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Journal articles on the topic 'Mycenean'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Degen, Julian Michael. "Die mykenische Löwendarstellung. Ein Fallbeispiel für die Veränderung politischer Symbolik durch Kulturkontakte." historia.scribere, no. 7 (May 19, 2015): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.7.442.

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This paper is about the introduction of the lion as symbol in the manorial system in myecenean greece. Theories were built on the archeological facts that shows a connection between Mycenae and Creta and Egypt. Early mycenean symbols of lions have an oriental look, so historians see an adoption from Egypt. Showing the integration of the symbol in the manorial system in Mycenae ist the main goal of this paper.

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2

Schofield, L., and R. B. Parkinson. "Of helmets and heretics: a possible Egyptian representation of Mycenaean warriors on a papyrus from el-Amarna." Annual of the British School at Athens 89 (November 1994): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015343.

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This paper examines the representation of soldiers on a painted papyrus from el-Amarna, recently acquired by the British Museum (EA 74100). Features include helmets and short-cropped oxhide tunics; these can be paralleled in representations from the Aegean, suggesting that the painting may show figures wearing boar's tusk helmets and Mycenaean-style tunics. This interpretation of the battle scene argues that the Egyptian iconographic repertoire included depictions of Mycenean features. This adds to the evidence for direct, rather than indirect, contacts between the two cultures.

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3

CRIELAARD, Jan Paul. "Homeric and Mycenean long-distance contacts." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 75 (January 1, 2000): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.75.0.563183.

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4

Jacobson, D. M., and M. P. Weitzman. "Black bronze and the ‘Corinthian alloy’." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (December 1995): 580–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880004369x.

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Two recent studies by A. R. Giumlia-Mair and P. T. Craddock have been devoted to a form of bronze having a blackish tint.1, 2 The authors there describe examples ancient and modern, from as far apart as Mycenean Greece, Egypt, Rome, China and Japan. In Japan such bronze is prominently represented in decorative art and known as Shakudo.

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5

Papageorgiou, Irini. "The Mycenean golden kylix of the Benaki Museum: A dubitandum?" Μουσείο Μπενάκη 8, no. 8 (October 22, 2013): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/benaki.5.

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Η χρυσή κύλικα µε αρ. ευρ. 2108 αποκτήθηκε από το Μουσείο Μπενάκη το 1939 και, χρονολογούµενη στους µυκηναϊκούς χρόνους, αποτέλεσε µαζί µε τα κοσµήµατα του «Θησαυρού της Θήβας» τον πυρήνα της προϊστορικής συλλογής του Μουσείου. Προερχόµενη από αγορά, άρα εξ ορισµού ύποπτη, δεν κίνησε παρά ελάχιστα το ενδιαφέρον του επιστηµονικού κοινού σε τέτοιο µάλιστα σηµείο ώστε να λησµονηθεί, αν και ιδιότυπη, ή µάλλον εξαιτίας αυτού. Υποψίες για την αυθεντικότητά της έχουν πάντως διατυπωθεί, αλλά µόνον ανεπισήµως. Η κύλικα έχει κατασκευαστεί από τέσσερα φύλλα χρυσού ενωµένα µεταξύ τους µε κόλληση, εκτός από το έλασµα της λαβής, το οποίο έχει στερεωθεί µε καρφιά. Από τυπολογική άποψη, παρουσιάζει στα επιµέρους µορφολογικά της στοιχεία αρκετές συνάφειες µε χρυσά µυκηναϊκά αγγεία, καθώς και µε κεραµικά δείγµατα της ΥΕΙΙ-ΙΙΙΑ1 περιόδου. Ως προς την τεχνική της κατασκευής της, είναι συµβατή σε πολλά µε όσα δεδοµένα έχουν συλλεγεί για τη µεταλ-λοτεχνία της Ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού. Τη χαρακτηρίζουν, ωστόσο, κάποιες τεχνικές ιδιαιτερότητες που σπανίζουν ανάµεσα στα αγγεία από πολύτιµα µέταλλα δεν είναι όµως ανύπαρκτες. Εξαίρεση συνιστούν τόσο ο τρόπος µε τον οποίο έχει προσηλωθεί η λαβή στο χείλος, όσο και η κατασκευή της από τέσσερα ελάσµατα. Επιπλέον, σε σηµαντικό βαθµό από τα χρυσά αιγαιακά σκεύη της 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ. αποκλίνει ως προς την ανάλυση του µετάλλου κατασκευής της. Πρόκειται για καθαρό χρυσό, στην πρωτοφανή αναλογία του 98,8% µε ελάχιστα ποσοστά αργύρου και χαλκού, ο οποίος είτε συνιστά µια σπάνια εξαίρεση αυτοφυούς χρυσού, είτε ανήκει στην κατηγορία του εξευγενισµένου. Εάν ισχύει η δεύτερη υπόθεση, η κύλικα συγκαταλέγεται µάλλον στα κίβδηλα, δεδοµένου ότι ο εξευγενισµός του χρυσού φαίνεται πως λαµβάνει χώρα µετά την εµφάνιση της νοµισµατοκοπίας. Σε κάθε περίπτωση θα πρέπει, πάντως, να υπογραµµιστεί ότι δεν διαθέτουµε πλούσια βάση δεδοµένων µε αναλύσεις επί του συνόλου των αιγαιακών χρυσών.

