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Journal articles on the topic 'Mythology, Congolese (Democratic Republic)'
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1
Luhahi, Jacqueline Nembe Songu. "Leadership of University Women for Development in the Democratic Republic of Congo." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341340.
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As perceived protectors of the Congolese cultures figuratively and realistically and agents of positive economic and social changes, the role and the place of the Congolese women in general in the development schemes cannot be denied. However, intellectual debates about what the Congolese society at large expects the Congolese university women to contribute to the discourses about development and its various models have not been systematically studied. While, for instance, the discourse about the parity between women and men in the workplace is being promoted by the government, the studies on gender in higher education is still in its infancy. This study investigates women’s role within the context of the evolution of educational systems and their values since the Belgian administration. It examines educational policies in relationship to the models of development that both colonial and post-colonial administrations formulated and implemented. Although the study is essentially a reflection, putting an emphasis on conceptualization and theories, it is also supported by historical and cultural arguments and propositions. It is argued that the Congolese university women have ‘citizenry responsibility’ and ‘university education and engagement’ to propose new leadership role in development. Using historical-structuralist perspectives as developed in social sciences at large, I analyze further the issue of the nature of the relationship between the place and the role of university and that of leadership and development. I raise the issue of whether or not the Congolese university women’s leadership matters in the search for developmental models in the Congo.
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Rich, Jeremy. "Zaire for Jesus: Ford Philpot’s Evangelical Crusades in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1966-1978." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 1 (2013): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341242.
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Abstract This essay explores how Congolese Protestants developed a partnership with Kentucky-born Methodist evangelist Ford Philpot from 1966 to 1978. Philpot’s revival tours allowed Congolese clergy to negotiate as equals with U.S. Protestants, marking a major change from the dominant role of missionaries prior to independence in 1960. During and after Philpot’s crusades Congolese Protestants wrote Philpot about their spiritual views and their troubles in Mobutu’s Zaire. Instead of being merely passive followers of Philpot’s evangelical and charismatic preaching, Congolese sought to use him as a source of financial patronage as well as spiritual support. This essay questions common assumptions regarding U.S.-Congolese ties under Mobutu, and investigates how the rise of evangelical Christianity in postcolonial Africa was clearly shaped by cold war concerns as well as anxieties over national identity and the rise of African dictatorships.
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Sidorova, G. M. "Who is Responsible for Instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-29-36.
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The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.
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Maiden, Emily K. "Transformative Peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 1-2 (June 9, 2014): 102–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1802005.
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This article critiques the potential success of the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework for the drc and the Region—signed on February 24, 2013—against the backdrop of the 1999 Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, which failed to end the Second Congo War. The 1999 Agreement failed because its overall design, coupled with the socio-political climate in the region at the time, resulted in a ‘no war, no peace’ scenario. These failures were furthered by the overall inability of the international peacebuilding community to design and implement a peace strategy in the drc that aligned with the needs of the Congolese people. If the 2013 Framework is to succeed, what is required is a transformation of the peace process, which will incorporate the Congolese civil society, avoid restrictive timelines, and focus on securing realistic commitments. By critically analyzing both the 1999 Agreement and the broader conflict-resolution and peacebuilding processes, international peace practitioners can learn from the situation in the drc and use the revised peace model this article outlines to promote true and lasting peace in regional conflicts across the developing world.
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KAHOMBO, Balingene. "The promises and realization of the right to development in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." KAS African Law Study Library - Librairie Africaine d’Etudes Juridiques 7, no. 3 (2020): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6262-2020-3-391.
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This paper examines, from a legal and socio-economic perspective, how the right to development materializes its promises and realization in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In this regards, it analyzes its incorporation in the Congolese legal order, defines its constituent elements, and the measures which have been adopted to implement the constitutional framework. It also identifies challenges to the right to development in the DRC and permissive conditions for its effective enjoyment. The main conclusion is that the right to development enshrined in the Congolese law remains more a matter of claims and aspirations than a tangible reality reflecting an increase in the quality of life of the Congolese people. Obstacles to the realization and enjoyment of the right to development include the adverse effects of capitalist liberalism, the extraversion of Congolese development policies, and the culture of predation which dates back to the colonial period. The Congolese leadership has a historic responsibility to trigger or impose the much needed change. This will require not only the integration of the DRC’s international commitments in its domestic development policies based on an internal dynamic putting Congolese at the center of every socio-economic initiative, but also a state which has effective authority over its territory to defend the rule of law, is more interventionist so as to stop the current intentional destruction of the country, and promotes ethical behaviours in public services.
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Clevenger, Casey. "Constructing Spiritual Motherhood in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Gender & Society 34, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243219872464.
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Drawing on an ethnographic study of Roman Catholic sisters in the Democratic Republic of Congo, I show how women in the Global South draw on religious imagery to redefine cultural ideals of womanhood and family responsibility. By taking the religious vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, the Congolese sisters I interviewed seemingly betray local expectations regarding women’s responsibility to reproduce and repair the clan. Although sisters’ vows subject them to social ridicule for violating cultural expectations to bear children and support kin, they devise new strategies to negotiate the connection between womanhood and the maternal role of caregiver and nurturer outside of marriage and fertility. In social ministries that affirm their communal, moral, and spiritual ties to others, the sisters realize these cultural ideals through a “spiritual motherhood” that transforms their traditional heteronormative obligations. Framing their decision to live outside accepted kinship structures in religious terms mutes the radicalness of this lifestyle and provides religious legitimation for what would otherwise be considered a selfish choice for a woman acting independent of family well-being. In this context, I demonstrate how doing religion is inseparable from doing gender as Catholic sisters embody alternative ways of being a woman in post-colonial Congolese society through their religious practices.
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Büscher, Karen, Sigurd D'hondt, and Michael Meeuwis. "Recruiting a nonlocal language for performing local identity: Indexical appropriations of Lingala in the Congolese border town Goma." Language in Society 42, no. 5 (October 11, 2013): 527–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404513000651.
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AbstractThis article describes discursive processes by which inhabitants of the Congolese border town Goma attribute new indexical values to Lingala, a language exogenous to the area of which most Goma inhabitants only possess limited knowledge. This creative reconfiguration of indexicalities results in the emergence of three “indexicalities of the second order”: the indexing of (i) being a true Congolese, (ii) toughness (based on Lingala's association with the military), and (iii) urban sophistication (based on its association with the capital Kinshasa). While the last two second-order reinterpretations are also widespread in other parts of the Congolese territory, the first one, resulting in the emergence of a Lingala as an “indexical icon” of a corresponding “language community,” deeply reflects local circumstances and concerns, in particular the sociopolitical volatility of the Rwandan-Congolese borderland that renders publicly affirming one's status as an “autochthonous” Congolese pivotal for assuring a livelihood and at times even personal security. (Lingala, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Goma, orders of indexicality, language community, autochthony, Kiswahili)*
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Umubyeyi, Beatrice, and Oliver Mtapuri. "Approaches to Marital Conflict Resolution: A Perspective of Democratic Republic of Congo Migrants Living in Durban, South Africa." Journal of Family Issues 40, no. 8 (March 6, 2019): 1065–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x19833092.
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The aim of this article is to expound on existing approaches to marital conflicts resolution among Congolese migrant families, their functioning, and their effectiveness. The theoretical framework within which this study is constructed is conflict transformation theory. This is a qualitative study involving in-depth interviews with 16 migrants comprising 8 men and 8 women from Democratic Republic of Congo living in Durban as well as two church leaders and two church counselors from where the participants were selected. Participants were identified in two selected Congolese migrant churches. The study found out that there are several approaches to marital conflict resolution. Negotiation and mediation were considered the most significant approaches used in resolving marital conflict among Congolese migrant families living in Durban. Culture matters in marital conflict resolution. Because of patriarchy, negotiation becomes a less effective approach to marital conflict resolution because the men believe they have the upper hand in marriage. Power is embedded in relationships, and negotiation has connotations of power relations and how power is distributed and dispensed in a given society. In circumstances in which women are emancipated, equality between men and women can be eventuated.
