Journal articles: 'Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'

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Bi̇rli̇k, Gültekin Kamil. "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün Mal Varlığı." Belleten 78, no. 282 (2014): 757–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2014.757.

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Atatürk ekonominin bankacılık ve ziraat alanlarında örnek oluşturmak amacıyla girişimde bulunmuştur. Bu kapsamda, Hindistan'dan gönderilen yardım paralarından kendisine teslim edilenlerle Türkiye İş Bankasının kurulmasını sağlamış, ayrıca farklı iklime sahip bölgelerde örnek çiftlikler oluşturmuştur. Atatürk, Hindistan'dan gönderilen yardım paralarıyla oluşturulan mal varlığını, kanuni mirasçılarına bırakmadan bağışlayabilmesi için özel bir kanunun hazırlanmasını sağlamıştır. Çiftlikler gelişme gösterdikten sonra Atatürk, devletin yapacağı ziraat alanındaki girişimlere yardımcı olmak amacıyla çiftliklerini Hazineye bağışlamıştır. Bağışlama gerek Mecliste gerekse basında övgü dolu yansımalar bulmuştur. İsmet İnönü de o dönemde bağışı övgü ile karşılamasına rağmen, daha sonra çiftliklerin devir şekliyle ilgili olarak Atatürk ile sorunlar yaşadığını anlatmıştır. Çiftlik nedeniyle, Atatürk ile İsmet İnönü arasında bakanlar kurulunda oldukça sert bir tartışma yaşanmıştır. Bu tartışmadan bir kaç gün sonra Atatürk'ün isteğiyle İsmet İnönü, önce izinli olarak başbakanlıktan ayrılmış, yaklaşık bir ay sonra da istifa etmiştir. Atatürk sahip olduğu nakit ve hisse senetleriyle, Çankaya'daki menkul ve gayrimenkullerini vasiyetiyle Cumhuriyet Halk Partisine bırakmıştır. Kendisine hediye edilen çeşitli şehirlerdeki evlerini ise hayattayken belediye ve resmi kuruluşlara bağışlamayı istemiş, bunun için de Ankara'ya dönmeyi beklemiştir. Ancak Atatürk'ün sağlık durumu Ankara'ya dönmesine imkân vermemiş, vefatı sonrasında da Atatürk'e çeşitli zamanlarda hediye edilen evler, yasal mirasçısı olan kız kardeşine intikal etmiştir. Ancak bu evler daha sonra resmi kurumlar tarafından satın alınarak Atatürk için müze haline dönüştürülmüştür.

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Caner TÜRK, İbrahim. "MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK VE TARİH EĞİTİMİ." Journal Of History School 9, no. XXVII (2016): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14225/joh968.

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ÖZKANDAŞ, Yaşar. "ATTİLÂ İLHAN'IN MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK ÇÖZÜMLEMESİ." Journal of Academic Social Sciences 90, no. 90 (2019): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.16992/asos.14857.

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KODAL, Tahir. "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ve Türk Ocakları." Journal of Turkish Research Institute, no. 52 (January 1, 2014): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.14222/turkiyat1291.

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KARASEYFİOĞLU PAÇALI, Sevda. "MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK AND VISUAL ARTS." New Era Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Studies 6, no. 8 (2021): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51296/newera.84.

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Meu-Chun, Wang. "Mustafa Kemal usage of Mission Command Principles in the Gallipoli Campaign." Safety & Defense 4 (October 5, 2018): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.37105/sd.2.

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The main goal of the paper is to present the leadership of Mustafa Kemal (also known as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk) during the Gallipoli Campaign in the context of mission command principles as defined by the U.S. Army Doctrine (2014). After itemizing the six mission command principles, the paper provides a brief overview of the Gallipoli Campaign, which serves as a context for further analysis of Mustafa Kemal’s leadership during the campaign. Next, four of the six principles are discussed in detail, namely (1) providing a clear commander’s intent, (2) using mission orders, (3) creating shared understanding, and (4) building cohesive teams through mutual trust. The paper is concluded with a reflection on the connectivity of the discussed principles and their current relevance for successful military leadership.

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Makaradze, Emzar. "The Role of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Republican Turkey." Historia i Polityka, no. 32 (39) (June 1, 2020): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2020.021.

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REED, HOWARD A. "ANDREW MANGO, Atatürk—The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey (London: John Murray, 1999; Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press, 2000). Pp. 687. $40.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 3 (2002): 577–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802223073.

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This is the best biography to date of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Kemal co-founded the Turkish Republic in 1923 and was its first president until his death in 1938 at age 58. Mango writes that Kemal “believed that the struggle for genuine independence should be waged by each nation for itself in the name of an overarching secular ideal of progress common to all. . . . His aim was not imitation but participation in a universal civilization” (p. xi). Kemal's views derived from those of late Ottoman ideologues—notably Namık Kemal and Ziya Gökalp (authors of significant studies that are not in Mango's bibliography, which, in this reviewer's opinion, would have enhanced his fine work). Kemal was “[a]bove all . . . a builder, the greatest nation-builder of modern times,” writes Mango on the first page of his engagingly written, well-documented book. He concludes that “Atatürk was a competent commander, a shrewd politician, a statesman of supreme realism. But above all he was a man of the Enlightenment. And the Enlightenment was not made by saints” (p. 528).