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6

Tournavitou, Iphigeneia. "Practical use and social function: a neglected aspect of Mycenaean pottery." Annual of the British School at Athens 87 (November 1992): 181–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015112.

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This article is concerned with the aspect of pottery function in both the domestic/personal and the public/commercial sphere, and particularly with the function of the most common pottery forms current in the Mycenean period, with special reference to material from a group of four LH III B1 houses outside the walls of Mycenae (West House, House of Shields, House of the Oil Merchant, House of Sphinxes). The primary division being between open and closed shapes, the different forms are individually examined both through practical experimentation and through a comprehensive assessment of their structural elements (size, lip form, handles, base, fabric, etc.), as well as from the point of view of current potters' practices. Many of the forms have also been encountered in earlier or later periods, the conclusions being thus applicable to a much wider context. The final section examines the distinction between primary (originally intended) and secondary functions, as well as that between containers of dry or liquid substances, with a detailed discussion of the criteria involved. Finally, the entire corpus of vessels is divided into six categories, corresponding to their usage, with special reference to primary function.

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7

Morero, Elise. "MYCENAEAN LAPIDARY CRAFTSMANSHIP: THE MANUFACTURING PROCESS OF STONE VASES." Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (April 28, 2015): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000039.

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The first substantial corpus of developed and complex stone vases emerged on the Greek mainland in the shaft graves of Mycenae (Middle Helladic III – Late Helladic I) and was certainly, in large part, of Minoan origin. However, a Mycenaean industry appeared in the Late Helladic III period, which suggests a link with Minoan technology. Indeed, there is an extremely strong possibility that expatriate craftsmen had gradually transmitted their knowledge to local Mycenaean apprentices. A technological study of a corpus of 24 stone vases from Mycenae, dated to the Late Helladic I/II–III, enables the identification and reconstruction of the manufacturing processes and techniques involved in mainland production. It appears to be the case that a great part of the Mycenaean know-how derives from contact with Minoan craftsmanship. However, if a large number of technical elements (use of tubular drilling for the hollowing process, production of the vessels in several parts) may come from a Minoan heritage, the Mycenaeans seem to have quickly developed their own approach – with their own technological emphases, serving purely Mycenaean forms. The vase, based on separately made elements, was a Minoan approach but became properly a mainland concept, which appeared far less commonly in other regions of the eastern Mediterranean. Similarly, the single-tool approach developed for the drilling process (for hollowing the interior of the vessels and for cutting the inlay decoration of the exterior), entirely based on the use of the tubular drill, is purely a native one and is uncommon among eastern Mediterranean vessel traditions. A technological study indicates also the possible coexistence of different types of organisation in the Mycenaean workshops. Thus, the manufacturing processes used, as well as the organisation of the production, are distinct from those of other eastern Mediterranean centres, including Crete.

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8

Kazimierz Lewartowski. "Combat, Myths and Seals in the Griffin Warrior Times." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 23 (December 31, 2019): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.23.2019.23.04.

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In 2015, an intaglio gem was discovered in Pylos (Messenia, Greece) from the beginning of the Late Bronze Age with a scene of two warriors in combat. This representation is part of a group of similar images on seals. The analysis of these objects allows the suggestion that the scenes depicted on them are based on the same story/myth. This story helped to build the ideology of the Mycenaean elites based on, among other things, the use of violence in social life and set patterns of behavior, while at the same time linking the Mycenaeans living in different parts of Greece, especially in Mycenae, Pylos and Vapheio. Perhaps it had an epic dimension similar to Homer’s much later work.

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9

Watkins, Calvert. "The Golden Bowl: Thoughts on the New Sappho and its Asianic Background." Classical Antiquity 26, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2007.26.2.305.

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Abstract The paper explores the relation between a set of poetic formulas in early Greek and Anatolian languages of the second and early first millennia having to do with the cosmography of the rising sun in macrocosm, and going up into bed in microcosm, with an eye to defending the reading and restoration έέρρωωιι δδέέππαασσ εειισσοομμββάάμμεενν(ααιι) in the editio princeps of the new Sappho. The Luvian word for ““sky, heaven,”” represented as a bowl in Hieroglyphic, is the likeliest source of the Greek word depas, Mycenean dipas, in the second millennium, together with the associative semantics of depas and ““heaven”” evidenced in Hittite and Luvian texts in the second millennium, and in early Greek poetry in the first.

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10

Tsilivakos, M. G., S. K. Manolis, O. Vikatou, and M. J. Papagrigorakis. "Periodontal disease in the Mycenean (1450–1150 BC) population of Aghia Triada, W. Peloponnese, Greece." International Journal of Anthropology 17, no. 2 (April 2002): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02447400.

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11

Demakopoulou, Katie. "A Mycenaean pictorial vase from Midea." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 13 (November 2, 2020): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-13-04.

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The Greek-Swedish excavations on the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea have brought to light a large amount of fine decorated pottery, which includes numerous fragmentary vases and sherds with pictorial decoration. This material has firmly established Midea as an important find-spot of figure-style pottery, like other great Mycenaean Argive centres, such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Berbati. This paper presents a remarkable pictorial vase recently found at Midea. It is a ring-based krater, almost completely restored from fragments, decorated with a row of six birds. The bird is a common motif in Mycenaean pictorial vase painting and also well attested on many other ceramic pieces at Midea, particularly the type of the folded-wing marsh bird. This type of bird is also popular at Tiryns, providing evidence that this category of pictorial pottery from the two citadels, dated to the LH IIIB2 period, was produced in the same workshop, which must have been situated at or near Tiryns. The abundant pictorial pottery from Midea and other significant discoveries at the site, such as monumental architectural remains and important finds, confirm the position of Midea as a great centre, alongside the other two Argive major citadels, Mycenae and Tiryns.