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Makungu, Ursil Lelo Di, Blaise Iyamba Valentin, Augustin Bedidjo Ular, Daddy Bogole Bolimia, Juvénal Madigo Ntekenge, Richard Mandandi Akemane, Martin Amisa Zogi, Nadyne-Clémence Chalachala, Didier Okoto Lofongola, and Ibrahim Tshimpanga. "Hydrocarbon Governance and Environmental Protection in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Recht in Afrika 23, no. 1 (2020): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2020-1-103.
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The Congolese hydrocarbons sector is one of the key areas of the national economy and constitutes one of the main resources for financing the state budget. However, the uncontrolled exploitation of hydrocarbons can have consequences on the environment as a whole, which is a natural resource essential to human life and to terrestrial and marine biodiversity. To this end, the first principle of the Stockholm Declaration adopted by the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment states that “Man has a fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being. He has a solemn duty to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations”. From the above, the protection of the environment is part of the international commitments of States to promote, in particular, sustainable development. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), on the other hand, the lack of an adequate policy on hydrocarbon exploitation and environmental protection has enormous repercussions and unfortunate consequences on the entire Congolese population despite the absolute poverty that the latter is already experiencing. This paper awaits the implementation of adequate proposals to enable policy makers to know where to start in order to ensure sound hydrocarbon governance and sustainable environmental protection in the DRC. It is also a question of demonstrating that sound governance of hydrocarbons and environmental protection requires, in particular, the participation and efforts of everyone: first of all a political will, then a strong involvement of the public authorities, of the companies which invest in the hydrocarbons sector, and a change in the mentalities of the citizens for the integral and sustainable development of the DRC in line with its hydrocarbon potential.
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Sheeran, Scott P. "A Constitutional Moment?: United Nations Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of Congo." International Organizations Law Review 8, no. 1 (2011): 55–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157237411x584066.
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AbstractThe United Nations (UN) is the world's most prominent international organization, and a key issue is its responsibility under international law. The contemporary growth in UN powers and activities has not been matched by parallel developments in accountability and checks and balances within the UN legal order. This was recently brought to the fore in the instance of UN peacekeepers providing support to Congolese army forces responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. It became a significant public issue and the Secretary-General eventually withdrew UN support from a unit of the Congolese army. This article demonstrates that this withdrawal of support by the Secretary-General represents a constitutional moment for the United Nations. It confirmed a key premise that the Secretary-General is normatively constrained under the Charter, including by the Organization's obligations, when implementing the decisions of the Security Council. This is a legal development which engages a number of emerging and uncertain areas of international law relating to the United Nations, including the UN's constitutional law, the responsibility of international organizations, the substantive obligations of the Organization, and the role of international law in peace and security. Recognizing this important development not only confirms the Secretary-General's legal responsibility under the Charter, it reinforces the view of the Charter as a living instrument and provides an effective and important means for incorporating the law of responsibility into the UN constitutional order and a check upon the expansive application of the Security Council's implied powers doctrine.
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Nugent, Gabriella. "From Camera to Canvas." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2020, no. 47 (November 1, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-8719668.
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This article explores the entanglement of Congolese popular painting with photography through the case of Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically elected prime minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo, who was assassinated in 1961. Lumumba’s final public appearance was immortalized in a series of photographs and newsreel footage that was disseminated around the world. The author contends that the events thereafter are frequently envisioned by Congolese popular painting, as it takes over from the operations of the camera in an era largely defined by the photographic. The article suggests that photography and Congolese popular painting are enmeshed in the creation of a visual archive around the figure of Lumumba. Furthermore, it examines the indebtedness of popular painting to photographic culture as well as other sources in the “colonial contact zone.”
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Sumata, Claude, and Jeffrey H. Cohen. "The Congolese diaspora and the politics of remittances." Remittances Review 3, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/rr.v3i2.567.
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Economic turmoil and war constitute the main engines fuelling migration in the Democratic Republic of Congo since 1980. The development of migration is accompanied by remittance transfers that impact on the country. The most common use of remittances are to satisfy basic needs and fund specific family events that can include buying land, house construction and opening businesses along with consumption (education, health…). The direct transfer of material goods, such as cars and medical & IT materials, also plays a major role. While most remittances are not used to cover investments; funding education and family wellbeing can support growth and development.
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Godin, Marie. "Theatre and Photography as New Contentious Repertoires of Congolese Women in the Diaspora." African Diaspora 9, no. 1-2 (2016): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00901002.
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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and in particular the eastern part of the country, is characterized by a protracted conflict situation and is home to some of the world’s most horrific documented cases of sexual violence against women. For many years now Congolese women in the diaspora have been engaged in initiatives to raise awareness of the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) of Congolese women back home, addressing the root causes of the conflict and promoting specific peace and conflict resolutions. This article examines ways of protesting using art as a political tool in addressing SGBV in the DRC. In doing so, it highlights two politico-artistic projects by Congolese women activists living in Belgium: Hearth of a mother, a theatre piece and Stand up my mother, a photographic exhibition. This article aims to analyse these particular projects in terms of Tilly’s ‘repertoires of contention’ (2006) as used by activists of the Congolese diaspora in order to make their voices heard.
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Bodansky, Daniel, and James Thuo Gathii. "ICJ—prohibition against the use of force—self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter—duty of vigilance—IHR and IHL under belligerent occupation." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (January 2007): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029596.
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Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda). At <http://www.icj-cij.org>.International Court of Justice, December 19, 2005.In its December 19, 2005, judgment in Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo v. Uganda (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda to have engaged in grave violations of the prohibition on the use of force and of its international humanitarian and human rights obligations during its occupation of Congelese territory. The Court also found that the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) had violated the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations for its treatment of Ugandan diplomats and also for the destruction of their diplomatic premises and the associated archives and records.The train of events leading to this case originated in May 1997 with President Laurent-Desire Kabila's deposition of Zairean dictator Mobutu-Ssese Seko. Having come to power with Ugandan and Rwandese military assistance, Kabila was unsuccessful in his effort to remove Ugandan and Rwandese troops from the DRC (paras. 48–50). The DRC alleged that in August 1998, Ugandan armed forces invaded (para. 29) and then captured and occupied Congolese towns and territory in defiance of Kabila's decision that Ugandan and Rwandese forces should leave the DRC (para. 29–31). Further, the DRC contended that Uganda recruited, funded, trained, equipped, and supplied armed Congolese groups opposed to the Kabila government (para. 32).
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Bitamba, Bauma Frigeant, and Sung-Hoon An. "Construction Project Change Management in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Status, Causes, and Impacts." Sustainability 12, no. 22 (November 23, 2020): 9766. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12229766.
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Changes in construction projects are very frequent and are expected to occur at any stage of the project. These changes modify the original scope of work and affect the project in various aspects. To minimize these effects, there is a need to implement a systematic change management system during the construction process. This study aimed to investigate the current situation of change management implementation, identify the main causes of change management, and assess their impacts in the Congolese construction industry. A comprehensive literature review was conducted for a thorough understanding of change management, and a structured survey was conducted. The collected survey data were analyzed using the relative importance index (RII), and Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) methods. The results conclude that the change management implementation situation in the Congolese construction industry is significantly high, and the project cost and the project type play a major role in the implementation of change management in the construction projects. The study further revealed that the main causes of changes were the project, contractor, materials, equipment, and other causes. These changes impact the project significantly in terms of organization, owner and contractor, project, materials, and equipment.
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Kabongo Kamitalu, Ramsès, and Michel Ntetani Aloni. "High School Students Are a Target Group for Fight against Self-Medication with Antimalarial Drugs: A Pilot Study in University of Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo." Journal of Tropical Medicine 2016 (2016): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2016/6438639.