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ÖZER, Sevilay. "DEVLET ADAMI OLARAK MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK VE OTTO VON BİSMARCK." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies 8, Number: 27 (2014): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss2404.

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Ulgen, Fatma. "Reading Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on the Armenian genocide of 1915." Patterns of Prejudice 44, no. 4 (2010): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2010.510719.

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Mikail, Elnur Hasan. "Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijani relations in the national struggle period (1920-1923)." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805039.

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In this study, the political relations between the Atatürk Era, the Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijan are analyzed. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was established under the leadership of Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Historical developments between Turkey and the historical importance of the study period and brother country Azerbaijan are discussed in depth. Azerbaijan Soviet leader Neriman Nerimanov’s rational and logical real politics of the Soviet leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Russia Period to persuade him to help Turkey are examined on the basis of the archive records.

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Verit, Ayhan, Serkan Akan, and Ateş Kadioğlu. "The Lifelong Mysterious Relapsing “Kidney” Disease of the Founder of Turkey; Atatürk (1881–1938) in Connection with European Medical and Political History." Urologia Internationalis 105, no. 9-10 (2021): 729–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000517274.

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Introduction: Although Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938) was a national hero with his intrepid and enlightened attempts to establish modern Turkey from the remnants of Ottoman heritage, he had been suffering from lifelong “kidney disease” that appeared with intermittent flank pain and fever without an identified source. However, we think that this physical pain that he endured only increased his motivation to focus on his military and political aims. Methods &amp; Results: In this historical review article, we have focused on his personal medical life and specifically his “kidneys” from the beginning of the complaint till his death through European medical and political history with geographic locations and speculated upon it via past, near past, and recent medical literature. Conclusion: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the great military and political leader for his country, had always suffered from uro/nephrological problems throughout his life. We think that this was one of the reasons that urology has been privileged and thus to be the oldest separated medical surgical branch in Turkey and to some significant extent with European urological history.

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ŞENGÖZ, Murat. "Philosophy of Military Leadership from The Perspective of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk." İnsan ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 4, no. 1 (2021): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53048/johass.802997.

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Salmoni, Barak A. "Turkish Nationalist Educational Thinking in the Last Ottoman Decade: Run-Up to Republican Pedagogy." New Perspectives on Turkey 31 (2004): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004003.

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At the end of World War I, senior Ottoman military officers and bureaucrats led the Turkish Muslim inhabitants of Anatolia in a struggle for national independence against invading European armies, under the command of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and his deputy, İsmet İnönü. Emerging victorious in the war, Atatürk and his associates had garnered sufficient national legitimacy and prestige to end the Ottoman sultanate and caliphate, establish a Turkish Republic, and embark on a series of interventions in politics and society known in Turkish parlance as the Kemalist Reforms/Revolutions. Recrafting the ethos, substance, and goals of schooling into a properly national education (millî terbiye) was one of the central components of this reform.

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Zadrożna, Anna. "Reconstructing the past in a post-Ottoman village: Turkishness in a transnational context." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 4 (2017): 524–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1287690.

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This study analyzes transformations of historiography and identity discourses by focusing on the Memory House of Ali Rıza Efendi (the father of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk) as a “site of historical consciousness” which was reconstructed in the western part of the Republic of Macedonia. The House, referred to by the villagers as the “Memory House of Atatürk,” was opened in 2014 in a Muslim village, Kocacık, with the support of the Turkish state. Through material and textual representations of Atatürk's life, the House speaks to the Turkishness and Turkish presence in the Balkans. The Turkishness, however, is imagined through the neo-Ottoman and Islamic prisms. The House thus becomes the locus of alternative interpretations of the past, and, consequently, narratives of Muslims’ identity and origin in the region. Moreover, as it is reconstructed at the nexus of the local and the transnational, the House is also called a symbol of the “politics of brotherhood” between Macedonia and Turkey. In this way, the institution embodies the reconstruction of the past not only at the local and national levels, but also at the international level.

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Sulkowski, Mariusz. "Secular Republic and the Old Order – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Turkish identity." Review of Nationalities 9, no. 1 (2019): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2019-0014.

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AbstractMustafa Kemal Atatürk continues to stand firm as a major symbol of the Turkish republicanism, though there is little doubt that Turkey today undergoes deep transformation in the sphere of the relations between politics and religion. As Bernard Lewis explains, the Ottoman Turks identified with Islam so profoundly that they in fact submerged their identity in Islam. It is, therefore, only right and proper to inquire and pursue the theoretical foundations and origins of the Turkish laicism. Although Turkey constitutes a rare example of a Muslim country where laicism was instituted by its own authorities and not imposed on the country by the Western colonial powers, still, it is beyond doubt that the very idea of laicism is of the European origin and that it drew its inspirations from the range of ideas of the French Enlightment. It is the perspective that enables to understand fully the scope and depth of the reforms implemented in Turkey; it also elucidates the contemporary attempts to overcome the secularism and enforce the political re-Islamization of the state. The contemporary question on the place of religion in the political community is at the same time a question on the identity of Turkey.