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12

Cline, E. H. "Aššuwa and the Achaeans: the ‘Mycenaean’ sword at Hattušas and its possible implications." Annual of the British School at Athens 91 (November 1996): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016439.

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It has been suggested that the inscribed bronze sword found at Hattušas in 1991 is a Mycenaean type B sword which may be used as evidence for Hittites fighting in the Trojan war against the Mycenaeans and for a historical background to the Trojan war. The present independent investigation of the sword indicates that it may well be a variant of an Aegean type B sword, but might reflect Mycenaean influence rather than outright manufacture. Moreover, a variety of evidence suggests that the sword must be interpreted in the light of events occurring not during the Trojan war, but some two hundred years prior to that war. It is possible that Mycenaean involvement in the Aššuwa rebellion c.1430 BC was recorded in contemporary Hittite documents and remembered in later Greek tradition as the legendary pre-Trojan war exploits of Achilles and other Achaean heroes in NW Anatolia.

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13

Crouwel, J. H. "Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery from Outside the Citadel of Mycenae." Annual of the British School at Athens 83 (November 1988): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540002061x.

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The six fragments newly presented here derive from the British excavations outside the citadel, conducted in the period 1950–55. They were found in various parts of the site. The material is at present (1987) kept in the Leonardo storerooms of the Archaeological Museum at Nauplia.

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Showleh, T. "Water management in the Bronze Age: Greece and Anatolia." Water Supply 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2007.009.

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While the water management systems of Minoan Crete are legendary, water management on the Greek mainland in the Mycenaean period also shows a high degree of technological sophistication. Projects considered in this paper include the draining of the Kopais Lake, generally agreed to be one of the greatest engineering achievements of early antiquity; the cistern at Mycenae with its corbelled access tunnel cut deep into the bedrock of the citadel; the twin springs at Tiryns, with their underground passageways approached through the massive ‘cyclopean’ walls; and the North Fountain on the Mycenaean Acropolis of Athens. These Mycenaean systems are compared with the remarkable underground water supply system at Troy uncovered by the recent excavations led by Manfred Korfmann, a structure which may date to the beginning of the 3rd millennium and which appears to be invoked among the deities of Wilusa (Troy) in the early-13th century treaty between Muwattalli II of Hatti and Alaksandu of Wilusa (and which may be a precursor of the famous Persian qanats).

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Crouwel, J. H. "Another Mycenaean Pictorial Vase Fragment from Berbati." Annual of the British School at Athens 84 (November 1989): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020931.

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A fragment of Mycenaean pottery with pictorial decoration probably from a deep bowl krater, a chance find picked up at Berbati and previously in a Dutch private collection has been recently deposited in the Allard Pierson Museum, Amsterdam. It depicts, partly preserved, a bird in flight. No parallels for this can be cited from Berbati, Mycenae or Tiryns, but there are similar birds on shallow bowls from Cyprus and Ras Shamra. It is suggested that the new sherd demonstrates that these pots were all made in the North East Peloponnese.

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Tournavitou, Iphiyenia. "A Mycenaean Building Reconsidered: The Case of the West House at Mycenae." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 217–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021328.

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New archival information and fresh archaeological data concerning the architecture of the West House, one of the four “Ivory” houses south of Grave Circle B at Mycenae, the most controversial and perhaps the most archaeologically handicapped member of the group, which has been described as an ideal example of a developed, freestanding Mycenaean domestic unit, a spin off from the palatial model, has prompted a detailed re-interpretation/re-assessment of the evidence and has lead to a comprehensive reconstruction of the building, more than ten years after its final publication.

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Nafplioti, Argyro. "Mycenae Revisited Part 2. Exploring the Local versus Non-local Geographical Origin of the Individuals from Grave Circle A: Evidence from Strontium Isotope Ratio (87Sr/86Sr) Analysis." Annual of the British School at Athens 104 (November 2009): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400000253.

