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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Myanmar economy'
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1
Aung, Than Than. "Agricultural Production in Transitional Economy of Myanmar : Case Study of Thee Chaung Village." 名古屋大学大学院経済学研究科, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/10736.
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Meehan, Patrick. "The political economy of the opium/heroin trade in Shan State, Myanmar, 1988-2012." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2016. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22807/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between processes of state consolidation and the illicit opium/heroin economy in Shan State since 1988. Over the past twenty-five years, the government of Myanmar (Burma) has established greater authority over large parts of Shan State, neutralizing much of the threat posed by armed groups and strengthening its hold over revenue extraction. During this period Myanmar has retained its position as the world's second largest producer of illicit opium/heroin, the majority of which is produced in Shan State. This thesis seeks to answer the overarching research question: What role has the opium/heroin economy played in fortifying and/or fragmenting processes of state consolidation in Shan State, Myanmar, in the period since 1988? In addressing this question, my study tests the hypothesis that rather than necessarily being a cause of disorder and state breakdown, illegal drug economies can play an important role in processes of state consolidation. In order to test this hypothesis I break down my overarching research question into four sub-questions: First, why have the Shan borderlands with China and Thailand become central to the government's statebuilding aspirations? Second, what strategies has the government deployed in order to extend its power and authority in borderland regions? Third, how have these strategies been imposed, resisted and brokered within the Shan borderlands? Fourth, what is the relationship between contested processes of state consolidation and the drug economy in Shan State in the period since 1988? In addressing these questions I argue that it is increasingly anachronistic to view the drug economy narrowly as part of the insurgent war economy. Alongside the continued role it plays in financing armed opposition to the government, the drug trade has also become deeply embedded within processes of illiberal state consolidation and capitalist development. Through an analysis of the specific spatial dynamics of power relations, material interests and institutional arrangements, this study renders visible the messy and fragmented multiplicity of motivations and actors (including insurgents, ceasefire groups, the military, government-sanctioned militias, national and transnational investors, and local populations) which have shaped changing configurations of power across Shan State. In doing so, it provides new ways to account for the uneven political topography of the Myanmar state, the repertoires of violence enacted across Shan State and the different kinds of 'institutions of extraction' that have emerged around borderland resources.
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Hornig, Laura [Verfasser], Chris [Gutachter] Hann, and Ward [Gutachter] Keeler. "On money and Mettā : economy and morality in urban buddhist Myanmar / Laura Hornig ; Gutachter: Chris Hann, Ward Keeler." Halle (Saale) : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1226154417/34.
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Holm, Stephanie, and Louise Karlsson. "Mobile Banking Adoption in an Emerging Economy: An Empirical Analysis of Users in Myanmar : A Minor Field Study." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för industriell teknik och management (ITM), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-264183.
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This study aims to provide an overview of the attitude toward mobile banking among early adopters in Myanmar. By conducting exploratory interviews with ten bank employees, factors that are important for the adoption of mobile banking were also identified. The qualitative method allowed factors beyond the existing technology adoption frameworks to emerge. From the results, it was concluded that the attitude toward mobile banking is overall positive among the early adopters. Findings were aligned with the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), suggesting that perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use are important factors for the usage of mobile banking. Social influence did not show any consistent results, but external barriers such as regulations and cash-based society were evidently important factors for adoption. Moreover, experience showed to have an impact on the participants’ attitude and the adoption of mobile banking. The findings from this paper could work as a foundation when formulating future hypotheses for mobile banking adoption in Myanmar. Regarding practical contributions, banks can get an insight into what is important to focus on when designing a strategy to increase the rate of mobile banking adoption. For future research, it would be of interest to extend the sample and collect data from both users and non-users.<br>Denna studie syftar till att ge en övergripande bild av attityden mot mobila banktjänster bland tidiga användare i Myanmar. Genom explorativa intervjuer med tio bankanställda, identifierades också faktorer som är viktiga för att anamma mobila banktjänster. Den kvalitativa metoden möjliggjorde faktorer som ligger utanför de befintliga teoretiska ramverken att vara del av studien. Från resultaten drogs slutsatsen att attityden mot mobila banktjänster är övergripande positiv bland de tidiga användarna. Resultaten låg i linje med modellen Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), vilket tyder på att uppskattad användbarhet och uppskattad användarvänlighet är viktiga faktorer för anammandet av mobila banktjänster. Socialt inflytande visade inga konsekventa resultat, men externa barriärer som regleringar samt kontantbaserat samhälle visade sig vara viktiga faktorer för anammandet till mobila banktjänster. Dessutom påverkade erfarenhet deltagarnas attityd mot och anammandet av mobila banktjänster. Resultaten från denna rapport kan användas som en grund vid formulering av hypoteser i framtida forskning inom implementering av mobila banktjänster i Myanmar. Vad gäller det praktiska bidrag från denna studie, kan bankerna få en inblick i vad som är viktigt att fokusera på vid utformning av strategi för att öka användningen av mobila banktjänster. För framtida forskning vore det intressant att utöka urvalet av deltagare och samla in data från både användare och icke-användare.