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Mahieddine, Nahas Mohamed. "La pensée politique de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk et le Mouvement national algérien." Insaniyat / إنسانيات, no. 25-26 (December 30, 2004): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/insaniyat.6290.

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Dinç, Enis. "Performing Modernity: The Film of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on his Forest Farm." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 39, no. 1 (2018): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2018.1479216.

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KABACAOĞLU, Özgün. "Hatıratlarla Karşılaştırmalı Nutuk: Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk İstanbul Kültür A.Ş., İstanbul, 2020." Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi -, no. 68 (2021): 703–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.46955/ankuayd.943799.

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Wilson, M. Brett. "THE FIRST TRANSLATIONS OF THE QURʾAN IN MODERN TURKEY (1924–38)". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, № 3 (2009): 435a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091521.

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In 1925, the Turkish parliament commissioned a translation of the Qurʾan from Arabic to Turkish as well as a Turkish-language Qurʾanic commentary. This project is commonly misunderstood as an initiative engineered by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and linked to the radical institutional reforms of 1924: abolition of the Islamic caliphate, prohibition of the Sufi orders, and closure of the medreses. In fact, parliament's support of a Qurʾan translation was not a radical nationalist reform but an initiative supported and executed by devout intellectuals who opposed other facets of Islamic reform in the early years of the Turkish republic.

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ŞANDA, Mehmet Nuri. "INSPECTİON OF ATATÜRK FARMS IN TARSUS AND SİLİFKE." IEDSR Association 6, no. 11 (2021): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.237.

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The subject of this study consisting of three section was the Piloğlu Farm in Tarsus and Şövalye and Tekir Atatürk Famrs in Silifke in Mersin city in 20. century. The first section of this study provided general information about the formation of Atatürk farms. The second section explained the formation of Piloğlu Farm in Tarsus and Şövalye and Tekir Atatürk Farms in Silifke and transferring the Orman Farm in Ankara, Piloğlu Farm in Tarsus, Karabasamak Farm and Orange Garden in Dörtyol, Şövale and Tekir farms in Silifke and Baltacı and Millet farms in Yalova to treasure in 1937 under the will of Mustafa Kemal. The third section explained the transfer of farms in Tarsus and Silifke to State Agricultural Business Institution in 1938 and the audit conducted by this institution to Piloğlu and Tekir farms in 1945-1946. During this audit, inspectors prepared reports related to the cropped area in the farm, agricultural tools, transportation vehicles, forestation work and the states of the buildings and field. These report included problems in the farms and recommendations to solve these problems.

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MIGNON, LAURENT. "The Literati and the Letters: A Few Words on the Turkish Alphabet Reform." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (2009): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990277.

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AbstractThis paper explores the varied reactions of the Turkish literati and intelligentsia to the adoption of the Roman script imposed by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1928. Though alphabet reform had been on the agenda for almost 75 years, few intellectuals and bureaucrats had been supportive of romanisation in the years preceding the move. However after the implementation of the reform, opponents remained silent or were seemingly converted. This article discusses the reasons behind the silence and conversion of the elites and the strategies of opposition developed by more radical defenders of the Ottoman script. Finally it records the impact of the reform on the literary world and literary historiography.

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Wilson, M. Brett. "THE FIRST TRANSLATIONS OF THE QURʾAN IN MODERN TURKEY (1924–38)". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, № 3 (2009): 419–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091132.

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The debut of Turkish-language translations of the Qurʾan in the newly founded Republic of Turkey sparked lively debates over whether Qurʾan translation was possible or desirable, who should engage in interpretation of the text, and what characteristics a Turkish-language rendering of the Qurʾan should have. Whereas the abolition of the Islamic caliphate, closure of themedreses, and prohibition of the Sufi orders have received considerable attention in histories of early republican Turkey, the state-sponsored translation of the Qurʾan into Turkish remains both neglected and misunderstood. Muhammad Rashid Rida, who was highly influential in shaping opinion in the Muslim world, portrayed the state-sponsored project as a long-term plot to displace the Arabic Qurʾan. Other accounts misrepresent the involvement of President Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) in the promotion of Qurʾan translation by anachronistically suggesting that he sparked the initiative and led a “campaign” in support of it. Mustafa Kemal had no hand in the composition of Turkish Qurʾan translations published in 1924, other than helping create the political context in which they could be published. Their composition began well before the foundation of the Turkish republic, and their inspiration emerged from the intellectual milieu of the late Ottoman public sphere.

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Altinkas, Evren. "Book Review: Ryan Gingeras, Eternal Dawn: Turkey in the Age of Atatürk, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019." Netsol: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 6, no. 1 (2021): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2021.08.

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This book analyses the transformation from the late Ottoman period to the modern Republic of Turkey with a focus on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the reforms implemented during the early years of the republic. The book familiarizes the readers with the political, social and economic transformation of the country by focusing on specific cases and examples with a comprehensive historical background. Gingeras focuses on the historical background of major topics (e.g. Reforms, Kurdish Revolts, Turkish Nationalism etc.) in the early Republic of Turkey and connects them with the developments in the late Ottoman Empire. This book is different from previous works because it emphasizes the relations between the new state and the people in Anatolia.