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Strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) analysis was applied to dental enamel samples from eleven adults from Grave Circle A at Mycenae in order to investigate their local versus non-local geographical origin. The results of this analysis suggest a relatively high intra-sample variation in 87Sr/86Sr values for the Grave Circle A Mycenaeans. Based on these results, only two individuals may be identified as locals at Mycenae. Of the other nine individuals, three may be identified as non-locals at this site. Because two of these are the only females from Grave Circle A tested for 87Sr/86Sr it is tentatively suggested that this finding may reflect marital patterns and the non-local origin of the females associated with high social ranking at Mycenae. However, owing to the paucity of data on the biologically available strontium at sites in the Aegean, it cannot be established with certainty whether the individuals identified as non-locals originated a few dozen or hundreds of kilometres away from Mycenae. Finally, conclusions on the local versus non-local origin of the remaining six individuals are tentative. Their ratios may equally to a non-local origin reflect a variegated diet that comprised ‘non-local’ amongst ‘local’ foodstuffs, which would not be unexpected for a Mycenaean palace economy of the ‘redistributive’ type.Η ανάλυση της ισοτοπικής αναλογίας του στροντίου (87Sr/86Sr) εφαρμόστηκε σε δείγματα οδοντικού σμάλτου από έντεκα ενήλικες από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Α στις Μυκήνες προκειμένου να διερευνυθεί η τοπική ή μη-τοπική γεωγραφική τους προέλευση. Σύμφωνα με τα απολέσματα των αναλύσεων παρατηρείται υψηλή ενδο-πληθυσμνακή ποικιλότητα σε 87Sr/86Sr τιμές για τους Μυκηναίους από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Α. Μόνο δύο από τα εξεταστένθα άτομα ταυτοποιήθηκαν ως αυτόχθονες στις Μυκήνες. Από τα υπόλοιπα εννέα, τρία άτομα χαρακτηρίστηκαν επήλυδες. Επειδή τα δύο από τα τρία αυτά άτομα είναι οι μόνες γυναίκες από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Α, στις οποίες έγινε δειγματοληψία για την ανάλυση της ισοτοπικής αναλογίας του στροντίου, με επιφύλαξη προτείνεται ότι τα απολέσματα που παρουσιάζονται εδώ είναι πιθανό να αντικατοπτρίζουν γαμήλιες πρακτικές και τη μη-τοπική προέλευση των γυναικών από τα ανώτερα κοννωνικά στρώματα στις Μυκήνες. Ωστόσο, λόγω του εξαιρετικά μνκρού αριθμού δεδομένων για το βιολογικά διαθέσιμο στρόντιο σε θέσεις του Αιγαιακού χώρου, δεν είναι δυνατό να καθοριστεί με βεβαιότητα ο τόπος προέλευσής τους, ο οποίος μπορεί να απέχει μερικές δεκάδες ή εκατοντάδες χιλιόμετρα απο τις Μυκήνες. Τέλος, λιγότερο σαφή είναι τα συμπεράσματα για την προέλευση των υπόλοιπων έξι εξεταστέντων ατόμων. Οι τιμές 87Sr/86Sr είναι δυνατόν σε συνδυασμό με μια μη-τοπική καταγωγή των εν λόγω ατόμων να αντικατοπτρίζουν ποικιλία ‘τοπικών’ και ‘μη-τοπικών’ τροφών στη δίαιτά τους. Το συμπέρασμα αυτό δε μας ξαφνιάζει σε μια οικονομία του ‘αναδιανεμητικού’ τύπου, στον οποίο υποστηρίζεται πως ανήκει η Μυκηναϊκή οικονομία της ανακτορικής εποχής.

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Zadka, Małgorzata. "Differences in the level of literacy between Minoan and Mycenaean societies in the light of the analysis of types and probable use of inscribed objects." Lingua Posnaniensis 54, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-012-0010-4.

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Abstract Małgorzata Zadka. Differences in the Level of Literacy between Minoan and MycenaeanSocieties in the Light of the Analysis of Types and Probable use of Inscribed Objects. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. L IV (1)/2012. T he P oznań Society for the A dvancement of the A rts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-103-7, pp. 133-138. The aim of this paper is to present the suspected differences in the level of literacy between Minoan and Mycenian populations. Through the analysis of the number and type of preserved objects, which were inscribed in Linear A and comparing the results with the type of artefacts inscribed in Linear B we are able to define the original function of script in both cultures. The preserved epigraphic and archaeological material may indicate that the writing skills were more prevalent in the earlier Minoan than in the Mycenaean era.

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Efkleidou, Kalliopi. "Walking your Way to Death. Exploring the Relation Between the Location of Mycenaean Chamber Tombs and Roads in the Argolid." Open Archaeology 5, no. 1 (December 17, 2019): 484–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2019-0030.

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AbstractA persistent issue with the study of Late Bronze Age (ca. 1600–1100 BCE) chamber tombs in Mainland Greece remains our limited understanding of the factors that governed the choice of location for their construction. Mee and Cavanagh (1990) examined various parameters, such as religious beliefs, distance from settlement, the tombs’ use as territorial markers or relation to roads. They remained, however, inconclusive. The present study revisits this theme, but focuses on one of the factors formerly discussed, that is the relation of the tombs’ locations to roads. As the most extensive record of Mycenaean roads is preserved at the settlement of Mycenae in the Argolid and its hinterland, this site is considered to be the best case-study for analysis. In order to ascertain the significance of roads on the locations chosen for the chamber tombs, this paper builds a methodological approach that makes use of GIS-based mobility analysis and historical cartography. The analysis has shown that, at least at Mycenae, issues of accessibility to the tombs did not play as crucial role as the actual performance of rituals such as the funerary procession. It also sheds light on the form funerary processions probably took at Mycenae and on common notions of wheeled traffic use for the transfer of the dead to their tomb.

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20

Aulsebrook, Stephanie Jane. "Understanding the role of metal within the Late Bronze Age community at Mycenae: challenges and potential approaches." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, no. 29/2 (December 31, 2020): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam29.2.10.

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Metal has been widely argued as playing a decisive role in the development of Mycenae, which became one of the foremost centers on the Late Bronze Age Greek mainland. Yet, little is understood as to how metals were integrated into the lives of the inhabitants. Most scholarship has concentrated on the relationship between the ruling class and metal artifacts, drawing much of the evidence from the Linear B archives and top-down models of trade, society and internal redistribution that are increasingly considered untenable within the study of other aspects of Mycenaean life. This paper presents a new project, which uses a practice-orientated approach based around object biographies to study the use of metal across the entire social spectrum of the Late Bronze Age community at Mycenae (approximately 1700–1050 BC). The benefits of such an approach are discussed through a case study that examines the unexpected absence of gold vessels from the Palatial period archaeological record from the perspective of social practice and demonstrates how the holistic use of evidence from multiple sources can help overcome the difficulties inherent in the study of the use of metal in past societies.