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Aim. To assess the self-medication against malaria infection in population of Congolese students in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).Methods. A cross-sectional study was carried out in University of Kinshasa, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo. Medical records of all students with malaria admitted to Centre de Santé Universitaire of University of Kinshasa from January 1, 2008, to April 30, 2008, were reviewed retrospectively.Results. The median age of the patients was 25.4 years (range: from 18 to 36 years). The majority of them were male (67.9%). Artemisinin-based combination treatments (ACTs) was the most used self-prescribed antimalarial drugs. However, self-medication was associated with the ingestion of quinine in 19.9% of cases. No case of ingestion of artesunate/artemether in monotherapy was found. All the medicines taken were registered in DRC. In this series, self-prescribed antimalarial was very irrational in terms of dose and duration of treatment.Conclusion. This paper highlights self-medication by a group who should be aware of malaria treatment protocols. The level of self-prescribing quinine is relatively high among students and is disturbing for a molecule reserved for severe disease in Congolese health care policy in management of malaria.
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BURKE-WHITE, WILLIAM W. "Complementarity in Practice: The International Criminal Court as Part of a System of Multi-level Global Governance in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Leiden Journal of International Law 18, no. 3 (October 2005): 557–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156505002876.
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This article asserts the emergence of multi-level global governance through an analysis of the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The article suggests a far deeper set of influences than previously anticipated, presenting research on how the ICC is directly influencing Congolese domestic politics and how some actors within the Congo are seeking to manipulate the Court for their own political benefit. Further, the article considers the self-referral by the Congolese government, the early impact of complementarity, and efforts at judicial reform in the Congo. In the process the article develops a set of criteria to evaluate the ‘total or substantial collapse’ provisions of the complementarity regime.
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Walinski-Kiehl, Robert. "Reformation History and Political Mythology in the German Democratic Republic, 1949-89." European History Quarterly 34, no. 1 (January 2004): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691404040008.
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Mukinayi Mbiya, Benoît, Ghislain Tumba Disashi, and Béatrice Gulbis. "Sickle Cell Disease in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Assessing Physicians’ Knowledge and Practices." Tropical Medicine and Infectious Disease 5, no. 3 (July 29, 2020): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/tropicalmed5030127.
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Background: Sickle cell disease is a major public health issue in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), but it is still poorly understood by health professionals. The objective of this study was to assess the knowledge and practices of Congolese physicians treating sickle cell disease (SCD), in order to identify the areas for improvement in clinical care. Methods: This was a descriptive observational study conducted among Congolese physicians using a questionnaire. Participants were evaluated using a pre-established answer grid. Results: A total of 460 physicians participated, including 81 women (18%), with an average age of 35 years (range 25–60 years). Most physicians were general practitioners. Although self-assessment of their level of knowledge on SCD was estimated as average to good, less than half of the participants (n = 460; 46%) reported adequate management of vaso-occlusive crises, and only 1% of them had received specific training on SCD. Most physicians reported difficulties both in terms of diagnostic (65%) and management (79%) options of SCD patients. This study also showed that 85% of these physicians did not have access to the diagnostic tools for SCD. Conclusions: Insufficient knowledge on SCD and poor diagnostic and treatment options might contribute to increased morbidity and mortality of patients living in the DRC. Interventions aiming to improve physicians’ knowledge, patient follow-up, and treatment access are needed. Specific training alongside existing programs (HIV, malaria), early diagnosis of the disease, and the creation of patient advocacy groups should be implemented to improve SCD patient care.
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Moshonas, Stylianos. "The politics of civil service reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 2 (April 30, 2014): 251–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000019.
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ABSTRACTCivil service reform is an important element of governance reforms, but has received limited attention in the literature pertaining to the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article examines Congo's aborted CSR process from 2003 to 2008. Through a detailed exploration of some of the project's components (the design phase, the census, and the workings of the structures charged with implementation), analysed through a framework attentive to the tensions between democratisation and liberalisation, the political logics that have pervaded and affected implementation outcomes are reconstituted. These logics, it is argued, are deeply embedded in the context of democratic transition/post-2006 elections, which donors have played no small part in shaping. The ambiguity of donors towards CSR, bemoaning the absence of governmental commitment but all too prone to tolerate administrative neglect, suggests that it may have been irrelevant for the disbursement of aid, and ultimately accommodating for the Congolese authorities.
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Misako, Fraternel Amuri. "Milices Maï-Maï, Dénonciation De L’impérialisme Et Politisation Des Masses Rurales Au Maniema (RDC)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 17 (June 30, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n17p65.
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Based on a documentary inquiry aimed at reconstructing the processes of denunciation of imperialism associated with the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD)’s war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), by the maï-maï militia of Maniema, the article examines under the lens of historical criticism (heuristic and hermeneutic) the politicoideological contents of the essential documents whose impact on the rural masses remains crucial: their over-politicization of the latter. The study shows how a political mobilization that initially targeted awareness-raising for the recruitment of new combatants among rural Congolese youths has reactivated the protesting reflex of the rural populations both towards the rebels and their Rwandan allies, and maï-maï combatants. The repeated abuses of the maï-maï militias have thus brought down the nationalist mask which their ideological propaganda maintained until then. The pervasive activism of youths and especially the emergence of radicalized groups confirm the thesis of political violence as an indicator of democratic deficiencies of a weakened state through processes of globalization badly assumed in the African Great Lakes area.
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Kiamfu, Victor Pwema, Alex Mayoni Matondo, Santos Kavumbu Mutanda, Clément Munganga Kilingwa, Nadine Bipendu Muamba, Athanase Kusonika Ndamba, and Willy Lusasi Swana. "Evaluation of the Cost of Production of Fish Clarias gariepinus Burchell, 1822 (Siluriformes, Clariidae) with Three Types of Food Based on Local Agricultural by-products in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Agricultural Science 2, no. 1 (May 19, 2020): p205. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/as.v2n1p205.
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Clarias gariepinus Burchell, 1822 is a catfish with high commercial value in the Democratic Republic of Congo and in several African countries. The breeding of this species is controlled, but Congolese fish farmers are confronted with the problem of a lack of compound feed in the form of granules. The recovery of local agricultural waste would be essential to fill this gap. The objective of this study is to evaluate the effect of three types of food based on local agricultural by-products on the growth of C. gariepinus. The 25%, 41% and 51% crude protein feed formulas were tested in duplicate for 96 days. Fry averaging 2.20±0.43 g were distributed in 6 closed-loop plastic containers. The fish were fed twice a day by hand. Weighing and measuring took place every 14 days. The results obtained show that the highest final average weight (g) and specific growth rate (%/d) (F = 2.87; p = 0.002) are obtained with food A1: 27.5±1.9 g and 0.25±0.15% /d respectively. It took 812.6 Congolese francs to develop food A1, 942.6 congolese francs to produce the A2 ration and 836.6 congolese francs to produce food A3. The A1 ration is the one that gave a better compromise in price and quality by promoting fish growth at a lower cost (3.827 congolese francs).
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Ilunga Tshiswaka, Daudet, Kelechi D. Ibe-Lamberts, Guy-Lucien S. Whembolua, Abi Fapohunda, and Eugene S. Tull. "“Going to the Gym Is Not Congolese’s Culture”: Examining Attitudes Toward Physical Activity and Risk for Type 2 Diabetes Among Congolese Immigrants." Diabetes Educator 44, no. 1 (December 28, 2017): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145721717749578.