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Şi̇ri̇n, Funda Selçuk. "The Foundation of the Free Republican Party and Subsequent Developments According to the British Embassy Reports." Archiv orientální 89, no. 1 (2021): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.89.1.85-121.

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The History of Turkish Democracy from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic is a striking topic for social scientists. They exert themselves to understand dynamics that changed or remained stable during the evolution from sultanate to democracy. One of the most studied topics of the History of Turkish Democracy is doubtless the experience of the Free Republican Party. Qualified as the second trial of a transition to the multiparty system against the early period of the Young Republic’s single-party system, the Free Republican Party is evaluated both as a private attempt to resolve the tension between Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and İsmet (İnönü) on behalf of Mustafa Kemal and as Turkey’s reaction to the Great Depression in 1929. Established as a guided opposition party, it had a profound influence on Turkish political life, despite its short 99-day lifespan. The party was intensely supported by the masses and pushed for power. In historiography, the party’s experience has only been written about with reference to the contemporary press, memoirs, and Turkish archival documents, overlooking the British Embassy Reports. This study aims to contribute to the historiography of the Free Republican Party by comparing different discourses and paradigms in the party’s historiography with the English documents on the foundation of the Free Republican Party and subsequent developments.

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YURTSEVER, Serdar. "MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK ÜN DEVLET BAŞKANI SIFATIYLA YURT DIŞI GEZİSİNE ÇIKMAMA SEBEPLERİ ÜZERİNE BİR DEĞERLENDİRME." Journal of International Social Research 10, no. 53 (2017): 318–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17719/jisr.20175334123.

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Brockett, Gavin D. "PROVINCIAL NEWSPAPERS AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE: BÜYÜK CİHAD AND THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR THE MUSLIM TURKISH NATION (1951–53)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 3 (2009): 455a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091545.

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The article argues that to move beyond the standard nationalist narrative of Turkish history, scholars must employ new sources such as the provincial newspaper. Through a study of a religious nationalist provincial newspaper—Büyük Cihad (The Great Struggle)—from the early 1950s, it is possible to appreciate the extent and importance of a vibrant public debate concerning secularism and the place of Islam in Turkish society immediately after World War II. This debate has gone almost completely unnoticed, yet it constitutes an important foundation for understanding the present prominence of political Islam in Turkish society. Central to this debate is the person of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: ultimately it was criticism of Turkey's founding president rather than any real threat of “religious reaction” that prompted the government's decision to suppress religious publications in early 1953.

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Morrow, Lisa. "Crossing the Sacred/Secular Divide; Unraveling Turkish Identities." Linguaculture 2016, no. 1 (2016): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2016-0006.

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Abstract This paper unpacks the ideas in the poem “Pull Down My Statues” by Süleyman Apaydın, to examine some common descriptors in use about modern Turkey. Taking his inspiration from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the modern Turkish republic, Apaydın ponders the success of Atatürk’s vision, based on the idea of a secular/sacred divide. Combining this with the way travel in Turkey is heavily promoted using the same themes, I explore how this divide, with its underlying connotations of West versus East and modernity versus tradition (as found in Turkey’s Ottoman past), is applied to Turkish identity. Turks are commonly portrayed as a homogenous people only differentiated by their degree of religiosity, but I argue that this analysis is too simplistic. Turkish identity has never been based on a single clear cut model, and this is becoming obvious as more traditional Islamic ways of life are being reworked by new forms of Islam based on capitalism. Consequently, although it is important to acknowledge Turkey’s past, looking to history for a way to steer through the complexities of the present is no longer useful or even relevant.

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Saatcıoğlu, Ezgi, and Özlem Alikılıç. "HALKLA İLİŞKİLER UZMAN ROLLERİ AÇISINDAN MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK: “Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri” ÜZERİNE BİR DURUM ÇALIŞMASI." SELÇUK ÜNİVERSİTESİ İLETİŞİM FAKÜLTESİ AKADEMİK DERGİSİ 11, no. 1 (2018): 66–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18094/josc.335331.

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AYTÜRK, İLKER. "The First Episode of Language Reform in Republican Turkey: The Language Council from 1926 to 1931." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18, no. 3 (2008): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186308008511.

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Following the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and the consolidation of the Kemalist regime in 1926, the President of the new republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk launched a reform process which aimed at changing Turkey's laws, administration, culture and, most significantly, its image. One facet of this process of transformation was the language reform that commenced with romanisation of the Turkish script in late 1928 and reached its zenith later on in the 1930s. Between 1932 and 1934, the Türk Dil Kurumu – the Turkish Language Institute, a radical reformist institution founded by Atatürk in 1932 – banished thousands of Arabic and Persian words from spoken and written Turkish and fabricated new, ‘authentically’ Turkish, words to replace them. The radical-reformist zeal subsided in 1935 as a result of the linguistic chaos of the previous years and came to a halt in 1936 with the proclamation of the so-called Sun-Language Theory. However, so much had changed during those few years and has done since, that even secondary school and university graduates in contemporary Turkey are not able to read and understand, for instance, Atatürk's famous Speech of 1926 from its original, and hence feel the need to consult ‘modernised’ or simplified versions. In this respect, the legacy of the language reform in early republican Turkey remains a matter of bitter controversy and pits the reformist Kemalists against an array of Islamists, conservatives and even liberals. The current debate on what proper Turkish is neatly overlaps with the major fault line that still divides Turkish society.