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21

Simpson, R. Hope. "The Dodecanese and the Ahhiyawa question." Annual of the British School at Athens 98 (November 2003): 203–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016853.

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The recently reaffirmed identifications of Millawanda (= Miletos) and Apasa (= Ephesos) in the Hittite archives also confirm that interaction between Ahhiyawa and the Hittites was mainly in South-West Anatolia. Since Ahhiyawa was ‘across the sea’ from there, it is now shown to have been one of the ‘kingdoms’ of Mycenaean Greece. The Dodecanese Islands have been proposed, where a population increase may have been accompanied by immigration from the Argolid. But, even if combined with part of the Anatolian mainland opposite, the Dodecanese would not have been sufficiently important, since at least one king of Ahhiyawa was addressed as an equal by a Hittite Great King. Of the other suggested identifications, only Mycenae possessed the power and international status indicated. The Dodecanese seem marked as ‘the islands’, mentioned in the Hittite texts both as belonging to Ahhiyawa and as a haven for persons fleeing Hittite retribution.

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22

Thomas, Patrick M., and P. A. Mountjoy. "Mycenaean Athens." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 1 (January 1997): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506283.

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23

Wiencke, Martha Heath. "Mycenaean Lerna." Hesperia 67, no. 2 (April 1998): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148404.

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Muhly, Polymnia. "Furniture from the shaft graves: the occurrence of wood in Aegean burials of the Bronze Age." Annual of the British School at Athens 91 (November 1996): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016476.

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Certain wooden fragments from tomb V at Mycenae are identified as parts of two small tripod tables, which constitute the best-preserved furniture from the prehistoric Aegean. As the epigraphic, iconographic, and archaeological evidence demonstrates, wooden furniture was not common in the Aegean area and belonged chiefly to prosperous persons, who rarely provided it to the dead. Statistically rare, though more widely known, are the wooden structures used from the end of MM III to the LH/LM III A2 period for burials, nearly all richly endowed (with weapons, metal vessels, ornaments, even with furniture). In tombs with multiple burials the dead person, placed on a bed or a bier, is isolated and raised above the others. Burial in a coffin, of whatever material, constitutes a means of individualizing the dead: the wooden coffin has additional value. Thus these modes of burial are explained as one of the customs adopted during the New Palace and Early Mycenaean period, in order to demonstrate the social and economic status of the prominent dead.

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Jiménez Delgado, José Miguel. "Mycenaean words related to τρέπω and στρέφω." Indo-European Linguistics 5, no. 1 (2017): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00501001.

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This paper deals with the Mycenaean representatives of three IE verbal roots: *terk u̯ - ‘twist’, *trep- ‘turn’ and *streg u̯h - ‘turn, rotate’. Mycenaean data show that the derivatives of *terk u̯ - were still differentiated before the loss of labiovelar stops in post-Mycenaean times and that the verb στρέφω ‘turn, twist, rotate’ stems from *streg u̯h -. Semantic interference among these roots is already underway in the Mycenaean period, anticipating the convergence of *terk u̯ - with *trep- and *streg u̯h - in the first millennium.

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Hamilakis, Yannis. "A footnote on the archaeology of power: animal bones from a Mycenaean chamber tomb at Galatas, NE Peloponnese." Annual of the British School at Athens 91 (November 1996): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016440.

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The zooarchaeological remains from a Mycenaean chamber tomb (LH II B–IIIc early) at Apatheia, Galatas, NE Peloponnese, are analysed and discussed. The bones offer evidence for mortuary dining ritual and for the ritual deposition of dog skeletons. The latter practice in Mycenaean burials is discussed and, contrary to previous interpretation, is connected to the social and ideological role of hunting in Mycenaean society.

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Günel, Sevinç. "Mycenaean cultural impact on the Çine (Marsyas) plain, southwest Anatolia: the evidence from Çine-Tepecik." Anatolian Studies 60 (December 2010): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600001009.

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AbstractTepecik is situated in the province of Aydın, on the edge of the Çine valley that forms the southern branch of the Maeander river system. It is located on a mountain pass extending towards the south, as well as on a natural passageway through the mountain range on the western side of the Çine plain. Its location on a number of natural routes is reflected in the material culture of the site, which displays both local (western Anatolian) and Aegean elements. The Late Bronze Age cultural remains from Çine-Tepecik include a group of Mycenaean pottery, presented and assessed in this study, that can be dated to the LH III B1 to LH III C period (ca. 1320/1300–1190/1090 BC) based on decorative style and typology. Both the locally produced and imported Mycenaean ceramics at Çine-Tepecik reflect characteristic vessel forms and decorative elements of Mycenaean decorated pottery. In particular, the motifs used in the decoration of the vessels resemble those of the later phases of the Mycenaean decorative style and exemplify the decorated pottery tradition of the period. The later phases of Mycenaean culture are noteworthy for the distribution of the culture across a wide area, including the eastern Aegean islands and the coastal region of western Anatolia. The Mycenaean finds from Çine-Tepecik demand a re-evaluation and an extension of the Mycenaean cultural sphere in this period to include Çine (Marsyas).