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Motaher, Mostakim Bin. "The Rohingya Conflict : An Analysis through the Lens of the Geopolitical Economy of Resources." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-86152.
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This thesis aims to reveal the underlying reason behind the recent Rohingya conflict. This paper argues that, instead of only focusing on the ethnic and religious view of the Rohingya conflict, the geopolitical economic view of the conflict also needs to be addressed sincerely as the conflict has a long history and occurred in different political and economic conditions. From that purpose, this research analyses the recent Rohingya conflict from the perspective of the geopolitical economy of resources. It examines the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force concerning the recent conflict. Besides that, this paper also examines the geopolitical economic interests of China and India in Rakhine state regards to their unwillingness to stop the conflict. In this study, secondary sources such as books, academic articles, reports of government and non-government organisations and the UCDP database have mainly been used for data collection, which is based on textual analysis. This thesis applies the concept of Resource, Resource curse, Resource war and Intrastate conflict along with the analytical framework ‘Vulnerability, risk and opportunity’ by Philippe Le Billon as a tool to explain and analyse the conflict. The research shows that the recent violent conflicts which forcedly displaced hundreds of thousands of the Rohingyas from their houses and destroyed many Rohingya villages in Rakhine state have a possible connection with the resources and economic opportunities that are present in the Rakhine state. There is a strong possibility that the resource and economic opportunities influence the GoM and military force to become involved in this conflict. Also, the resource and economic opportunities might prevent China and India from playing an active role to stop the conflict. The Rohingya crisis has been going on for decades now, yet it has not been solved. Also, there is no sign of solving the crisis soon. The geopolitical economic perspective of the conflict might be the answer to why the Rohingya crisis has not yet been solved.
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Nivesjö, Jon. "On Economic Sanctions and Democracy - The function of economic sanctions as a tool to promote democratic development." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23508.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine if economic sanctions is a useful tool to promote the democratic development of a state. I am interested in exploring the effectiveness of the most common reasons for implementing sanctions; to change specific behavior incompatible with democracy or to incur regime transformation. In order to examine this, we look at the intent of implementing economic sanctions, how democratic development is measured, and the importance of human rights as a part of a democratic state. By applying these findings on opposing versions of modernization theory, I find measurable economic data that I can look at in connection with two case studies. The episodes chosen for the case studies are current sanctions being leveled against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Myanmar. In the case studies themselves, I discover that Iran and Myanmar are very different in both the intentions behind their autocratic regimes, and the results of the sanctions against them. In examining the economic effects, I find it difficult to find data for both cases, and I fail to locate parts of the economic data I intended to look at. In the end, I conclude that while economic sanctions can have some impact on specific goals and the foundation for support of democracy, they are unlikely to be the deciding factor in democratic development.
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Saltsman, Adam. "Surviving Dispossession: Burmese Migrants in Thailand's Border Economic Zones." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104231.
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Thesis advisor: Stephen Pfohl<br>This dissertation explores the intersection of gender, violence, and dispossession among Burmese migrants living in precarious circumstances in Thailand, close to the border with Myanmar. In this space, particularly in the town of Mae Sot and surrounding areas, migrants are targets of multiple overlapping technologies of governance, including the Thai state, multinational garment export processing facilities, plantation-style agricultural firms, international humanitarian NGOs, and transnational social and political networks. Through a multi-modal qualitative approach relying on collaborative action research and key informant interviews, I consider how this complex web of discursive and relational power simultaneously renders migrants invisible subjects of global supply chains and yet hyper-visible targets of humanitarian assistance and intervention. Invisible because actors associated with state or market forces performatively enforce upon migrant bodies the violent notion that they are deportable, reiterating the boundaries of sovereignty at each encounter. And visible because as migrants struggle to make ends meet working long hours for illegally low wages, NGOs spotlight their social problems and offer solutions that promote individual biowelfare but not wider transformative change. Despite what appear to be opposing forces, both forms of power contribute to the production of gendered border subjects that are healthy workers; ethical and self-reliant yet docile. Migrants interpret and negotiate these overlapping systems, exerting agency as they rely on their own social and political networks to establish mechanisms of order that are shaped by but not necessarily subordinate to the disciplinary regimes of factories and farms, the juridical frameworks of the state, or the biopolitical gaze of NGOs. This dissertation finds that within these mechanisms, gender becomes a key discursive metaphor both to make sense of the widespread violence of displacement and to maintain collective order. Migrants' own gendered performances of discipline are themselves a product of border precarity and forge pathways of limited agency through which migrants seek to navigate the everyday conditions of that precarity. Throughout, this dissertation reflexively examines its own collaborative action research approach as well as humanitarian intervention on the border to identify ways that both are complicit in gendered border subjectivation. Gender in this analysis manifests itself as a set of discursive resources that NGO staff and migrants make use of as they seek to effect change--albeit in ways that tend to leave unchallenged the larger structural conditions of violence and neoliberal sovereignty that undergird and require the formation of a docile and disposable border population. Thus, in one sense, this dissertation is about how migrants survive in a violent context of dispossession, but it is also just as much about the generative qualities of violent life, the spaces in which agency challenges precarity, and the ways in which performatively reproduced gendered hierarchies are at the center of both precarity and resistance<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Sociology
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Vuorijärvi, April. "The Dark Side of Economic Sanctions: Unveiling the Plight of Women from Myanmar/Burma - A Minor Field Study in Myanmar and Thailand." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23157.