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Purpose The purpose of this study was to explore perceptions and attitudes around physical activity among immigrants from the Democratic Republic of Congo and examine the influence of Congolese cultural beliefs on physical activity practice. Methods In-depth interviews were conducted and augmented by photo-elicitation among 20 Congolese immigrants, distributed equally by gender, aged 35 years or older. The PEN-3 model was used as the cultural conceptual framework. Results Using both the Relationships and Expectations dimension (Perceptions, Enablers, and Nurturers) and Cultural Empowerment dimension (Positive, Existential, and Negative) of the PEN-3 model, emergent themes were categorized around knowing the benefits of being physically active (perceptions), doctor encouragement to be more physically active (enablers), and the habit and local tradition of consuming beer after a soccer match (nurturers). Other emergent themes included Congolese loves to dance (positive), going to the gym is not Congolese culture (existential), and the challenge of increased physical activity (negative). Conclusions Congolese have their intrinsic cultural perceptions and attitudes around types of physical activity. The study disclosed a much more pronounced willingness to dance (as a potential source of increased physical activity) than to go to a gym. As such, if one wants to advocate a regimen of increased physical activity to offset the risk for type 2 diabetes, dance is an alternative to consider among some immigrants.
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Jacob, Jacob Udo-Udo. "Target Gutahuka: The UN’s Strategic Information Intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Media and Communication 4, no. 2 (May 4, 2016): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v4i2.583.
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This paper examines the nature and impacts of two information intervention radio programmes broadcast on Radio Okapi—the radio service of the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo. A matched randomization technique was used to assign Rwandan Hutus and Congolese autochthons in South Kivu to listen to either of the two programmes within their naturalistic contexts for 13 months. At the end of the treatment, participants’ perceptions of barriers to peace; descriptive and prescriptive interventions; victimhood and villainity; opportunities for personal development and civic engagement; and knowledge of repatriation processes were assessed in 16 focus groups across four contexts. The study concludes that international media intervention programmes that provide robust information and a platform for objective analyses within a multiple narrative and participatory framework can enhance greater engagement with nascent democratic reforms, positive perception of long term opportunities for personal development and empathy with the ethnic Other.
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Modeste Ndaba Modeawi, John Likolo Baya, Bembi Bosso, Jacquie Kangu Kobe, Jonas Mbaya Kusagba, JP Mokombe Magbukudua, Masengo Ashande Colette, Gédéon Ngiala Bongo, Muhammad Ridwan, and Koto-te-Nyiwa Ngbolua. "COVID-19 Pandemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo: An Opportunity for Economic Recovery." Britain International of Exact Sciences (BIoEx) Journal 3, no. 2 (May 5, 2021): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/bioex.v3i2.434.
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The world is facing an unprecedented health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The DR Congo with its 90 million inhabitants and more than 500,000 refugees from neighboring countries recorded the first confirmed case in Kinshasa on March 10, 2020. Currently, the country is counting 16,039 cases of infection, 566 cases of death and 13,536 cases of recovery according to the Technical Secretariat Response Team COVID-DRC, (December 23, 2020). After reporting the first case, Congolese government has taken protective health measures whereby it is in a worrying economic situation that was immediately noticeable by the increase in the rate of the foreign currency (the dollar) compared to the local currency. From an extroverted economy, the Covid-19 pandemic has put it in a situation of stagnation, which could lead country into an economic recession if this scourge persists.
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Koko, François Sadiki, and Fraternel Amuri Misako. "Le Terrorisme : Un Concept Abusé, Une Menace Réelle. Le Cas De La République Démocratique Du Congo." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 17 (June 30, 2017): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n17p95.
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The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), an important role player within the international community, has not escaped the widespread trend relating to the abuse of the terrorist concept. Whether it is about the rebels of the Movement of 23 March (M23) or the combatants of the Allied Democratic Forces / National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (ADF/NALU), the Congolese government has made use of the terrorist concept to describe these peace spoilers in eastern DRC. Furthermore, the government spokesperson qualified the civic movements known as Lucha and Filimbi as terrorist organizations. Yet, such extreme positions taken by government did not prevent the latter from entering into direct peace talks with the M23 leadership in Kampala (Uganda). Nor did it discourage the President from personally meeting with a delegation of Lucha and Filimbi in Goma. This article analyses the contradictions surrounding the phenomenon of terrorism: an abused concept describing a real contemporary societal threat. It subsequently applies this concept to the DRC's case. The central argument of the article is that the exploitation of the terrorist concept by Congolese political and media actors is likely to contribute towards impeding a full understanding of a phenomenon that, otherwise, represents a real security threat to the fragile Congolese state. In so doing, this exploitation prevents the formulation of relevant strategies designed to eradicate this phenomenon. In terms of methodology, observation and documentary investigation involving the content analysis were mobilized for this study.
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Gehrmann, Susanne. "Congolese Child Soldier Narratives for Global and Local Audiences." Journal of World Literature 6, no. 2 (June 22, 2021): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00602003.
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Abstract The article examines narratives by and about former child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a hitherto neglected corpus despite the topicality of child soldiering in African literatures after 2000. Critical readings of three testimonial texts that have been published in France are juxtaposed with the analysis of one testimonial narrative and one youth novel that have been published in Kinshasa. The editorial framing and narrative strategies that speak to different audiences located in different literary fields are identified. The popularity of testimonial narratives in the West relies on the depiction of violence and the iconic function of the child soldier in medial and human rights discourses. By contrast, narratives about the reconciliation and the reintegration of child soldiers prevail in the DRC. Thus, the different functions of global and local narratives on the sensitive issue of children at war are exposed.
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McQuaid, Katie R. V. "“We raise up the voice of the voiceless”: Voice, Rights, and Resistance amongst Congolese Human Rights Defenders in Uganda." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 32, no. 1 (May 6, 2016): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40383.
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Amongst Uganda’s Congolese refugee population are a number of human rights defenders who actively resist the construction of refugees as dispossessed and displaced humanitarian aid recipients. Upon fleeing the complex and violent conflicts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, rather than supplicate to a humanitarian regime saturated with the language of human rights, these young men draw on human rights to “raise up the voice of the voiceless.” This article explores how defenders draw on human rights to understand, articulate, and resist the constraints of forced displacement into a humanitarian regime.
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D. Kabongo, Jean, and John O. Okpara. "ICT possession among Congolese SMEs: an exploratory study." Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development 21, no. 2 (May 13, 2014): 313–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsbed-10-2013-0143.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the possession of information and communication technologies (ICTs) among small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the developing economy of the Democratic Republic (DR) of the Congo. Design/methodology/approach – A survey of Congolese SMEs in two major cities was conducted. Findings – The results of the study demonstrate that nearly 51 percent of SMEs in the sample reported a cell phone number, making this tool the most popular among SMEs studied. In total, 31 percent of SMEs reported an e-mail address while only 3 percent of them reported having a firm web site. Far <1 percent reported a fax number, while none of the SMEs in the sample used a fixed telephone line. The telecommunications sector demonstrated the highest rate of ICT usage. The findings give consistency to what the body of research has concluded relative to the use of mobile telephone by SMEs in developing economies. Originality/value – This study fills a gap in the research into ICT usage by SMEs in developing countries by analyzing a sample of SMEs in the DR Congo ever attempted.
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Diamond, Hanna. "The Return of the Republic." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 90–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370106.
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During the Liberation of Toulouse, crowd photography dominated the local press rather than the scenes of combat and barricades that marked coverage in Paris and elsewhere. This article shows how crowd photography contributed to a common construction of republicanism across the Toulouse press and exhibitions. It argues that the circulation of these images not only communicated the message that the “people” were once again sovereign, but also implied that these populations had been instrumental in their liberation, thereby contributing to the mythology of “la France résistante.” Editors mobilized crowd photography to convey to viewers the importance of adopting their republican roles at a time of community reconstruction. Reading the photography of the Liberation of Toulouse reveals that while photographic messaging in Liberation France varied in line with local circumstances, it nonetheless played a potent role in contributing to democratic resurgence.
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Dibwe, Dya Fita, Suresh Awale, Hiroyuki Morita, and Yasuhiro Tezuka. "Anti-austeritic Constituents of the Congolese Medicinal Plant Aframomum melegueta." Natural Product Communications 10, no. 6 (June 2015): 1934578X1501000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1934578x1501000650.