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Aravantinos, Vassilis L., Ioannis Fappas, and Yannis Galanakis. "ATOP THE KADMEIA: MYCENAEAN ROOF TILES FROM THEBES IN CONTEXT." Annual of the British School at Athens 115 (November 17, 2020): 175–245. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824542000009x.

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Questions were raised in the past regarding the use of Mycenaean tiles as ‘roof tiles’ on the basis of the small numbers of them recovered in excavations and their overall scarcity in Mycenaean domestic contexts. The investigation of the Theodorou plot in 2008 in the southern part of the Kadmeia hill at Thebes yielded the single and, so far, largest known assemblage per square metre of Mycenaean tiles from a well-documented excavation. This material allows, for the first time convincingly, to identify the existence of a Mycenaean tiled roof. This paper presents the results of our work on the Theodorou tiles, placing emphasis on their construction, form and modes of production, offering the most systematic study of Mycenaean tiles to date. It also revisits contexts of discovery of similar material from excavations across Thebes. Popular as tiles might have been in Boeotia, and despite their spatially widespread attestation, their use in Aegean Late Bronze Age architecture appears, on the whole, irregular with central Greece and the north-east Peloponnese being the regions with the most sites known to have yielded such objects. Mycenaean roof tiles date mostly from the mid- and late fourteenth century bc to the twelfth century bc. A study of their construction, form, production and contexts suggests that their role, apart from adding extra insulation, might have been one of signposting certain buildings in the landscape. We also present the idea that Mycenaean tile-making was guided by a particular conventional knowledge which was largely influenced by ceramic-related technologies (pottery- and drain-making). While production of roof tiles might have been palace-instigated to begin with, it does not appear to have been strictly controlled. This approach to Mycenaean tile-making may also help explain their uneven (in terms of intensity of use) yet widespread distribution.

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Steel, Louise. "The social impact of Mycenaean imported pottery in Cyprus." Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (November 1998): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400003464.

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Large quantities of imported Mycenaean pottery are found in Cyprus between the late fifteenth and mid-thirteenth centuries BC, usually in ceremonial or funerary contexts. This article examines the role and value of the Mycenaean imports in Late Cypriot contexts. It is suggested that the incorporation of certain elements of the Mycenaean ceramic repertoire within Late Cypriot funerary ritual had a dramatic impact on the indigenous pottery industry.

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Demakopoulou, Katie, Nicoletta Divari-Valakou, Joseph Maran, Hans Mommsen, Susanne Prillwitz, and Gisela Walberg. "Clay paste characterization and provenance determination of Middle and Late Helladic vessels from Midea." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 10 (November 2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-10-02.

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Results of the Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) of 61 pottery samples of Middle and Late Helladic date from recent excavations in Midea are presented. Chronologically, the sampled pieces fall into two groups, the first of Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I/II, the second of LH III date, with most samples dating to LH IIIB or IIIC. The analyses suggest an Argive/North-eastern Peloponnesian provenance for the majority of the sampled pottery, since 26 of the samples are assigned to the NAA group Mycenae-Berbati (MYBE) and 15 to the NAA group Tiryns (TIR), including their subgroups. In addition to the two main groups the analyses include three other categories: “non-Argive”, unlocated, and singles. The differentiation into a small number of distinct chemical patterns is much more evident in the second chronological group of sampled pottery than in the earlier one which comprises a variety of chemical patterns in a small number of samples. Evidently, during the Mycenaean Palatial period several specialized workshops operated in the wider region of the North-eastern Peloponnese for the production of fine and coarse ware pottery in large quantities.

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Shear, Ione Mylonas. "Mycenaean Centaurs Still." Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246157.

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FRAGMENTARY Mycenaean terracottas are unquestionably difficult to interpret, particularly when seen only in photographs. In an attempt to question the identity of the Ugarit figurine now in the Aleppo Museum as a centaur it is claimed that an added strip of clay was attached to the preserved upright portion of the figurine and that the curving sides of the upper section were painted a solid colour. Both observations are incorrect. Since the new identification of this figurine is based on these incorrect observations, the new identification itself remains questionable.

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Mountjoy, P. A. "Regional Mycenaean Pottery." Annual of the British School at Athens 85 (November 1990): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015677.

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A few points are illustrated concerning regional Mycenaean pottery from the Greek mainland dating from LHIIA to LHIIIC Late. It has been suggested that the use of certain motifs on certain closed shapes was perhaps as a label for the contents of the vase. Early Mycenaean regional styles in peripheral areas, such as Thessaly and Phocis, are discussed and regional preferences during the LHIIIA2–IIIB koine are mentioned. The influence of Crete on Mycenaean pottery in Laconia and Messenia during these phases is demonstrated. Contacts between the Ionian islands and the north-west Peloponnese with other areas in LHIIIC Late are noted.

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Crouwel, J. H. "Another Mycenaean Horse-leader?" Annual of the British School at Athens 86 (November 1991): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400014891.

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A fragment of Mycenaean pictorial pottery, unprovenanced and now in Florence, is published. It depicts, partly preserved, a man standing between two (chariot ?) horses. This is the so-called horse-leader motif, illustrated on only one or two other Mycenaean vases but well-known from late Geometric Argive and Attic vase painting.It is suggested that the reappearance of the motif in the 8th cent. B.C. may be explained not as inspired by surviving Mycenaean models but as an independent creation.