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An investigative research unraveling the implication of economic sanctions on Burmese women. This research was inspired by allegations in 2003 that thousands of women in Burma/Myanmar lost their jobs in the garment industry, thus exposing women to vulnerable aspects of forced migration and trafficking. A short case study of Iraq, Haiti, and Cuba is additionally provided while the history of economic sanctions and boycotts is heavily scrutinized. Perspectives of humanitarian law, human rights law, and feminist theory frame the basis of the research of which provide another critical dimension into the ongoing debate on economic sanctions.
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Bhattacharya, Dahlia. "History of the Bengal settlers in burma (1826-1962) : their impact on the political economic and cultural life of Burma (Myanmar)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1675.
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Drake, Thomas. "Priority-setting for malaria control and elimination in Myanmar." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f3c77e6e-6c25-4aa9-9de0-4a7bc94826e2.
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In Myanmar, Plasmodium falciparum malaria is important because of both the burden of disease and the emergence of parasites resistant to artemisinin-based therapies. In 2012, concomitant with the lifting of international economic sanctions, funding for malaria control and elimination in Myanmar rose significantly. The University of Oxford was asked to support priority setting by assessing the relative cost-effectiveness of insecticide- treated bed nets and community health workers, particularly with respect to planning in the Myanmar Artemisinin Resistance Containment region along the east of the country. In the context of rising artemisinin resistance and, later, the goal of regional malaria elimination by 2030, reduction in malaria transmission was an important consideration in prioritising between interventions. A cost-effectiveness analysis was undertaken using both a static decision tree model and a dynamic disease transmission model. Supporting work towards this analysis included a systematic review of dynamic-transmission economic-evaluations and the creation of a data repository to collate governmental and non-governmental malaria case records. In addition, initially unplanned work on economic evaluation methodology was completed; identifying challenges in the application of cost utility analysis to this decision problem and proposing a framework for budget-based geographic resource allocation as an adaptation of standard methods. The results of this work include a tripling of the number of malaria diagnostic reports available between 2012 and 2014 (71% increase in Plasmodium falciparum cases) with this data showing a decrease in Plasmodium falciparum cases over time, alongside rising testing rates. Cost utility analysis found that, in general, malaria community health workers are more costly yet more effective than insecticide treated bed nets, though in both cases cost effectiveness is very much context dependent. Geographic allocation analyses using both static and dynamic models illustrate the potential for economic evaluation to provide both more detailed and more practical policy recommendations. Parameter uncertainty was explored in both cases. Some township recommendations were robust to both parameter uncertainty and model variation (structural uncertainty). Viewed through the lens of the Reference Case for Economic Evaluation in Low and Middle Income Countries (published during the course of this DPhil), budget-based geographic resource allocation largely adheres to the healthcare economic evaluation principles and offers improvements to dealing with heterogeneity and resource constraints. This DPhil recommends that Myanmar malaria policy is tailored to reflect geographic variation in intervention cost-effectiveness, rather than focusing on universal coverage, and illustrates a framework for economic evaluation to support budget-based geographic allocation.
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Khine, Thet Thet. "Building Process of Public-Private Dialogue During Major Reforms In Myanmar." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6051.
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Since 1962, Myanmar has experienced stagnant economic growth despite its rich natural resources, demographic strength, and being located at the crossroad of Asia. To improve policy and regulation, Myanmar's private sector must advocate policy or administrative course of action to the government. Therefore, the purpose of the research was to evaluate the public-private dialogue (PPD) before and after the change of the government, and change of UMFCCI leadership during major reforms in Myanmar. Research questions were focused on the design, implementation, and benefits and risks of PPD. This qualitative case study, based on cross-sector collaboration theory, included semistructured interviews with 26 key participants who have deeply involved in the PPD building process since very beginning. Data were categorized for thematic analysis and the PPD building process was compared before and after April 2016 because there was a change of government and Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industries leadership. Findings included differing levels of conceptualization, capacity constraints, and the need to coordinate among development partners. Additionally, differing commitment level among local and foreign businesses indicated that creating the right conditions and being able to establish a collective purpose are important for successful cross-sector collaboration. This study contributes to positive social change for policy makers and collaborators interested in creating a positive regulatory environment through collaboration.