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In the course of our search for anticancer agents based on a novel anti-austerity strategy, we found that the CHCl3 extract of the roots of Aflamomum melegueta (Zingiberaceae), collected in the Democratic Republic of Congo, killed PANC-1 human pancreatic cancer cells preferentially in nutrient-deprived medium (NDM). Phytochemical investigation of the CHCl3 extract led to the isolation of seven known compounds [(-)-buplerol (1), (-)-arctigenin (2), ( E)-14-hydroxy-15-norlabda-8(17),12-dien-16-al (3), labda-8(17),12-dien-15,16-dial (4), 16-oxo-8(17),12( E)-labdadien-15-oic acid (5), 5-hydroxy-7-methoxyflavone (6), and apigenin (7)]. In addition to the previously reported preferentially cytotoxic compound, (-)-arctigenin (2, PC50 0.5 μM), (-)-buplerol (1) also displayed potent preferential cytotoxicity with a PC50 value of 8.42 pM and triggered apoptosis-like PANC-1 cell death in NDM.
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Lubunga, Esther. "The impact of conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo on women and their response to peace-building." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2016.v2n2.a16.
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The unprecedented brutality, and the widespread sexual assault perpetrated against women during the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (hereafter the DRC) have caught the attention of the world, to the extent that many observers are raising the question as to why Congolese women are so cruelly treated. To answer this question this paper discusses the complexity of causes behind the conflict and the various reasons leading to the atrocities prevailing in the country. Notwithstanding the painful situation of women in the DRC, there is a strong endeavour among women to transform the society and build a lasting peace.
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Clark-Kazak, Christina. "The Politics of Formal Schooling in Refugee Contexts: Education, Class, and Decision Making among Congolese in Uganda." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 27, no. 2 (January 18, 2012): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.34722.
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Based on ethnographic research with over four hundred Congolese refugees in Kampala and Kyaka II refugee settlement, Uganda, this article interrogates the politics of education—both historically in the Democratic Republic of Congo and currently in migration contexts in Uganda. Formal education was an aspiration for all young people in the study, irrespective of current educational level. Moreover, it is a priority for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and many other organizations working with refugees. Drawing on the experiences and views of Congolese young people, this article analyzes the socio-political importance they accord to formal schooling. It then analyzes the degree to which these political aspects of education are manifested in daily decision-making processes in families, households, communities, and high-level politics. The author concludes with some reflections on how researchers and practitioners working in migration contexts can recognize and take into account the politicized nature of education.
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De Goede, Meike J. "‘Mundele, it is because of you’ History, Identity and the Meaning of Democracy in the Congo." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 583–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000786.
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AbstractSince the signing of the Sun City peace agreement in 2002, the Democratic Republic of Congo has strived to democratise with limited success. This paper explores some of the challenges of the process of democratisation in the Congo. It does so not by looking at democratisation policies and practices, but by focusing on identity construction and how these identities manifest themselves in Congolese engagements with the process of democratisation as a process that is pursued in partnership with Western donors. The paper traces the construction of an understanding of democracy as a means to make an end to perpetual victimisation of Congolese people due to foreign interference in the Congo. The paper argues that the concept of democracy has acquired over time a meaning that creates a highly ambivalent engagement with the current democratisation process, and in particular with Western donors of this process, which are simultaneously perceived as the main obstacles to its successful realisation.
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Fabrice, Kibukila, and Nyakio Olivier. "Congolese perception of the COVID-19 pandemic: the case of the city of Uvira." Journal of Medical Research 6, no. 5 (October 28, 2020): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31254/jmr.2020.6503.
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Introduction: The Covid-19 pandemic, a disease that started in the city of Wuhan, China, is wreaking havoc around the world. Like all nations, Democratic Republic of the Congo is trying, despite limited resources, to reduce the spread of this scourge somewhat by means of prevention measures, the only weapon available to humanity. The objective of this study is to share the different reactions of the Congolese population to this Covid-19 pandemic. Methodology: This is a qualitative and observational survey of 898 volunteer people living in the city of Uvira (Province of South Kivu, in Democratic Republic of Congo) and conducted during a week-long period from March 30 as of April 5, 2020. The analysis of the data was done using SPSS statistics 20 software. Results: the 15 to 30 age group was the most represented (59.1%). All of our respondents claimed to have heard of the Covid-19 (100.0%), and most of it through the media (99.3%). The majority believe that the black race is less affected than the white race (48.7%). Regarding containment measures, 77.5% of our respondents believe that these cannot be observed in the city of Uvira. The proportion of respondents believing that containment measures will not be respected was statistically high in the age group 15 years - 30 years (43.9%; p = 0.039), among respondents with a secondary education level (42.0%; p = 0.000) and among those with an average socioeconomic level (43.0%; p = 0.017). Conclusion: This study, the first in the region, has just supported the image that the Congolese population in general, and that of the city of Uvira in particular, in relation to the Covid-19.
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Psyrraki, Maria-Angeliki, Emilie Venables, Christos Eleftherakos, Nathalie Severy, Declan Barry, Nikos Gionakis, Maria Episkopou, Aikaterini Komita, and Gianfranco De Maio. "Looking for stability." Torture Journal 30, no. 3 (February 10, 2021): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v30i3.120895.
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Introduction: On-going conflict and political instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has led to increasing numbers of people fleeing their country for Europe. Many need rehabilitation services upon arrival in Greece after experiencing torture in DRC. The scarcity of state resources and the limited capacity of non-governmental organisations to assist survivors of torture means many needs remain unmet. This study explored the experiences of rehabilitation for male Congolese survivors of torture living in Athens, as well as the potential role of the wider Congolese community in Athens in supporting rehabilitation.
Methods: This qualitative study included in-depth interviews with survivors of torture attending a rehabilitation clinic and key informant interviews with representatives of the wider Congolese community in Athens. Data was thematically analysed to construct and develop codes and themes.
Results: 19 survivors and 10 key informants were interviewed. For many survivors, rehabilitation was an unclear concept. Despite the appreciation for services received at the clinic and the amelioration of physical and psychological symptoms, survivors felt rehabilitation was incomplete as it did not meet their accommodation needs nor provide stability through granting refugee status. Survivors were wary of trusting other Congolese people after experiencing torture and did not always associate themselves with the local Congolese community. The role of local Congolese leaders and organisations was not seen as replacing the clinical element of rehabilitation but aiding in practical issues such as information sharing and integration, especially in partnership with other organisations.
Discussion: Systemic shortcomings in Greece, including poor access to accommodation and insecure asylum status, impeded processes of rehabilitation. Many participants found themselves navigating an unstable and unpredictable landscape in their journey towards “feeling whole again.” The role of the wider Congolese community in Athens in supporting rehabilitation remains complex and a lack of trust threatens social cohesion. Nonetheless, the willingness of the community to be more proactive should not be ignored by organisations and policy-makers.
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Eunice, B. Mbuyamba, T. Makola Mayayu, E. Kisioko Katunda, S. Nanshakale Ngandu, J. P. Ngoy Mande, J. Kiji Makong, and D. Okitundu Luwa E-Andjafono. "Clinical profile of coma in children at Sino Congolese Friendship Hospital / Democratic Republic of Congo: Exploratory study." Journal of the Neurological Sciences 405 (October 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jns.2019.10.1652.
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Larmer, Miles. "Nation-Making at the Border: Zambian Diplomacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751800052x.