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Crouwel, J. H., and C. E. Morris. "THE MINOAN AMPHOROID KRATER: FROM PRODUCTION TO CONSUMPTION." Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (July 21, 2015): 147–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245414000197.

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This article focuses on a distinct type of clay vessel which formed part of both the Late Minoan and the Mycenaean repertoire: the amphoroid krater.In contrast to the Mycenaean version of the shape, with its often elaborate decoration of chariots and other pictorial designs, the Minoan amphoroid krater has up to now not received much attention. The present paper intends to redress this imbalance by exploring the origin and development of the Minoan amphoroid krater, its function(s) and its relationship with its Mycenaean counterpart.

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Steel, Louise. "Representations of a shrine on a Mycenaean chariot krater from Kalavasos–Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus." Annual of the British School at Athens 89 (November 1994): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015367.

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An important tomb group was discovered during the 1992 excavations of the Late Cypriot II town at Kalavasos–Ayios Dhimitrios. The tomb contained large quantities of Mycenaean ceramics, ranging in date between LH III A 2 and III B. Of particular importance was a chariot krater with the representation on both sides of a shrine, surmounted by horns of consecration, housing a seated female figure. As yet the iconography is unmatched among the known corpus of Mycenaean pictorial vases, though it appears to be related to Minoan–Mycenaean iconography known from other media.

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Daniel J. Pullen. "Crafts, Specialists, and Markets in Mycenaean Greece. Exchanging the Mycenaean Economy." American Journal of Archaeology 117, no. 3 (2013): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.117.3.0437.

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Vaessen, Rik. "Cosmopolitanism, communality and the appropriation of Mycenaean pottery in western Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 66 (2016): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154616000041.

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AbstractThe presence of imported and locally produced Mycenaean pottery in western Anatolia has long caught the attention of scholars, and various explanatory models have been proposed to explain the apparent attractiveness of the pottery. In most cases, however, emphasis is placed on the (stylistic) differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various local plain wares, and it is assumed that these differences were actively recognised by local communities and exploited in the formation of social identities. This paper, however, pilots a different approach that focuses not on the stylistic differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various Anatolian wares but on the (perceived) common ground(s) between them and argues that the attractiveness of Mycenaean, and previously Minoan pottery, lay not so much in its cultural origins or its ‘foreignness’ as in its potential to fit in with existing local material assemblages and enhance a sense of communality among cosmopolitan communities.

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Crouwel, J. H., and C. E. Morris. "Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery from Tell Atchana (Alalakh)." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007504.

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Considerable quantities of Mycenaean pottery were recovered by the late Sir Leonard Woolley from the site of Tell Atchana (Alalakh) in the Hatay province of Turkey, close to the Syrian border. This paper brings together the largely unpublished, Mycenaean pictorial pottery from the site. The Atchana material contributes examples both of standard chariot scenes and other less familiar themes to the corpus of pictorial pottery. The question of the dating of early pictorial pottery is briefly reconsidered. In addition to its artistic and chronological interest, the material from Tell Atchana also highlights the existence of not inconsiderable quantities of Mycenaean pictorial pottery in the Near East as well as in Cyprus.

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Rutter, Jeremy B., and Penelope A. Mountjoy. "Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery." American Journal of Archaeology 105, no. 4 (October 2001): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507423.

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Pilafidis-Williams, Korinna. "No Mycenaean Centaurs Yet." Journal of Hellenic Studies 124 (November 2004): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246156.

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IONE Mylonas Shear claims in her article in JHS 2002 that two Mycenaean animal figurines from Ugarit, only one of which has been previously published, represent Mycenaean centaurs and are thus predecessors of centaurs of the historical period. It is quite clear, however, that both belong to the so-called ‘abbreviated group’ figurines, which consist of driven oxen – ‘plough’ (PLATE 8a) – or single chariots, as identified by E.B. French and further defined by me in my work on the terracottas from the Sanctuary of Aphaia on Aigina. In an abbreviated group there is only one animal instead of two, with one human, sometimes two, standing at the rear of the animal, in or behind a small or almost non-existent box or balustrade. According to what animal head is at the front of the figurine, either horse or bovine, it is an abbreviated chariot or, much more commonly, a driven ox. In the fully preserved pieces the head of the driver always faces towards the animal head.

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Shear, Ione Mylonas. "Mycenaean centaurs at Ugarit." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246210.

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AbstractThe identification of two Mycenaean terracotta centaurs from the excavations at Ras Shamra-Ugarit suggests a Bronze Age origin for the centaurs known from the historic periods of Greece. The Mycenaean centaurs from Ras Shamra-Ugarit are compared to the later examples from the Greek mainland. No continuous artistic tradition can be identified among the preserved examples. Since writing ceased to be used in Greece in the Iron Age and no artistic trend connecting the different representations of centaurs can be seen, it is suggested here that the concept of centaurs was transmitted by way of the oral tradition.

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YAMAKAWA, Hiroshi. "Ships in Mycenaean Greece." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 40, no. 2 (1997): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.40.2_34.

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43

Meißner, Torsten. "Notes on Mycenaean spelling." Cambridge Classical Journal 53 (2007): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000063.