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Okamoto, Ikuko. "A study on economic disparity in rural Myanmar : focusing on pulse production after market liberalization." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/144263.
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McLeod, Kevin. "Roadmap to ethnic strife : economic reform in Myanmar and enduring conflict in the Kachin region." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45220.
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In 2011, fighting resumed between the Kachin Independence Army and the Myanmar military in the Kachin region of Myanmar. This fighting came after Myanmar established and carried out its “Roadmap to Democracy,” after the new Constitution in 2008 was ratified, and after the first elections in twenty years took place. In light of these reforms, why has fighting reignited now when western observers display more optimism for the future of Myanmar than ever before? This paper intends to illustrate that the competition over access to the economic flows of the Kachin region is fuelling this eruption of military conflict. What is more, Myanmar’s economic transition to a liberalized economy favours persistent tensions in the Kachin province. Since the rapid economic liberalisation of the Myanmar economy, which is a fundamental aspect of the “Roadmap to Democracy,” the Myanmar Government has begun intense exploitation of the Kachin region for its vast natural resources and trade routes. In light of its economic objectives for the Kachin region, the Myanmar Government has changed its approach towards the Kachin insurgency to instead favour the protection and exploitation of its investments. What complicates matters more is the involvement of China, who is pursuing its own objectives in the region. This conflict is now being shaped by the intricate and ever changing relations between various actors that struggle to control the empowering economic assets of the Kachin region; all of which has assured enduring tensions in the Kachin region.
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Ko, Shwe Zin. "Narrowing income disparities as policy priority for inclusive economic growth: An applied computable general equilibrium (CGE) approach on urban and non-urban industries in Myanmar." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2016. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1946.
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Since 2011, Myanmar has progressively liberalized its international trade and investment policies, resulting in both opportunities and challenges. The rising inequality between urban and non-urban areas, and within urban areas, has become a growing concern for policy makers, in addition to the existing and pervasive poverty issue. This research considers whether the support of a more skilled premium in labour supply, through investment in the human capital policy, can significantly improvement current developmental constraints. The research also investigates what policies Myanmar must integrate alongside its trade and investment liberalization policies to ensure inclusive growth. To highlight the concerns of this research, the concept of Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) and the ORANI_G single country model are applied to test a sample of 57 sectors, under 15 different industries, by using the GEMPack software.
The results obtained are justified and presented under four classifications of urban and non-urban industries, and confirm that by integrating Fritzen’s proposed “egalitarian, high-quality educational systems” into Myanmar’s current situation, new employment opportunities would increase by 684.75%: 465.67% from urban industries and 219.08% from non-urban industries. Household purchasing power would also grow noticeably: by 149.93% in urban households, 61.78% in rural households, 13.01% in regional households and 28.24% in households from supporting families. The overall capacity of Myanmar’s labour force and a household’s purchasing power would be better, and the income inequality gap within urban and non-urban could be reduced to some extent. However, urban and non-urban income inequality gap could still be existed, over a period of 2 years.
This study finds that, in an economy driven by human capital, Myanmar’s five service sectors, four primary production sectors, 16 value-added sectors (made up of 6 labour-intensive sectors and 10 capital-intensive sectors) could increase production capacity and establish stronger market competitiveness. Competitive output prices would establish market competition, both in domestic and export markets, and thus, the current account deficit problem would also be eased. This finding highlights the viability of shifting Myanmar’s economic structure from agriculture-based industries and primary-product industries to knowledge- and skill-based industries and capital-based industries. Policy improvement brings about an increase in employment opportunities by 74.69% from urban industries and by 25.31% from non-urban industries. If Myanmar policy-makers could intervene with other policies that control rising land and capital prices, as well as with financial and monetary policies that control the inflation rate, an additional five urban sectors and two regional industries could grow in the short-term with a 99.66% increase in employment: 72.69% from urban industries and 26.97% from non-urban industries. Overall, if Myanmar policy-makers implement education alongside trade and investment liberalization policy and financial and monetary policy, labour-intensive production industries and primary-production industries will improve, as well as the skilled and capital-intensive industries. Such economic growth could equal East Asia’s rate of development.
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San, Cho Cho [Verfasser]. "Economic Assessment of Mangrove Forest Uses: The Case of Wunbaike Mangrove Forest in Rakhine State, Myanmar / Cho Cho San." Kassel : Kassel University Press, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1161466827/34.
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ARIAS, JULIO ANTONIO. "USAID DEVELOPING A SUSTAINABLE SEAFOOD INDUSTRY INFRASTRUCTURE IN MYANMAR AND ITS POTENTIAL EFFECTS ON THE COUNTRY’S ENVIRONMENTAL, ECONOMIC, AND SOCIAL SECTORS." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/612564.