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Gingeras, Ryan. "NOTORIOUS SUBJECTS, INVISIBLE CITIZENS: NORTH CAUCASIAN RESISTANCE TO THE TURKISH NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN NORTHWESTERN ANATOLIA, 1919–23." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 1 (2008): 108a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807080403.

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This piece raises the historical and contemporary importance of a little-known campaign of resistance to the ascendancy of the Turkish National Movement (a movement that would later spawn the Republic of Turkey) during the Turkish War of Independence. Unlike other acts of resistance carried out by Ottoman Christians and Kurds, the rebellion profiled here was largely led and populated by members of the north Caucasian or Circassian diaspora of northwestern Anatolia. As a population that became economically and socially disjointed through settlement along the southern littoral of the Marmara Sea, a significant component of this exile community repeatedly rejected forces led by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk). This article approaches the Circassian rebels' provincial origins and motivations and offers new insights into localist, as opposed to nationalist, forces that have both shaped and resisted the formation of the Republic of Turkey.

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Solomonovich, Nadav. "“Democracy and National Unity Day” in Turkey: the invention of a new national holiday." New Perspectives on Turkey 64 (January 15, 2021): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.33.

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AbstractOn the night of July 15, 2016, the Republic of Turkey experienced yet another military coup attempt. However, this attempt failed, mainly due to civilian protest and casualties. Their sacrifice, according to the Turkish state, led to the creation of a new national celebration in Turkey, the “Democracy and National Unity Day.” Following the growing interest of historians in the field of national celebrations, this paper examines the creation of this holiday. It argues that the AKP government used this new holiday to shape the Turkish collective national memory and to introduce a national celebration that does not revolve around the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who symbolizes the secular camp in Turkey, but rather around the Justice and Development Party government and its more traditional and religious ideology, in the guise of celebrating Turkish democracy.

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Namal, Arin. "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938), Gründer der Türkischen Republik, verbringt im Sommer 1918 einen Monat in Karlsbad." VIRUS - Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte der Medizin 1 (2020): 097–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/virus12s097.

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yıkılmaz, Ibrahim. "AN EVALUATION OF THE LEADERSHIP BEHAVIOR OF MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK IN TERMS OF POST-MODERN LEADERSHIP STYLES." New Era Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Studies 6, no. 9 (2021): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.51296/newera.98.

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Aktar, Ayhan. "The Struggle between Nationalist and Jihadist Narratives of Gallipoli, 1915–2015." Forum for Modern Language Studies 56, no. 2 (2020): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/cqaa003.

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Abstract There have been a number of milestones in the (re-)writing of the history of the Gallipoli campaign (1915). First, the dominant Turkish nationalist historiography ‘Turkified’ the victory of the Ottoman Imperial Army. Narratives of the 1930s were also constructed in such a way that the presence of Mustafa Kemal (later Atatürk) was used as a bridge to attach the Gallipoli campaign of 1915 to the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1922). In later years, Islamist poets such as Mehmet Akif wrote poems presenting the campaign as a kind of ‘Resistance of Islam against the Infidel’. However, it was not until the mid-1990s that the Gallipoli campaign came to be framed as an ‘Invasion of Crusaders into the House of Islam’. This new narrative reflects a jihadist revision. In this article, these trends will be analysed within the framework of operations of political power in both civil society and the state.

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İSKENDİROV, Anar. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK REFORMS ON THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF ART AND CULTURE IN TURKEY IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY." NEW ERA JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY SOCIAL STUDIES 7, no. 12 (2022): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/newera.155.

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The name of the famous Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish Republic and the genius of the entire Turkic world, is very dear and native to all Turkic-speaking peoples in our time. With his unsurpassed genius, outstanding talents displayed on the battlefields and political war, passionate love for the Motherland and the entire Turkish world, Atatürk not only prevented the destruction and disintegration of the Turkish state and people, but also, by implementing such important reforms in society as education, the acquisition of scientific and cultural innovations, created the basis for the Turkish flag to rise to heaven with renewed vigor and fly in eternity. The Turkish people, with their ancient roots and extremely rich cultural heritage, have made a very valuable spiritual contribution to the fine arts of the world. With the formation of the Republic in Turkey, such areas of art as sculpture, graphics, advertising and poster began to develop. The creation of the first monuments of monumental sculpture in the history of Turkey and the appearance of many famous Turkish sculptors is connected with the establishment of the Republic. As a result of the application of education, science, and literacy in all spheres of Turkish society, many famous women-artists, artists, athletes, and civil servants-appeared during the Republic. The fact that the state does not bind artists within the framework of any ideology, gives them freedom of creativity, leads to the appearance of different styles and interesting creative searches in the Turkish art of the Republic period. This article is devoted to the study of the reflection in the Turkish art of the twentieth century of the unique reforms that the great Ataturk preached and applied.

