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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mutinerie du Bounty, 1789

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Academic literature on the topic 'Mutinerie du Bounty, 1789'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Mutinerie du Bounty, 1789"

1

Avram, Andrei A. "Pitkern and Norfolk revisited." English Today 19, no. 3 (July 2003): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078403003092.

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The English creole now known as ‘Pitkern-Norfolk’ is spoken as a community language only on the widely separated Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands in the Pacific Ocean. Scholars divide the pidgins and creoles of English into two broad types: Atlantic and Pacific. Logically, the creole that arose as a consequence of the mutiny on the Royal Navy's H.M.S Bounty in 1789 should straightforwardly belong in the Pacific group, but internal evidence indicates, paradoxically, that it is an Atlantic rather than a Pacific Creole.

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2

van der Merwe, Pieter. "‘Your Dutiful Nephew’: Thomas Denman Ledward (1766–1789/90), acting surgeon of the Bounty." Mariner's Mirror 104, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 456–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2018.1518009.

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Zilberstein, Anya. "Bastard Breadfruit and other Cheap Provisions: Early Food Science for the Welfare of the Lower Orders." Early Science and Medicine 21, no. 5 (December 5, 2016): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00215p04.

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Breadfruit is best known in connection with an infamously failed project: the 1789 mutiny against the Bounty, commanded by William Bligh. However, four years later, Bligh returned to the Pacific and fulfilled his commission, delivering breadfruit and other Pacific foods to Caribbean plantations. Placing these plant transfers in the emerging sciences of food and nutrition in the eighteenth century, this essay examines the broader political project of what would much later be called ‘the welfare state,’ which motivated British officials’ interest in experimenting with novel ingredients and recipes to cheaply nourish a range of dependent populations in institutional settings. Perhaps most strikingly, their nutritional recommendations borrowed directly from agricultural practices, particularly from new methods for feeding livestock in confinement.

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4

NASH, JOSHUA. "The influence of Edward Young's St Kitts Creole in Pitcairn Island and Norfolk Island toponyms." English Language and Linguistics 22, no. 3 (March 7, 2017): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674316000605.

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Edward Young, the midshipman who sided with Fletcher Christian during the Mutiny on the Bounty, which took place in 1789, was an English and St Kitts Creole speaker. The influence of Young's Kittitian lexicon and grammar toponyms (placenames) in the Pitcairn Island language – Pitcairn – exists in features such as the use of articles and possessive constructions. Pitcairn was moved to Norfolk Island sixty-six years after the settling of Pitcairn Island in 1790 by the mutineers and their Polynesian counterparts. While Kittitian for ‘for, of’ and Kittitian-derived articles ha/ah only occur in a few documented placenames in Pitcairn, the fer and ar/dar elements of possessive constructions in placenames in Norfolk, the Norfolk Island language still spoken today by the descendants of the Pitcairners, are more common than in Pitcairn placenames. It is argued that the use of the for/fer possessive construction and article forms are key social deictic markers of identity and distinctiveness, especially in Norfolk placenames. Their usage delineates Pitcairn blood heritage and ancestry (Norfolk: comefrom) as either Pitcairner or non-Pitcairner, and has been expanded in and adapted to the new social and natural environment of Norfolk Island. The analysis draws on primary Norfolk placename data and compares it to secondary Pitcairn data.

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Books on the topic "Mutinerie du Bounty, 1789"

1

McKee, Alexander. H.M.S. Bounty. Norwalk, Conn: Easton Press, 1988.

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2

Bligh, William. Mutiny on the Bounty. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2009.

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3

Alexander, Caroline. The Bounty. New York: Penguin USA, Inc., 2009.

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4

McKinney, Sam. Bligh: A true account of mutiny aboard His Majesty's Ship Bounty. Camden, Me: International Marine Pub. Co., 1989.

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5

McKinney, Sam. Bligh!: The whole story of the mutiny aboard H.M.S. Bounty. Victoria: Horsdal & Schubart, 1999.

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6

Put, Paul van der. Het ware drama van de Bounty. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2005.