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Sustainability is the intersection of the environmental, economic, and social sectors. A
goal USAID project in Myanmar is to institutionalize sustainability in all three sectors of the
seafood industry, especially the aquaculture. Myanmar is currently in a state of political,
economic, and environmental turmoil, and a sustainable seafood industry and aquaculture would
benefit the nation. The plan involves restoring invaluable aquatic natural resources, improving
the supply chain and governance of the seafood industry, and creating stability through food
security and social equity. The effects that each of these central goals of the project have on the
country are guided through the principles that the GPO, a World Bank organization, uses in
assessing programs with the goal of sustainability. The effects will also be confirmed through the
comparison to Vietnam, a nation that has experienced a rapid growth in their aquaculture.
However, because of the lack of sufficient resources placed in the environmental sector,
aquaculture is experiencing problems that are affecting the economic and social sectors. This
proves that not only will the desired results create sustainability in the seafood industry of
Myanmar, but also demonstrates the importance of finding a balance between each of the three
sectors.
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Aung, Yee Mon [Verfasser], and Manfred [Akademischer Betreuer] Zeller. "An economic analysis of fish demand and livelihood outcomes of small-scale aquaculture in Myanmar / Yee Mon Aung ; Betreuer: Manfred Zeller." Hohenheim : Kommunikations-, Informations- und Medienzentrum der Universität Hohenheim, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1235068617/34.
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Htwe, Thin Nwe [Verfasser]. "Changes of traditional farming systems and their effects on land degradation and socio-economic conditions in the Inle Lake region, Myanmar / Thin Nwe Htwe." Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1100737561/34.
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Liu, Pu-Shen, and 劉卜慎. "The Political Economic Analysis of Economic Sanction: Case Study of Myanmar." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/92748165145729809148.
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碩士<br>國立成功大學<br>政治經濟學研究所專班<br>94<br>Comparing with other ASEAN countries, the social and economic development in Myanmar falls far behind. The main reason is that Myanmar has closed the country to international intercourse in 1962 for more than 20 years and was isolated with no international social interaction. This is totally different from the development trajectory for other new post-war countries. Myanmar did not intend to use the foreign trade and outsider investment to accumulate the country's capital or to lift the living standard of its people, meanwhile it refused to introduce the political culture with more freedom and democracy to animate the social innovation and evolution capability. Myanmar ended up one of the poverty-striken countries in the world. While such a poverty-triken country longed for economy development in 1988, the economy was attacked severely in Myanmar while it had to endure the western economic sanctions out of political factors.
Along with the forbidden usage for military force and fear of the lethality comes with the advancement of weapons for all countries, the economic sanction has been applied widely. Particularly for western countries such as U.S.A., they always impose some economic measures to achieve their political goals. However, there is a controversy about the validity of the economic sanction. The supporters think that the economic sanction will force the authorities to make a change, while the antagonists think that the economic sanction will only result in siege against the people but have no influence on the political situation. The sanction against Myanmar has been fifteen years since 1990, and the effect of the sanction confronted the challenge because of the environment changed internationally and internally.
This article is to analyze the economic sanction effect based on internal and international factors and explain the effect of the western sanction based on the interaction relation among these primary activists such as Myanmar's Military Government, Aung San Suu Kyi, the minority nationality, western countries, China, and ASEAN. Based on this analysis, internal strength can not shake the military government political power under the economic sanction while internally the hardliner's power has risen under the internal struggle of the military government, the antagonists were still snuffed out, and there was economic difficulty for the people, etc. On the other hand, from the international factor that the military government has expanded the diplomatic maneuvering space aggressively under the economic sanction. It joined the ASEAN in 1997 to get connected with the international while attached to ASEAN, and then attached to China to enhance its foreign relations while China's political and economic strength has increased. In recent years, the military government even utilized its geography advantage and natural resources to expand its diplomacy with India, Korea and Russia, in addition to China. Lastly, we think that the new challenge for economic sanction is more like a complicated international problem instead of being pressured into Myanmar or ASEAN by the western countries. If the western countries impose the sanction persistently, it not only is helpless to achieve the sanction goals, but also makes the relation between Myanmar and other countries more closer, while the political and economic relation between Myanmar and western countries more estranged. China is playing a key role regarding the validity of economic sanction and it is worth a follow-up observation to see if China is willing to be a broker between Myanmar and the western countries.
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Kruaechaipinit, Sasinan, and 林美霞. "The U.S. Economic Sanctions Against Myanmar from 1996-2012." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50637351822854557732.
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博士<br>國立中山大學<br>中國與亞太區域研究所<br>102<br>Economic sanctions are generally seen as a viable foreign policy option. Such policies find that sanctions can positively influence others without taking military actions or using power that could increase dangerous and costly conflict. Furthermore, the effectiveness of economic sanctions tends to be measured by the imposing country. For example, how are economic sanctions able to produce policy changes in the target polity? How is the efficacy of economic sanctions able to produce economic change in the target country without damaging protectionist trade policies such as tariff and quotas? Typically, economic and social suffering of the target country can be neglected issues, especially from the perspective of the imposing country. It seems that in a worst case scenario economic sanctions can stand as a political evil from the perspective of the targeted country, while the sending country may find it to be a political good.