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Oh, Chong-Jin, and Ji-Seon Kang. "Leadership and Transformation of Political Culture in Turkey: A Focus on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 20, no. 2 (2021): 67–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2021.20.2.67.

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Türkeş, Mustafa. "A PATRIOTIC LEFTIST DEVELOPMENT-STRATEGY PROPOSAL IN TURKEY IN THE 1930S: THE CASE OF THE KADRO (CADRE) MOVEMENT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001052.

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This article attempts to make a contribution to the intellectual history of the early Turkish Republic through an examination of Kadro, a monthly journal of political, economic, and social ideas, which was published in Turkey between 1932 and 1934.1 The Kadro movement took its name from the journal Kadro; the journal aspired to fulfill two self-appointed tasks: to develop an ideological framework in which to interpret the Turkish revolution that had created the republican regime led by President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk,2 and to suggest economic policies that, in accordance with this ideological framework, the regime should pursue in the future. Although Kadro clearly identified itself with the republican regime, and although its publication was sanctioned and encouraged by leaders of the Kemalist regime (the same political leadership that eventually forced Kadro to cease publication), it was not a simple emanation of the government or of the ruling Republican People's Party (RPP). Most of the journal's regular writers had “leftist” backgrounds that had, on occasion, brought them into collision with the republican authorities. Kadro's political loyalty to the regime was never in question, but within these limits, it exhibited a striking degree of intellectual independence.

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Başaran İnce, Gökçen. "The Free Republican Party in the political cartoons of the 1930s." New Perspectives on Turkey 53 (November 2015): 93–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2015.20.

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AbstractThe Free Republican Party (FRP; Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası), founded and dissolved in 1930, represented the second attempt to transition to a multi-party system in Turkey, following the formation of the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası) in 1924. In contrast to the oppositional establishment of the latter, the FRP seemed to be a state-originated project whose establishment was decided upon by the elites of the day, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Its representation in contemporary cartoons is deemed important today given the political cartoon’s ability to simplify complex political messages into understandable symbols and metaphors and to address or reach those who may not be literate. Taking into account the social structure of society during this period, this aspect of the reach of cartoons becomes particularly important. Political cartoons’ ability to both support the text in a newspaper and penetrate historical memory through stereotypes is also significant in terms of the representation of personalities and events. This article will attempt to analyze the formation of the FRP and the depiction of its elites through newspaper cartoons. Three prominent and pro-Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) newspapers of this period—namely Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, and Vakit—will provide the material for the content and thematic analysis of the study.

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O'CONNELL, JOHN MORGAN. "A Staged Fright: Musical Hybridity and Religious Intolerance in Turkey, 1923–38." Twentieth-Century Music 7, no. 1 (2010): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857221100003x.

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AbstractThis article is concerned with the relationship between musical style and religious prejudice in Turkey during the early Republican period (1923–38). It focuses on a musical contest in 1932 between a Jewish cantor (hazan) and an Islamic vocalist (hafız) in the presence of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938), the president of the Turkish Republic who instigated revolutionary reforms that affected many aspects of Turkish culture, including music. Historical accounts of this musical contest not only suggest how religious discrimination manifested itself in a competitive setting but also serve to question the parameters of religious tolerance in Turkey, a country often admired for its favourable attitude towards Jews during the twentieth century. The discussion draws on Homi Bhabha's concept of a ‘third space’ to uncover the complex relations that existed in Turkey between Jews and Muslims on the one hand and among Jews on the other. It also invokes Bhabha to show how music can be viewed as a ‘supplementary discourse’ that serves both to unify cultural interests and to perpetuate cultural differences. By challenging the accepted narrative of religious tolerance in historical sources, the article explores through music the characteristics and consequences of racism in the country during a period of growing anti-Semitism both at home and abroad.

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Seufert, Günter, and Petra Weyland. "National Events and the Struggle for the Fixing of Meaning: A Comparison of the Symbolic Dimensions of the Funeral Services for Atatürk and ÖZal." New Perspectives on Turkey 11 (1994): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000996.

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On April 17, 1993 the Turkish President, Turgut Özal, suddenly died, leaving the Turkish nation in a state of shock and mourning. This situation lasted for almost a week, a time full of nationwide, activities in preparation for the final services which eventually were to culminate in the state funeral. It was only after this that Turkish society returned to normal everyday life, to watch its politicians haggling over Özal's political heritage. As outsiders to Turkish society living in Istanbul at that time we became participant observers of this atmosphere of rising collective solemnity. It was the symbolic dimension of the funeral preparations and the final services which principally aroused our interest, and these are, therefore, the main reason and focus of this article. As festivities always have a reference to the self-understanding of a community or a nation, we analyzed those images and signs which reached us through reading newspapers, watching TV, listening to the radio and the people, and through personal participation in the funeral service in Istanbul. Insofar as we conceptualized Özal's funeral as a collective ceremony that both mirrored and created this society's self representation, our focus gradually broadened. Proceeding on the assumption that the comparison of two similar events at different historical moments of a society will allow us to get an insight into the development of a society’s self understanding over time, we have chosen the funerals services for Mustafa Kemal, the founder of the republic, as just such a point of reference. This will give us an insight into the development of Turkey’s great political tradition, or, more precisely, into the changing construction of national identity on the part of the political elite. In choosing the funeral service of Kemal Atatürk as such a point of comparison we do so first of all because until today Turkish state and society have been deeply characterized by and identified with this leader's legacy, and consequently any change can only be measured by taking Kemalism as a point of reference.