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7

Lummis, Trevor. Life and death in Eden: Pitcairn Island and the Bounty mutineers. London: Phoenix, 2000.

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8

State Library of New South Wales., ed. Mutiny on the Bounty: The story of Captain William Bligh, seaman, navigator, surveyor, and of the Bounty mutineers. [Sydney]: State Library of New South Wales, 1991.

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9

Wahlroos, Sven. Mutiny and romance in the South Seas: A companion to the Bounty adventure. Topsfield, Mass: Salem House Publishers, 1989.

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10

Ernst, Pauline Fargher. Book relics from H.M.S. Bounty: Comprised of two monographs, History of two Bibles from H.M.S. Bounty and History behind "Relics of the book kind" from H.M.S. Bounty. Mountain View, Calif: Ernst Associates in Graphics, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mutinerie du Bounty, 1789"

1

Mill, James. "Extracts from An Essay of the Impolicy of a Bounty on the Exportation of Grain, London, 1804, pp. 1–5, 67–70." In Romanticism and Politics 1789–1832, 129–37. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9780429349447-13.

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2

Grint, Keith. "Dystopian and Utopian Mutinies." In Mutiny and Leadership, 308–41. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893345.003.0008.

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Whilst most mutinies relate to wages, conditions, and discipline, some are rooted in far more radical ideas. The leaders of the Batavia mutiny in 1629 were as close to psychopaths as we are likely to meet in this book, and the events that occurred under their rule—and afterwards in their punishments—are positively vile. This in itself says something about the more conventional dreams of most mutineers across time, but some were much closer to a utopian idyll than a dystopian nightmare, and the mutineers on the Bounty in 1789 were surely in this category, choosing to abandon their captain and his supporters in the middle of the ocean and sail away to what they saw as a utopian island. That is not how the British Admiralty saw it, and, once Captain Bligh had undertaken his extraordinary feat of navigation and endurance, they hunted down the mutineers and meted out what they saw as justice. The final mutiny of this chapter, on the Soviet ship the Storozhevoy in 1975, is almost a replay of the Potemkin from seventy years earlier, in that the mutineers assume they will be the spark to a wider revolution, but they also completely misread the political situation and end up being extinguished.

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Hardin, Garrett. "From Jevons's Coal to Hubbert's Pimple." In Living within Limits. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195078114.003.0018.

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In a commercial society like ours it is understandable that money-makers should be the ones who pay the greatest attention to the implications of economics. Historians have been a breed apart, with most of them (until recently) paying little heed to the ways in which economics affects history. Yet surprisingly, a basis for the eventual integration of economics, ecology, and history was laid in the nineteenth century. The Victorian who tackled history from the economic side was William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882). The distinction made in the previous chapter between living in a area and living on it was a paraphrase of what Jevons wrote about the material basis of English prosperity: "The plains of North America and Russia are our cornfields; Chicago and Odessa our granaries; Canada and the Baltic are our timber forests; Australia contains our sheep farms, and in South America are our herds of oxen;.. . the Chinese grow tea for us, and our coffee, sugar, and spice plantations are in all the Indies. Spain and France are our vineyards, and the Mediterranean our fruit-garden.'" A century before the term "ghost acres" was coined, Jevons had clearly in mind the idea behind the term. Half a century before Jevons was born—in fact in the year the Bastille was stormed by French revolutionaries (1789)—an English mineral surveyer by the name of John Williams had asked, in The Limited Quantity of Coal of Britain, what would happen to the blessings of the industrial revolution when England no longer possessed the wherewithal to power the machinery that produced her wealth? Optimism is so deeply engrained a characteristic of busy people that this warning, like most first warnings, was little noted. It remained for Jevons to rouse the British public in 1865 with the publication of his book, The Coal Question. Jevons's life coincided in time with the period when the nature and significance of energy (in its prenuclear formulation) was becoming manifest to physical scientists. Since energy was needed to turn the wheels of industry, and coal was the most readily available source of energy, Jevons reasoned that the continued political dominance of Great Britain was dependent on the bounty of her coal. This naturally led to the double question, How long would English coal and the British Empire last?

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