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Ever since the decipherment of Linear B, a large amount has been written on Mycenaean spelling. The basic rules were established very quickly, although the debate is still continuing as to the theoretical basis of Mycenaean spelling; various models have been proposed here. One of the most serious problems for all existing models is that at the edges, there is spelling variation that simply cannot be captured by one and the same algorithm. Here, we shall look at two such cases:• the graphic rendering of the subphonemic glides j and w as in e.g. i-je-re-u, a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo which can be contrasted with later Greek ἱερεύς and ἀλεκτρυών where the glides are not or not routinely indicated;• and so-called plene writing; this term is used in a variety of meanings. Here, we shall deal with the graphic rendering of consonants in the coda of final syllables where the standard spelling rules would predict their omission, e.g. wa-na-ka rendering /wanaks/ where the spelling rules would predict a rendering wa-na.

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Delgado, José Miguel Jiménez. "Mycenaean te-re-ja." Historical Linguistics 126, no. 1 (November 2013): 207–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2013.126.1.207.

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45

Bouzek, J. "Late bronze age Greece and the Balkans: a review of the present picture." Annual of the British School at Athens 89 (November 1994): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015380.

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This article brings a reassessment of the survey of relations published in the author's 1985 book. The discrepancy in chronology seems now to be much nearer to a solution: more material evidence is known from the frontier area and from the Balkans in general, thus enlarging the documentation of the extent of Mycenaean influence in the north, and also clarifying the situation in Late Mycenaean times, when various northern influences were felt in Mycenaean Greece. The crisis at the end of the Aegean Bronze Age was connected with an influx of new populations, though substantial local traditions were also retained. The joint efforts of tradition and innovation prepared the further development of Greece.

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BENNET, JOHN. "‘LITERACIES’ – 60+ YEARS OF ‘READING’ THE AEGEAN LATE BRONZE AGE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00076.x.

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Abstract Inaugurated in January 1954, the ‘Minoan Linear B Seminar’ explored the information emerging from Ventris' decipherment of Linear B in 1952. The new academic discipline of ‘Mycenaean Studies’ rapidly moved on from questions influenced by the field's ‘pre-history’ dating back a further 60 years to Evans' first publication on Aegean scripts. Intense philological and epigraphical research in the 1950s and 1960s laid the foundations for comparative study of the Mycenaean palatial societies, while a greater appreciation of archaeological data and contexts moved interpretation on in the 1980s and 1990s. Building on this tradition, Mycenaean studies currently needs more documents to sustain a ‘critical mass’ of researchers and, ideally, a new Ventris to unlock the Aegean scripts that remain undeciphered.

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Kosinkova-Stoeva, Angelina. "FASHION DESIGN ON THE BASE OF AN INVESTIGATION OF MINOAN COSTUME AND ART." Applied Researches in Technics, Technologies and Education 7, no. 4 (2019): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15547/artte.2019.04.002.

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The paper presents an investigation of forms, ornaments and colors in Minoan female costume and arts (Minoan, Mycenaean and Aegean artefacts) with a main purpose of their application in contemporary fashion design. The analysis of the studied artefacts shows that the basic silhouette and the shapes of element and pieces, ornaments and colors in Minoan, Mycenaean and Aegean female costume, presented in statuettes, frescoes and jewels, and the ornaments and colors of Minoan, Mycenaean and Aegean frescoes, ceramics, and jewellery can be applied in the design of modern ladies’ clothing, jewels and accessories. On the base of the results of the investigation designs of seven fashion ensembles of ladies’ dresses in combinations with suitable jewels and bags have been created.

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Crouwel, J. H., and C. E. Morris. "An Early Mycenaean Fish Krater from Maroni, Cyprus." Annual of the British School at Athens 82 (November 1987): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020293.

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The fragments of an early Mycenaean pictorial krater decorated with fish from Maroni in Cyprus are discussed and illustrated. The piece is considered within the broader context of contemporary representations, and it is suggested that Minoan representations of bird and fish motifs provided the inspiration for the use of these two themes in the early stages of Mycenaean vase-painting.

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Isaakidou, Valasia, Paul Halstead, Jack Davis, and Sharon Stocker. "Burnt animal sacrifice at the Mycenaean ‘Palace of Nestor’, Pylos." Antiquity 76, no. 291 (March 2002): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00089833.

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The burnt sacrifice of bare (defleshed) bones, described in Homer's Odyssey and well documented from Archaic and Classical Greece, is now clearly attested by burnt faunal remains from the ‘Palace of Nestor’ at Mycenaean Pylos. This evidance is of great importance for understanding both the historical role of sacrifice in Greek religion and the significance of fensting in Mycenaean palatial society.

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Pierini, Rachele. "AB 54+04, Mycenaean te-pa, alphabetic Greek τήβεννα, Latin toga: semantic remarks and possible Near East parallels." Journal of Latin Linguistics 17, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2018-0005.

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Abstract Fabrics referred to by Linear A ligature AB 54+04, Mycenaean te-pa, alphabetic Greek τήβεννα, and Latin toga are likely to indicate different objects. However, a contextual analysis of these terms highlights that they show considerable similarities, such as the raw material employed (wool) and the huge quantity of product used for their manufacture. Given that it is already well known that τήβεννα is the Greek word used to refer to Latin toga, this paper will present further arguments to extend such a comparison, but this time on semantic grounds, to Mycenaean te-pa and, possibly, also to AB 54+04. Moreover, it will be argued that Mycenaean te-pa could also find a possible parallel in an Eastern term referring to a fabric or a garment.

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