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Baş, Elif. "From the Ottoman Empire to pre-Islamic Central Asia: Theatre as an Ideological Tool." East-West Cultural Passage 20, no. 1 (2020): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2020-0001.

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Abstract After Mustafa Kemal Atatürk founded the new Turkish Republic in 1923, the country went through a swift and radical transformation. The ruling elite made use of all possible tools to impose the ideals of the new Republic. Their main objective was to break the bonds with the Islamic Ottoman past to establish a new secular national identity. The essence of the new Turkish nation was found in pre-Islamic Central Asia. This view was supported with the help of the Turkish History Thesis, which asserted that the Turks are a supreme race, and their origins are from Central Asia. The state tried to propagate this thesis by various means. The most effective tool that could reach the illiterate people during that period was the theatre. Accordingly, the aim of this article is to explore how the state disseminated the Turkish History Thesis and the values of the new Republic through theatre. The emergence of this new narrative coincided with the tenth anniversary of the Turkish Republic. The plays, written in 1933, especially for this occasion, will be analyzed to determine how they support the Turkish History Thesis and the values of the new nation. Two plays, Akın (The Raid) and its sequel Özyurt (Homeland), will be explored in detail to give an elaborate account of the ideology behind such plays written during that period.

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Zhigulskaya, Darya. "The “Turkish Ideal” in the Philosophy of Ziya Gökalp." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 2-2 (2021): 340–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.2.2-340-350.

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Topic: The philosophy and views on the process of nation building of Ziya Gökalp – the revolutionary ideologist of Turkish nationalism and one of the founding fathers of Kemalism, who played a key role in the articulation of Turkish national identity in the early 20th century. It is hard to overestimate his impact on Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: the founder of the Turkish Republic described Gökalp as the “father of my thoughts”. Gökalp’s ideas come together in the concept of the “Turkish ideal” or “mefkure” (Turk. mefkûre). The principle of “mefkure” was subsequently adopted by the majority of nationalist thinkers. Methodology: Contextual analysis of sources on the research topic; historical comparativism; synthesis and generalization of factual material. Results of the study: Ziya Gökalp’s ideas were focused on the transition from the multinational Ottoman state to a national state and the promulgation of the Turkish Republic. They were largely derived from the philosophy of Émile Durkheim, including idealist epistemology, positivist methodology and solidarist corporatism - together known as positivist idealism. Gökalp’s ideas can be summarized as cultural Turkism, ethical Islamism and Durkheimian solidarism. Gökalp succeeded in synthesizing different philosophical approaches, while avoiding eclectic mixing of ideas. Conclusions: Gökalp’s nationalism was heavily influenced by the West, though he tried to withstand this influence. The romantic principle of the “Turkish ideal” largely reiterates the concept of Volksgeist (German: “spirit of the people”) characteristic of German nationalism. Gökalp’s works clearly illustrate one of the key internal problems of Turkish nationalism – the question of how to restore national self-respect, which had been undermined by the prolonged decline of the Ottoman state and its stature in the eyes of the West. Gökalp’s philosophy clearly links the Young Turk ideology with the Atatürk regime. But in the course of his life, Gökalp’s views underwent significant changes, as he gradually turned away from the principles of the 1908-1909 revolution (constitutional monarchy, Ottomanism, Islamic reformism etc.) and laid the theoretical foundations of Kemalism and the modern Turkish state.

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Saraçgilt, Ayşe. "An Infatuation with the Leader: The Fascination with Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and the Construction of a Male Subjectivity in Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu’s Writing and Career." Slovo a smysl 18, no. 38 (2021): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23366680.2021.3.2.

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Baş, Kenan, and Esen Durmuş. "Social Studies Course from the Perspective of Parents -The Istanbul-Sultanbeyli Case." World Journal of Education 9, no. 4 (2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wje.v9n4p73.

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The aim of this study is to identify the perspectives of parents on the "Social Studies" course. The case study design,one of the qualitative research methods, was used in accordance with the nature of the study. Data related to the studywere obtained through a semi-structured interview form prepared by the researchers. The data of the study wereobtained from the parents of students attending 5th, 6th and 7th grade of a state secondary school located in theIstanbul-Sultanbeyli district in the spring semester of 2017 and 2018 academic year. The data obtained were analyzedby content analysis. According to the data obtained from the research, the following results were obtained: Themajority of the parents apparently linked the concept of Social Studies to the concepts of History, Geography,Citizenship and Socialization. Parents thought that the subjects related to History, Geography, Citizenship Rights,Culture, Democracy, Human Rights and the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk were taught in the Social Studies course.Nevertheless, it was seen that the parents wished to see the concepts such as Love of Motherland, Nation, Communityand National Flag, Etiquette, Cultural Values, Freedom, Democracy, Equality to be taught in the Social Studies courses.While the parents mostly compared the Social Studies courses with such organs as the Brain, Kidney, Heart, Eye,Stomach and Intestine, they considered it as appropriate to place this course in the last places in terms of importance. Inaddition, it was found that majority of the parents did not want their children to become social studies teachers in thefuture.