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AbstractHow and where were new African nations made at the moment of decolonization? Focusing on the periphery rather than the center provides an insightful answer to this question: imposing national identity in border regions with mixed and mobile populations, dynamic migrant flows, and cross-border linkages was a task fraught with contradiction. This article explores the establishment of Zambian political and diplomatic space in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the activities of Zambian political and diplomatic representatives in the southern Congolese city of Elisabethville in the early-to-mid 1960s. It does not assess how effective these officials were in imposing a sense of Zambian national identity, but rather what their efforts reveal about the ideas and values that informed state elites’ assertions of national identity and their relationship to history, local identities, and moral codes regarding, among other things, customary authority and gendered behavior. The article argues that nation-making in newly independent states involved the assertion of not only state sovereignty over territorial space but also symbolic power, the right to classify, and the moral and political notions that underlay ostensibly bureaucratic, disinterested state structures. Analysis of the attempts of Zambia's first diplomatic representatives to establish and assert their notion of Zambian-ness reveals the fragility of new national identities and the extent to which elites sought to underpin these identities by the assertion of moral certainties.
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Urs, Andreea Bianca. "Überlegungen und Perspektiven zur neuen chinesischen Ordnung in der demokratischen Republik Kongo." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.1.04.
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"Nowadays, more than ever, China plays a major role in economic activities in Africa. China competes aggressively with the West for control of the continent's strategic mineral resources. The great red actor considers that the imposition of Western democratic values on Africa is one of the main causes of political instability and economic stagnation, which is why he has chosen to adopt a different attitude which is has proven to be prolific in the context of globalization. The cooperation of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) with China is currently considered by the Congolese people as a safety valve, an insurance against risks. Essentially, the DRC tops the list of China's strategic partners in Africa, and the DRC aims to attract China to help build infrastructure. This cooperation bears the signature of Joseph Kabila (president of the country from 2001 to 2018), his speech being a central point of this research. While the two countries boast of an exemplary model of win-win cooperation, this article aims to explore whether it is really a win-win collaboration or rather China is trying to invent a new order using a cosmetized neocolonialism. Keywords: Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, China, globalization, mineral ressources, neocoloniaslism, global order "
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RICH, JEREMY. "MANUFACTURING SOVEREIGNTY AND MANIPULATING HUMANITARIANISM: THE DIPLOMATIC RESOLUTION OF THE MERCENARY REVOLT IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, 1967–8." Journal of African History 60, no. 2 (July 2019): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000471.
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AbstractIn 1967, European and Katangese mercenaries revolted against the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) intervened to try to have the rebels peacefully leave the DRC. Katangese troops who fled to Rwanda with white mercenaries were forced by the Organization of African Unity and the Rwandan government to return to the DRC, where they were eventually executed. White mercenaries, under the protection of the ICRC and Rwanda, ultimately escaped Mobutu's wrath. Congolese and Rwandan leaders skillfully employed the ideal of African sovereignty and humanitarian rhetoric with its Western and African allies to ensure their consolidation of power.
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Frolich, Ruth. "Prosecutor v. Callixte Mbarushimana: Judgment on the Appeal of the Prosecutor Against the Decision of Pre-Trial Chamber I of 16 December 2011 Entitled “Decision on the Confirmation of Charges” (Int'l Crim. Ct.)." International Legal Materials 52, no. 2 (April 2013): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.2.0417.
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On May 30, 2012, the Appeals Chamber (Chamber) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) voted unanimously to dismiss the appeal of the Prosecution against the decision of the Pre-Trial Chamber not to confirm the charges against the alleged Congolese warlord Callixte Mbarushimana. The Prosecution had alleged Mbarushimana was criminally responsible under Article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute (Statute) for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by members of the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) in the Kivu provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Prosecution had appealed the Pre-Trial Chamber’s decision on three separate issues, all of which were rejected.
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TSHIBWABWA, SINASELI M., MELANIE L. J. STIASSNY, and ROBERT C. SCHELLY. "Description of a new species of Labeo (Teleostei: Cyprinidae) from the lower Congo River." Zootaxa 1224, no. 1 (June 5, 2006): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1224.1.3.
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A new labeonine cyprinid, Labeo fulakariensis, is described from material recently collected in rapids on the lower Congo River near the mouth of the Foulakari River, a large north bank tributary, in the Republic of Congo, and from the Yelala rapids in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The new species is readily distinguished from other Congolese Labeo except L. greenii and L. reidi by the following combination of characters: plicate lips, characteristic striping of the flanks, and a dark spot on the base of the caudal peduncle. Labeo fulakariensis is distinguished from L. greenii by dorsal fin shape and snout without a deep transverse furrow or upwardly directed fleshy anterior appendage, and from L. reidi by the position of the eyes, the circumpeduncular scale count (16 vs 17 to 20 in L. reidi) and maxillary barbels hidden and smaller than in L. reidi.
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MARQUES, MARIANA P., LUIS M. P. CERÍACO, SUZANA BANDEIRA, OLIVIER S. G. PAUWELS, and AARON M. BAUER. "Description of a new long-tailed skink (Scincidae: Trachylepis) from Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Zootaxa 4568, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4568.1.3.
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Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are relatively unknown in terms of their herpetological diversity. Based on specimens collected in the Congolese region of the Katanga and the northeast of Angola during the first decades of the twentieth century, de Witte and Laurent independently suggested, based on morphological and coloration differences, that populations of T. megalura of these regions could belong a new “race”. We compared specimens of T. megalura (including the type specimens of T. megalura and T. massaiana) with Angolan and Katangan museum specimens as well as newly collected specimens from Angola. Coloration pattern and morphological characters, in combination with substantial divergence in the 16S mitochondrial gene, confirm the distinctiveness of the west Central African form, and it is here described as a new species. Data regarding its natural history, ecology and global distribution are presented.
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Cirimwami, Ezéchiel Amani, and Pacifique Muhindo Magadju. "Prosecuting rape as war crime in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: lessons and challenges learned from military tribunals." Military Law and the Law of War Review 59, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2021.01.03.
