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AbstractThe Boorana of the Waso area of north-eastern Kenya settled there in the 1930s. Upon the settling of colonial administrative boundaries in 1934 they became isolated from the rest of the Boorana in northern Kenya and Ethiopia. Thereafter a process of ‘somalisation’ took place through which they replaced their Oromo ritual moments with Islamic practices. By the 1950s most of the Waso Boorana had converted to Islam, and since then have been considered Muslims by the rest of Kenya. Nevertheless recent research has shown that there has been a revival of traditional religious practices among them. The article divides the history of the Waso Boorana into two periods: (1) from their settlement in the Waso area to the events leading to Kenya's independence (1932–62) and (2) from Kenya's independence to the 1990s (1963–92). It is in this second period in their history that the Waso Boorana began a process of religious diversification. Traditional religious practices revived in their settlements and distrust emerged of Islam. The article argues that there has been a reconversion to traditional practices, based on a local principle, the Waso Boorana division of herds.
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Kumsa, Martha Kuwee. "Østebø, Terje, Localising Salafism: Religious Change among Oromo Muslims in Bale, Ethiopia, Stockholm, Stockholm University, 2008, 360 pp., 978 91 7155 791 9." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 2 (2010): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x497572.
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PUDDU, LUCA. "STATE BUILDING, RURAL DEVELOPMENT, AND THE MAKING OF A FRONTIER REGIME IN NORTHEASTERN ETHIOPIA,c.1944–75." Journal of African History 57, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000778.
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AbstractCombining a set of grey literature and primary sources, this article analyses the rise and fall of the sultanate of Awsa, northeastern Ethiopia, between 1944 and 1975. Ali Mirah exploited the typical repertoires of a frontier regime to consolidate a semi-independent Muslim chiefdom at the fringes of the Christian empire of Ethiopia. Foreign investors in commercial agriculture provided the sultanate and its counterparts within the Ethiopian state with tangible and intangible resources that shaped the quest for statecraft in the Lower Awash Valley.
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Lvova, Eleonora. "Ethiopian Muslims." Asia and Africa Today, no. 10 (2023): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750028097-8.
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Seri-Hersch, Iris. "CONFRONTING A CHRISTIAN NEIGHBOR: SUDANESE REPRESENTATIONS OF ETHIOPIA IN THE EARLY MAHDIST PERIOD, 1885–89." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 267a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809090989.
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This article deals with the Sudanese–Ethiopian conflict (1885–89) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, I confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, I highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military, and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. I argue that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy and examine more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes toward the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetic visions were used to make the khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim–Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.