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Yazici, Hakkı. "Examination of perceptions of 6th grade students regarding the concepts of law and justice." African Educational Research Journal 9, no. 3 (2021): 665–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30918/aerj.93.21.100.

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Within the scope of the Law and Justice course curriculum, it is aimed to provide students with knowledge and skills such as the development of law and justice awareness, and the development of legal literacy. This study aims to reveal students' perceptions about the concepts of law and justice in the Law and Justice course curriculum, which is taught in the 6th grade of secondary school. Phenomenology, one of the qualitative research methods, was used as a method in the study. The working group of the research consists of 150 students studying in the 6th grade at Atatürk Secondary School and Gazi Mustafa Kemal Secondary school located in the center of Çay district, Afyonkarahisar in the 2019-2020 academic year. The "Law and Justice Word Association Test" prepared by the researcher was used as the data collection tool. Descriptive analysis, one of the qualitative data analysis methods, was used in the analysis of the data, and frequency tables were created to determine students' perceptions about each concept and to reveal the relationships between concepts. Concept networks have been prepared using frequency tables. The data were analyzed and interpreted according to the relationships that emerged in the concept networks. Within the framework of the results obtained from the research, the perceptions of the students towards the concepts of law and justice are close to each other. It has been revealed that the students have enough conceptual knowledge to raise awareness about the concepts of law and justice. With the help of word association tests, it is seen that students can have an idea about their concept perception.

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ÖZTÜRK, Zeynep Tuğçe, and Nurgün KOÇ. "THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)." IEDSR Association 6, no. 15 (2021): 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.382.

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In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.

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Haede, Wolfgang. "The Historical Background of the Highly Critical Perception of Christians by the Turkish Society." Mission Studies 31, no. 2 (2014): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341333.

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In Turkey, considered a secular and democratic role model for other countries with a Muslim majority, both state and society perceive Christians very critically. There are historical experiences and ideas that contribute to this surprising finding. In the Qur’an, the Holy Book of Muslims, Christians who do not accept the claim of Muhammad to be God’s prophet, are perceived as rebellious liars. Christians in early Islamic society were widely tolerated, but had a status as second-class-citizens. The Ottoman Empire as the front state against the Christian world and the savior of Sunni Islam widely tolerated Christians; thedhimmistatus of Christians as second-class-citizens however was continued in themillet-system. As the power of the Ottomans decreased and Western ideas of nationalism began to influence the Empire during the nineteenth century, the Muslim majority began a search for identity. Secessions of Christian peoples and interference by “Christian” foreign nations triggered more severe clashes between the remaining Christian population and the state. The wide-ranging activities of Western missionaries in the Ottoman Empire were perceived as a part of Western colonialism. During the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic, the leaders of the Young Turk movement were motivated by their desperate battle to save a rest of the Empire as a homeland for the Muslim population. The perception of Christians as the enemy of the new Republic was more firmly established. Though Mustafa Kemal Atatürk gave a revolutionary modern and secular character to Turkey, there was an intentional Turkification of society. A study of Turkish newspapers confirms that these perceptions are widely valid until today. Missiology has to help develop an appropriate response of Christians to the situation inside and outside of Turkey.

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Türköz, Meltem. "FATHERING THE NATION. FROM MUSTAFA KEMAL TO ATATÜRKBITI OČE NARODU. OD MUSTAFA KEMALA DO ATATÜRKA." Traditiones 43, no. 1 (2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/traditio2014430105.

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Shaw, Stanford J. "Halide Edib (Adıvar)'s appeal to the American public for justice for the Turks." Belleten 67, no. 249 (2003): 531–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.531.

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This article presents an appeal written in 1919-1920 by Turkey's first major woman writer, novelist and newspaper reporter Halide Edib (Adıvar), to the people of the United States, entrusted to Lewis Edgar Browne, who was covering the Turkish War for Independence and the Russian Revolution and Civil War for the Chicago Daily News while the Paris Peace Conference was going on. Halide Edib believed that the people of the United States were without bias in considering the problems of the Ottoman Empire during and after World War I, and, that, as had been stated in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, they wanted all the peoples of the Empire, including the Turks, to achieve independence in their own lands following the war. In her statement, she condemned the efforts then being made in Paris to blame on the Turks alone all the excesses and abuses that had gone in the war, pointing out that all the peoples of the Empire had sinned and been sinned against, all had suffered terribly from massacre and starvation, not only the Sultan's Christian subjects, and that the Turks, like the others, therefore deserved to achive independence in the areas of Anatolia and Thrace where they constituted large majorities of the population. In the end, this appeal fell on deaf ears. Halide Edib did not understand that the minds of the people of the Christian West had been so poisoned against Muslims by wartime propaganda that the accusations were being used as pretexts to deny to them rights that were being granted to their Christian neighbors. In the end, it was not such appeals for justice and understanding, then, but the force applied by the Turkish national resistance movement led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk that achived an independent existance for the Empire's Turkish subjects as a result of the Lausanne Conference and the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'

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