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Several armed conflicts have marked the past two decades in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). As a result, the DRC is facing an unprecedented humanitarian disaster with the death of hundreds of thousands of people, the large-scale displacement of civilians and the rape of thousands of women, girls and men. These armed conflicts have led to the metamorphosis of the concept of ‘crime’ with the emergence of new forms of sexual violence, particularly the widespread sexual violence used by armed groups as a tactic of war. In response to this avalanche of sexual violence, the DRC has taken a series of legislative measures. It began with the ratification of the Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) on 11 April 2002. This was followed by the promulgation of the Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code on 18 November 2002 (MJC and MCC, respectively) criminalizing, inter alia, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In 2006, the Congolese legislator criminalized various forms of sexual crimes as defined by international law in the Military Penal Code. On 31 December 2015, the Congolese authorities promulgated Law No. 15/022, amending and supplementing the Military Penal Code, for the implementation of the Rome Statute. Through this Law, the legislator has included in the Congolese Ordinary Criminal Code rape and other sexual assaults constituting war crimes, and in some circumstances, crimes against humanity. In terms of prosecutions, around 40 cases of rape classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity have been tried by Congolese military courts, and a few other cases are being investigated. This article seeks to assess the progress made by the DRC in prosecuting rape as a war crime and the challenges to such prosecutions. La République démocratique du Congo (RDC) a été marquée par plusieurs conflits armés au cours des deux dernières décennies. Il en résulte que ce pays est confronté à une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent avec la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes, le déplacement à grande échelle de civils et le viol de milliers de femmes, de filles et d'hommes. Ces conflits armés ont entraîné une métamorphose du concept de ‘crime’ avec l'émergence de nouvelles formes de violence sexuelle, notamment la violence sexuelle généralisée utilisée par les groupes armés comme tactique de guerre. En réponse à cette avalanche de violences sexuelles, la RDC a adopté une série de mesures législatives. La première fut la ratification du Statut de la Cour pénale internationale (Statut de Rome) le 11 avril 2002. Cette ratification fut suivie par la promulgation du Code judiciaire militaire et du Code pénal militaire le 18 novembre 2002 (respectivement le CMJ et le CCM) qui criminalisent, entre autres, les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l'humanité et le génocide. En 2006, le législateur congolais a incriminé dans le Code pénal militaire diverses formes de crimes sexuels tels que définis par le droit international. Le 31 décembre 2015, les autorités congolaises ont promulgué la loi no 15/022, modifiant et complétant le Code pénal militaire, pour la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. A travers cette loi, le législateur a inclus dans le Code pénal ordinaire congolais les viols et autres agressions sexuelles constitutifs de crimes de guerre, et dans certaines circonstances, de crimes contre l'humanité. En termes de poursuites, une quarantaine de cas de viols qualifiés de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité ont été jugés par les tribunaux militaires congolais, et quelques autres cas sont en cours d'instruction. Cet article vise à évaluer les progrès réalisés par la RDC en matière de poursuites pénales pour viol en tant que crime de guerre et les défis auxquels ces poursuites sont confrontées. Verschillende gewapende conflicten hebben de afgelopen twee decennia hun stempel gedrukt op de Democratische Republiek Congo (DRC). Als gevolg daarvan wordt de DRC geconfronteerd met een ongekende humanitaire ramp die gepaard gaat met de dood van honderdduizenden mensen, de grootschalige ontheemding van burgers en de verkrachting van duizenden vrouwen, meisjes en mannen. Die gewapende conflicten hebben geleid tot een metamorfose van het begrip ‘misdaad’ met de opkomst van nieuwe vormen van seksueel geweld, in het bijzonder het wijdverspreide seksuele geweld dat door gewapende groepen als oorlogstactiek wordt gebruikt. Als reactie op die lawine van seksueel geweld heeft de DRC een reeks wetgevende maatregelen genomen. Het begon met de ratificatie van het Statuut van het Internationaal Strafhof (Statuut van Rome) op 11 april 2002, gevolgd door de afkondiging van het militair gerechtelijk wetboek en het militair strafwetboek op 18 november 2002. Daarin worden onder meer oorlogsmisdaden, misdaden tegen de mensheid en genocide strafbaar gesteld. In 2006 heeft de Congolese wetgever verschillende vormen van seksuele misdrijven, zoals omschreven in het internationaal recht, strafbaar gesteld in het militair strafwetboek. Op 31 december 2015 hebben de Congolese autoriteiten wet nr. 15/022 tot wijziging en aanvulling van het militair strafwetboek uitgevaardigd, met het oog op de uitvoering van het Statuut van Rome. Met die wet heeft de wetgever verkrachting en andere vormen van seksueel geweld die te beschouwen zijn als oorlogsmisdaden, en in sommige omstandigheden misdaden tegen de mensheid, in het gewone Congolese Wetboek van Strafrecht opgenomen. Wat vervolging betreft, zijn ongeveer 40 gevallen van verkrachting die als oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen de mensheid werden aangemerkt, door de Congolese militaire rechtbanken berecht, en enkele andere gevallen worden momenteel onderzocht. Deze studie heeft tot doel na te gaan welke vooruitgang de DRC heeft geboekt bij de vervolging van verkrachting als oorlogsmisdaad en voor welke uitdagingen dergelijke vervolgingen staan. Varios conflictos armados han dejado huella en las dos décadas pasadas en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC). A resultas de ello, la RDC se está enfrentando a un desastre humanitario sin precedentes con la muerte de cientos de miles de personas, desplazamiento de civiles a gran escala y la violación de miles de mujeres, niñas y hombres. Estos conflictos armados han llevado a la metamorfosis del concepto de ‘crimen’ con la aparición de nuevas formas de violencia sexual, en particular el uso generalizado de la violencia sexual por grupos armados como táctica de guerra. En respuesta a esta avalancha de violencia sexual, la RDC ha adoptado una serie de medidas legislativas. Todo comenzó con la ratificación del Estatuto de la Corte Penal Internacional (Estatuto de Roma) el 11 de abril de 2002. A esto siguió la promulgación del Código Judicial Militar y del Código Penal Militar el 18 de noviembre de 2002 (Código Judicial Militar y Código Penal Militar, respectivamente), penalizando, entre otros, los crímenes contra la humanidad y el genocidio. En 2006, el legislador congoleño introdujo en el Código Penal Militar varias modalidades de crimen sexual tal y como se definen en el Derecho Internacional. El 31 de diciembre de 2015, la autoridades congoleñas promulgaron la Ley Núm. 15/022, reformando y complementando el Código Penal Militar, con objeto de implementar el Estatuto de Roma. A través de esta ley, el legislador ha tipificado en el Código Penal Común la violación y otros ataques sexuales que constituyen crímenes de guerra y, en algunas circunstancias, crímenes contra la humanidad. En términos de procedimientos instruidos, cerca de 40 casos de violación tipificada como crímenes de guerra y crímenes contra la humanidad han sido tramitados por los tribunales militares congoleños, y varios casos más continúan siendo objeto de investigación. Este estudio busca valorar el progreso de la RDC en la persecución de la violación como crimen de guerra y los retos a los que se ha tenido que hacer frente en dicha tarea. Gli ultimi due decenni della Repubblica Democratica del Congo (RDC) sono stati segnati da diversi conflitti armati. Di conseguenza, la RDC sta affrontando un disastro umanitario senza precedenti con la morte di centinaia di migliaia di persone, lo sfollamento di civili su larga scala e lo stupro di migliaia di donne, ragazze e uomini. Questi conflitti armati hanno portato alla metamorfosi del concetto di ‘crimine’ con l'emergere di nuove forme di violenza sessuale, in particolare la diffusa violenza sessuale usata dai gruppi armati come tattica di guerra. In risposta a questa valanga di violenza sessuale, la RDC ha adottato una serie di misure legislative. È iniziato tutto con la ratifica dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale (Statuto di Roma) l'11 aprile 2002. A ciò è seguita la promulgazione del Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code il 18 novembre 2002 (rispettivamente Codice giudiziario militare e Codice penale militare), che hanno criminalizzato, tra l'altro, crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio. Nel 2006, il legislatore congolese ha definito come crimini varie forme di reati sessuali così come definito dal diritto internazionale nel Codice Penale Militare. Il 31 dicembre 2015 le autorità congolesi hanno promulgato la Legge n. 15/022, che modifica e integra il Codice Penale Militare, per l'attuazione dello Statuto di Roma. Attraverso questa legge, il legislatore ha incluso nel Codice penale Ordinario congolese lo stupro e altre aggressioni sessuali definiti crimini di guerra e, in alcune circostanze, crimini contro l'umanità. In termini di procedimenti penali, circa 40 casi di stupro classificati come crimini di guerra e crimini contro l'umanità sono stati processati dai tribunali militari congolesi e alcuni altri casi sono oggetto di indagine. Questo studio cerca di valutare i progressi compiuti dalla RDC nel perseguire lo stupro come crimine di guerra e l’impegno in tali procedimenti penali. Mehrere bewaffnete Konflikte haben die vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) geprägt. Als Folge dessen steht die DRK vor einer beispiellosen humanitären Katastrophe mit dem Tod von Hunderttausenden von Menschen, der massiven Vertreibung von Zivilisten und der Vergewaltigung von Tausenden von Frauen, Mädchen und Männern. Diese bewaffneten Konflikte haben zu einer Metamorphose des Begriffs ‘Verbrechen’ mit dem Aufkommen neuer Formen sexueller Gewalt geführt, insbesondere der weit verbreiteten sexuellen Gewalt, die von bewaffneten Gruppen als Kriegstaktik eingesetzt wird. Als Reaktion auf diese Lawine sexueller Gewalt hat die DRK eine Reihe von gesetzlichen Maßnahmen ergriffen. Es begann mit der Ratifizierung des Statuts des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs (Römisches Statut) am 11 April 2002. Es folgte die Verkündung des Militärgerichtsgesetzbuchs und des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs am 18. November 2002, die unter anderem Kriegsverbrechen, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Völkermord unter Strafe stellen. Im Jahr 2006 hat der kongolesische Gesetzgeber im Militärstrafgesetzbuch verschiedene Formen von Sexualverbrechen im Sinne des Völkerrechts unter Strafe gestellt. Am 31. Dezember 2015 haben die kongolesischen Behörden das Gesetz Nr. 15/022 zur Änderung und Ergänzung des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs im Hinblick auf die Umsetzung des Römischen Statuts verkündet. Mit diesem Gesetz hat der Gesetzgeber Vergewaltigung und andere sexuelle Übergriffe, die Kriegsverbrechen und unter gewissen Umständen auch Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit darstellen, in das kongolesische ordentliche Strafgesetzbuch aufgenommen. Was die Strafverfolgung anbelangt, so wurden etwa 40 Fälle von Vergewaltigung, die als Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit eingestuft werden, von kongolesischen Militärgerichten abgeurteilt, und einige weitere Fälle werden derzeit untersucht. Diese Studie versucht, die Fortschritte der DRK bei der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von Vergewaltigung als Kriegsverbrechen und die Herausforderungen für solche Verfolgungen zu bewerten.