The United States imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar since 1990. During these sanctions the desired results were not produced. Many politicians including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were placed under house arrest for several years, furthering political conflict and reaction by the Myanmar government against its citizens. Economic sanctions seem to have largely failed to bring about positive political changes in Myanmar. This is evidenced by several factors. First, the country had military rather than democratic ruling until late of year 2010. Second, Myanmar has experienced a long term of economic stagnation – 26 years of an isolated “social economy” and 22 years of “command economy” (since 1962). Many scholars have revealed that the importance of initial material and socio-political conditions for economic take-off, growth and further industrialization. These conditions have depended on Myanmar’s internal factors such as a stable Myanmar’s political environment, an ongoing ethnic minority’s tension, the open market, the exchange rate reform, the prompt of skilled labor, and the development of infrastructure within Myanmar.
It is my view that external factors such as international economic sanctions can be an obstacle to national reconciliation, and in the case of U.S. economic sanctions against Myanmar, those sanctions have largely not been successful. It is surely the case that the U.S. economic sanctions would affect Myanmar’s economic development, politics, and society more or less in both direct and indirect ways. In this thesis, an analysis of the case of U.S. economic sanctions against Myanmar will be examined in light of these direct and indirect factors making explicit the indirect factors and bring into clearer focus those factors presumed as direct.
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Mon, Su Su, and 孟素素. "Economic Analysis of Rohu (Labeo rohita) Farming in Myanmar." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/u8sw73.
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碩士<br>國立臺灣海洋大學<br>水產養殖學系<br>105<br>The aim of this study was to determine the economic performance of different Rohu farming system (monoculture and polyculture) in three Divisions of Myanmar. A questionarire was carried out from July 12 to August 23, 2016 in through directly interviewed of 9 polyculture and 7 monoculture of Rohu farms at different locations and production systems, respectively the results of MANOVA showed between the two systems of Rohu farms were no significant effect on input variable costs; however, it indicated significantly different in fixed costs on system and geographical location. In addition, those two systems had no differences between growth rate, survival rate and stocking density. According to the principal component analysis, although the monoculture farms had the highest input cost but low score for profitability variables; the polyculture farms had different performance from the monoculture farms. Finally, this study demonstrated that the polyculture systems of Rohu farms were found to have good economic performance in Myanmar.
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Bortolameazzi, Andrea, and 安德瑞. "China in Myanmar: the Role of Economic Forces in Bilateral Relations." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21264936811519006380.
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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班<br>102<br>Myanmar and China have been part for decades of a relationship in which economic and security goods would appear to have been the main currencies of exchange. This relationship has often been discussed in policy, media and academic circles in ways that attribute negative if not outright ominous connotations to the relationship. In analysing the Myanmar-China relationship across the decades – with particular reference to the role that economic forces played in shaping the fundamental traits and the balance of the relationship – this thesis finds no evidence of structural dynamics of coercion using either economic or security tool. The relationship between China and Myanmar has been based on mutual interest; diplomatic validation and economic goods have been exchanged according to patterns of interaction comparable to those which both countries employed with other international partners. These exchanges have been frequent but in nature piecemeal and non-exclusive. This pattern, this thesis argues, is likely to continue in the future even as Myanmar reforms politically.
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Htet, Min-Min, and 李娟娟. "The Dynamic Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment and Economic Growth in Myanmar." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58665207454553653187.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>農業經濟學研究所<br>104<br>This study has employed error-correction model (ECM) and standard Granger-causality test to examine the dynamic relationship between foreign direct investment and economic growth in Myanmar using annual time series data over the period 1971-2014.
The empirical results show that time series of FDI and GDP are non-stationary at level but they become stationary at first difference. The Co-integration results establish the existence of a long-run relationship between the two variables.
From the results of ECM, there exists a uni-directional long-run causality running from GDP to FDI and the coefficient of error correction term is negative and highly significant at 1% level, confirming the long run equilibrium relationship between the two variables. In the short run, the associated coefficient of lagged FDI and lagged GDP are all statistically significant, implying a bi-directional causality between FDI and GDP. The Standard Granger-causality results reveal that FDI has a significant positive impact on GDP in the short run but not vice versa. In general, the results can be interpreted as although FDI has a direct effect on economic growth in the short run but economic growth performance is an important driving force of FDI inflows into Myanmar in the long run.
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Hung, Po-chih, and 洪柏智. "The Development of Thai-Myanmar Border Towns: The Urban Geopolitical Economic Analysis." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xhtqp9.
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博士<br>國立中山大學<br>中國與亞太區域研究所<br>106<br>The shape a city takes is always influenced by how people cluster. In the trend of increasing concentration, governance and markets will be created, as will border towns. We can determine that the most important factors for the development of this type of city are “border trade” and “cross-border trade.” These factors encourage people’s migration and goods exchanges every day in border areas, and this becomes the way of life in border towns. The national boundary between Thailand and Myanmar is approximately 1,800 km, but there are only three famous and important border towns: Mae Sai, Mae Sot, and Ranong. We can find a common aspect in these three towns; they are all very close to another border town in Myanmar and are only separated by a river. We can use the new theory, the Urban Geopolitical Economic Theory, to understand the development type of these three border towns, and try to find out what are the most important factors good for border towns’ developing.First, we try to understand about the history between Thailand and Myanmar. Second part, we use the Urban Geopolitical Economic Theory to analyze the development of three border towns and try to discuss political, economic and social issues, and these are chapter4, 5 and 6. About the chapter 7, we would like to compare these three border towns. The last chapter is the conclusion.
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Szu-HanChen and 陳思翰. "The Political and Economic Analysis of International Factors on the Democratization Development: A Case Study of Myanmar." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/24j2az.
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碩士<br>國立成功大學<br>政治經濟研究所碩士在職專班<br>102<br>SUMMARY
This paper discusses 1988-2013, China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN the impact and policies on Myanmar 's democratization development. On the 1988 democracy movement in 8888, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, in 2007 Saffron Revolution and 2011-2013 democratization in Myanmar four times, with four modes of international factors on the type of democratization development, to understand China, the U.S., Japan EU and ASEAN on Myanmar 's democratization development model and its movements circumstances.
INTRODUCTION
In addition to the development of democratization in Myanmar to explore (such as the military government, Aung San Suu Kyi, civil society, economic development, etc.) from domestic factors, international factors are also another key reason to promote the development of democratization in Myanmar. This article analyzes the relevant literature by international factors affecting the development of democratization in Myanmar, also explore national and international organizations involved in the way of democratization development in Myanmar forced to take the meaning behind the enforcement policy or moderate policy. Analysis of national and international organizations into the strengths and weaknesses of Myanmar democratization obtained, and is currently the Myanmar towards democratization, with the trend of globalization and regionalization, because of national and international organizations should be used as.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Through this study, the democratization development and international factors presented in table interactive mode four model to illustrate the 8888 democracy movement in Myanmar in 1988, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, in 2007 Saffron Revolution and from 2010 to 2013 between of democratization period the four measures, China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN on Myanmar's democratization development political and economic strategy. To learn about international factors enforcement policy and moderate policy on Myanmar democratization how positively or negatively affect the development and clarify China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN movement trajectory into Myanmar's democratization development.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
International factors have contributed to the development of democratization change in Myanmar, both these international factors pulling the U.S., EU and other Western countries, but also China, Japan and ASEAN to Myanmar applied thrust. Analysis from China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN on Myanmar's democratization development political and economic strategy for the development of democratization in Myanmar affected situations: (1) China's moderate policy of democratization in Myanmar is a negative impact on the development, (2) ASEAN's moderate policy of democratization in Myanmar is a positive on the development impact, (3) Japan's moderate policy of democratization in Myanmar is a positive impact on the development, (4) the United States and the EU enforcement policy of democratization in Myanmar is a negative impact on the development,, (5) promote the development of Myanmar's democratization is the most critical international factor in the ASEAN, (6) China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN in 2011 after the establishment of civilian government in Myanmar are taking a moderate positive strategies to guide the democratization of Myanmar to development.
CONCLUSION
From China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN into the strengths and weaknesses of democratization in Myanmar, geopolitical to discuss China, the U.S., Japan, EU and ASEAN and Myanmar interactive effects of: (1) China adopted a moderate policy assistance Myanmar is the biggest winner profitable, (2) ASEAN adopted a moderate policy of assistance to Myanmar is the key to the completion of regional integration, (3) Japan's policy on Myanmar swing between aid and sanctions have lost their dominance in East Asian regionalization, (4) The United States and the European Union adopted a enforcement policy of sanctions against Myanmar to make China's influence in Southeast Asia surge, (5) the United States to return to Asia rebalancing strategy declaring support for the civilian government of Myanmar is difficult to shake China in the East Asian regional integration leadership.
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Goodwin-Doming, Karl. "Children as Beneficiaries and Participants in Development Programs : a Case Study in Burma (Myanmar)." Thesis, 2007. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30206/.
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This study seeks to understand the dynamics and processes of community
development programs for children in Burma (Myanmar). It examines the ethical
dimensions of children's participation, critiques the extent of participation of young
people in community development activity, explores the barriers and avenues for
increased participation and presents recommendations based on lived experience
which can be used to formulate policies that will enable/encourage greater
participation.