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Tamm, Henning. "Status competition in Africa: Explaining the Rwandan–Ugandan clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (December 18, 2018): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady057.
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Abstract Yoweri Museveni’s rebels seized power in Uganda in 1986, with Rwandan refugees making up roughly a quarter of his troops. These refugees then took power in Rwanda in 1994 with support from Museveni’s regime. Subsequently, between 1999 and 2000, the Rwandan and Ugandan comrades-in-arms turned on each other in a series of deadly clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country they had invaded together only one year earlier. What explains these fratricidal clashes? This article contends that a social–psychological perspective focused on status competition between the Rwandan and Ugandan ruling elites provides the most compelling answer. Long treated as ‘boys’, the new Rwandan rulers strove to enhance their social status vis-à-vis the Ugandans, seeking first equality and then regional superiority. Economic disputes over Congo’s natural resources at times complemented this struggle for status but cannot explain all of its phases. The article draws on interviews with senior Rwandan, Ugandan, and former Congolese rebel officials, and triangulates them with statements given to national and regional newspapers at the time of the clashes. More broadly, it builds on the recently revitalized study of status competition in world politics and makes a case for integrating research on inter-African relations.
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Wild-Wood, Emma. "“Se Débrouiller” or the Art of Serendipity in Historical Research." History in Africa 34 (2007): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0024.
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A school has no textbooks: the teachers are told “débrouillez-vous,” use the notes you took as a pupil. The pickup truck breaks down and will go no further: the passengers realize they will have to find another way home— “débrouillons-nous.” A resourceful man, who has learnt to turn his hand to a variety of things in order to survive, gives his job description with a smile as “débrouillard.” In the Democratic Republic of Congo the phrase “se débrouiller” has entered the realm of myth, joke, and national identity. The French words even puncture conversations in vernaculars. Congo has suffered from a long history of colonial oppression, economic mismanagement, political dictatorship, and most recently violent internal warfare.The Congolese know that they must learn how to manage on their own, to sort things out by themselves, to cope somehow, to get by. Such is the necessity of being able to deal with the unexpected or the unfortunate that Congolese joke—and many sincerely believe—that “débrouillez-vous” the “golden rule of resourcefulness” is written into the constitution. In a difficult situation they will remind each other of “Article Quinze.” Congolese people understand themselves as those who endure hardship, but have the resilience to rise to whatever comes their way, to cope with the unexpected. Indeed, so often does the unexpected occur that managing events as they happen rather than planning ahead for events that might not happen often seems the most effective way to cope with life.
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Stimpson, Owen. "Canada, the Congo, and Why Mining Is Good for Both Us." General Assembly Review 1, no. 1 (March 12, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tgar.v1i1.7971.
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Canada is one of the world’s leading mining powerhouses, but in order to stay that way it needs access to new mineral reserves - and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has trillions worth. Due to the scale of the DRC's mineral deposits, Canadian mining companies have sought to explore and develop assets in the Central African nation in the past. These Canadian firms, however, have been the subject to corrupt governments and other issues. In the past, Canadian governments have sought to protect Canadian mining assets in the DRC only when they came under attack. That is to say, Canada's approach to foreign policy in the DRC has been reactionary. This paper argues that Canada ought to take a proactive approach to foreign policy in the DRC by supporting institution building and economic development which will, ultimately, benefit both Canadians and the Congolese. Canadian mining firms will be able to develop new assets, increasing profits for Canadian workers and shareholders. On the other hand, the Congolese will benefit from stronger institutions, economic development, and the ability for their country to effectively allocate the capital generated from a robust mining sector.
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Godin, Marie, and Giorgia Doná. "“Refugee Voices,” New Social Media and Politics of Representation: Young Congolese in the Diaspora and Beyond." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 32, no. 1 (May 6, 2016): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40384.
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This article examines the role of new social media in the articulation and representation of the refugee and diasporic “voice.” The article problematizes the individualist, de-politicized, de-contextualized, and aestheticized representation of refugee/diasporic voices. It argues that new social media enable refugees and diaspora members to exercise agency in managing the creation, production, and dissemination of their voices and to engage in hybrid (on- and offline) activism. These new territories for self-representation challenge our conventional understanding of refugee/diaspora voices. The article is based on research with young Congolese living in the diaspora, and it describes the Geno-cost project created by the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) and JJ Bola’s spoken-word piece, “Refuge.” The first shows agency in the creation of analytical and activist voices that promote counter-hegemonic narratives of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, while the second is an example of aesthetic expressions performed online and offline that reveal agency through authorship and ownership of one’s voice. The examples highlight the role that new social media play in challenging mainstream politics of representation of refugee/diaspora voices.
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Wabasa, Salomon Mampeta, and Fraternel Amuri Misako. "Défis D’une Orthodoxie Éthique Et Académique Chez Les Universitaires Congolais (RDC)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 14 (May 31, 2017): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n14p59.
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In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the huge gap clearly observed today, but which in fact is the result of a cumulative process of recent decades between what is expected and what is done on academic freedom, is a cause for concern for African learned community and beyond. Trying to impose orthodoxy as reference, both ethically and academically in the Congolese changing university space, presupposes to consider the governance (nature/quality) of Congolese society in which the university is only seen as one of the main observation windows. As a prerequisite for successful reimplementation of the professional codes of ethics among scholars, we believe that any awareness campaign would not cause the breakup of disreputable practices dominating the Congo’s higher education if courageous, even unpopular but salutary reforms are not undertaken upstream. Even if scholars are to be questioned on their duties (Social Responsibility), it remains that their material conditions of living and working are not conducive to the rigorous application of ethical and professional principles for an effective exercise of academic freedom as a right. Material misery would induce moral misery and intellectual poverty, thus trapping academic freedom.
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Graham, Aubrey P. "Hostile visual encounters: fighting to control photographic meaning in the DRC's digital age." Africa 89, no. 2 (May 2019): 266–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000056.
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AbstractOn 16 July 2013, Simone Schlindwein, a German journalist, used her mobile phone to photograph a conflict-related image in the Democratic Republic of the Congo that later contributed to local riots and to her hasty exit across the border. From the ‘front’, she uploaded the photograph to her Twitter account and caused a melee of virtual and on-the-ground controversy that at record speed came to involve the United Nations, members of the Congolese diaspora, the Congolese army, the M23 rebel army propaganda office, and the residents of the region. This article starts from her image to ethnographically examine the resulting events and responses, both online and in the city of Goma. In so doing, it engages the heated regional debate as to whether the image was objectively captured or if the violence depicted was simply ‘playing for the camera’. Addressing the simultaneous online movement of the image through social media and news sites, the article argues that the combination of the socio-political climate, conflict and the uncontrollable narrative of the image created a perfect storm in which the entangled regional politics suddenly became visible.