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Yeh, Jen-Chen, and 葉人誠. "A study on Development of Myanmar after its Economic reform and opening, Analysis of Industry and Strategy by Taiwanese Company." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5ejub3.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立臺北商業大學<br>高階國際商業創新經營管理碩士在職專班<br>106<br>Myanmar had been away from the world for many decades, in addition to her special geographical location, there are also abundance of natural resources here. With the influence of Buddhist culture, Myanmar people are nice, peaceful and caring love. Under the British colonial government until 1948 , Myanmar was released by General Aung San and then had been taken over by the military and locked for many years. Coupled with the fact that international economic sanctions began in 1997, the country's economic development worsened and even been included in the development of a country with a low degree of development. However, in 2011, the military handed over to the government of the literati government. The new government pushed a series of reform in both economic and political policies, as well as released Aung San Suu Kyi, which was under house arrest in 2012. The new change aroused the world's attention and urged many countries and business groups to invest and invest endlessly in this section of "the last piece of virgin land in Asia". Rising local prices and soaring land prices also boosted the booming of many industries. For example, the circulation of mobile phones and SIM cards exceeded 50 million units within three years. The import volume of new cars soared, resulting in serious traffic congestion. In the same period, hotel prices and offices rental market was ups and downs over the past five years, however, there are many infrastructural projects in progress at this country. If we can catch this train in time, the business opportunities will bring another golden 10 years for these ventures.
In two years from 2016 to 2017, it was considered an important observation period after the opening of Myanmar. The weak basic industry made Myanmar has more than 70% of the goods rely on imports, but affected by currency depreciation and hesitation of foreign investors, this two years of trade volume growth slowed down dramatically. Many businesses did not goes as they expected to be ！The possible reasons are that Myanmar's opening time is too short, foreign capital inflow into here focused on energy and infrastructure, coupled with the lack of purchasing power of domestic demand. However, the domestic market for more than 50 million of the population and its special regional economic role, Myanmar has many potential opportunities in the future. For Taiwanese businesspeople, we might pay attention to five things: 1. The development of basic construction business opportunities is very optimistic. 2. The quick development of communication industry can help to import new business model. 3. Labor force Advantage is limited, industry automation will be the trend. 4. Domestic demand market is potential, the development of chain-store is optimistic. 5. Legal system transformation, bring both risk and opportunity.
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Xinyi, Zhang. "Strategic planning for business skills training for youth in emerging countries." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19659.
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The Centre of Excellence for Business Skills Development (referred to as CEBSD throughout this
report) is a training centre established in 2013 as part of the project 'Strengthening Business Skills
for Youth Employment in Myanmar'. This project is a collaboration between the Ministry of
Education in Myanmar, UNESCO, and sponsored by PepsiCo. The project focuses on youth
development and intends to equip youths in Myanmar with employability skills and leadership
skills. After 6 years of implementation, this study conducts a comprehensive evaluation to identify
achievements of this programme from both a quantitative and qualitative perspective. This
evaluation contains reports on the training programme's sessions and the programme's operations
sessions. By observing the evaluation and analysis, we can better identify the competitive
advantages and disadvantages of this programme, and make any required amendments and
improve the next stage of development.
According to the results, we consider this programme to have reached the expected outcomes, and
the students' satisfaction survey showed overall good feedback to our program, including
curriculum design and faculties.
For future development, apart from keeping the existing activities, more consideration should be
given to the faculties' competency building and partnership development with special needs
schools and organisations; business partners, and similar organisations in different areas of
Myanmar.<br>O Centro de Excelência em Habilidades Empresariais para Jovens em Mianmar é um centro de
treinamento estabelecido em 2013 como parte do projeto 'Fortalecimento das Habilidades
Empresariais para Emprego de Jovens em Mianmar'. Este projeto é uma colaboração entre o
Ministério da Educação em Mianmar, UNESCO e patrocinado pela PepsiCo. O projeto se
concentra no desenvolvimento dos jovens e pretende equipar os jovens em Mianmar com
habilidades de empregabilidade e liderança. Após 6 anos de implementação, este estudo realiza
uma avaliação abrangente para identificar as realizações deste programa sob uma perspectiva
quantitativa e qualitativa. Esta avaliação contém relatórios sobre as sessões do programa de
treinamento e as operações do programa. Observando a avaliação e a análise, podemos identificar
melhor as vantagens e desvantagens competitivas deste programa, fazer as alterações necessárias
e melhorar o próximo estágio de desenvolvimento.
De acordo com os resultados, consideramos que este programa alcançou os resultados esperados
e a pesquisa de satisfação dos alunos mostrou um bom feedback geral ao nosso programa,
incluindo design de currículo e faculdades.
Para o desenvolvimento futuro, além de manter as atividades existentes, deve-se considerar mais
o desenvolvimento de competências das faculdades e o desenvolvimento de parcerias com escolas
e organizações com necessidades especiais; parceiros de negócios e organizações similares em
diferentes áreas de Mianmar.